The recent Governorship election in Anambra state, held on Saturday, November 6, 2021 was meant to be a major turning point for Nigeria. Most commentators said the election would be characterized by violence or that it would amount to a blow-out for Nigeria and the entire South East. Pundits told everyone to be careful. There were permutations about voter turn-out, the preparedness of the electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the character of the main gladiators in the contest and their supportive stakeholders, divided as they were and still are, along religious, ethnic, clannish and party lines. A few days to the 2021 Anambra Governorship election, indeed, every one prepared more or less for war, and bloodshed. The police deployed over 34, 500 personnel, 45 Commissioners of Police,48 ACPs, 2 DIGs, 5 AIGs, 3 Helicopters.  The Civil Defence Corps sent in over 20, 000 men.  The Department of State Security deployed its men and women. The Office of the National Security Adviser announced that any non-state actor who made any attempt to test the will of the state will be met with maximum force.

Previously, the President of Nigeria and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, Muhammadu Buhari, had given clear directives to that effect. All of this is understandable. Anambra in the lead up to the election had proven to be a major security challenge, a hotbed of violence and grief, and a key spot for self-determination agitators, operating under the umbrella of the Indigenous Peoples Organisation of Biafra (IPOB) and the Eastern Security Network (ESN). We were faced with a test of wills, between the state and those non-state actors who were seemingly determined to use the November 6 election to humiliate the government of the day, in a spectacular manner. This was not, to borrow from the rich repertoire of Nigerian English, “a laughing matter”.  

I became part of that drama, in spite of myself when the Chairman of Arise News, Nduka Obaigbena decided to team up with the Chairman of Channels TV, John Momoh to do a joint Governorship candidate debate ahead of the election. Meetings were held on both sides and on a certain Wednesday, we were supposed to meet online and do so repeatedly to fine-tune the arrangements. At our end, we held a long meeting which involved policy, management, technical crew and operational persons. Yemi Ajayi, Director, News (Lagos) and I were mandated to meet with the Channels Team later in the day. And we did. Online. It wasn’t a very pleasant meeting.  The Channels Boys rejected every proposal that we made. They decreed that Anambra was too toxic and unsafe and on no condition would they ever risk anything to go there for a debate.

We argued that at Arise, we were determined to go in there to prove that an election was possible and that the security situation could be managed in a way to give confidence to the electorate. We were told to forget it. They gave us the option of a debate to be organized in Lagos or Abuja. Mr. Ajayi and I told them to check with their Chairman. They said they were “the Supreme Council” of Channels TV, and whatever decision they took was final. I found that curious. Then they made matters more complicated by pointing out that they did not want Reuben Abati as the moderator from Arise TV. They would prefer another co-moderator to join Seun Okinbaloye from Channels TV. I was left with no option but to state categorically that long before many of the persons from the other side joined Channels TV, I used to moderate interviews for Channels TV, and analyse elections for the same station and I have letters of appreciation and commendation to show for this, signed by the same Chairman they say has no say in anything decided by a “Supreme Council.” It was also useful to point out that I was the first and only mainstream journalist so far, at that time who had moderated a Governorship Manifesto Defence Debate in the Anambra 2021 election. On September 25, 2021, Arise TV had in fact organized a Governorship debate in Anambra State in collaboration with the Kwechiri Unity Forum, aired live on Arise TV, Anambra State Television, and Ogene FM. I was the main anchor. As it turned out, the proposed collaboration with Channels TV, which could have been a phenomenal demonstration of partnership, innovation and the pooling of talents from both sides, in a unique show of solidarity within the Nigerian media, did not happen. Arise TV decided to move ahead. And we did.          

During the last weekend of the month of October, leading up to November 1, Arise News deployed personnel and materials to Awka for a Gubernatorial debate involving three of the leading adjudged candidates in the election, chosen across platforms by experts and pundits: Senator Andy Uba of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Professor Charles Soludo of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), and Mr Valentine Ozigbo of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), in that alphabetical order. The debate was held at an undisclosed location, under tight security. Held in conjunction with a Civil Society Group, Enough is Enough (EiE) led by Yemi Adamolekun, the debate was broadcast live simultaneously on Arise TV, Anambra Broadcasting Service (ABS) and Ogene Radio, 98.3 FM. I was co-moderator of the debate alongside award-winning Arise TV anchor, Ngozi Alaegbu.  I understand the debate was successful and memorable, and that is my own modest way of avoiding Agama-lizard-like self-praise. The three candidates provided both information and drama, exquisite television gold moments, and diverse, controversial feedback that set the tone within the days leading to the election. It was a notable demonstration of how the media can help set agenda, act as a catalyst for nation-building and peace-making, and help generate positive momentum in society. Those who said going to Anambra to do a debate would be suicidal missed the point. The debate was delivered without any untoward incident. We went into Anambra, with security arrangements provided by the Nigerian Army.  Nobody harassed us. Nobody intimidated us. For us, it was the first sign that the election will be held without tragedy and that enough effort had been put into preventing any calamity. In the weeks leading to the election, there had been killings in Anambra, attacks on jails and communities and tension at a higher degree that raised anxiety levels.

Of interest and relevance in this regard is the massive deployment of security personnel, the announcement by the Indigenous People’s Organisation of Biafra (IPOB) that it had suspended its proposed sit-at-home order originally scheduled for November 5 – 10 across the entire South East. IPOB not only withdrew the order, it became a mobilizing agent urging Ndi Anambra to turn out en masse to vote on November 6. IPOB had the support of traditional rulers, market women, mothers of Anambra, civil society groups. The Nigeria Police also became an arm of INEC. It placed enlightenment jingles in the media to mobilise voters. On Saturday, November 6, the scheduled election took place – in over 5, 000 polling units, 21 Local Government Areas, with 18 candidates in the race, thousands of election monitors and observers, with the international community watching. There were glitches during the election: late deployment of voting materials, malfunctioning of the Bi-modal Voters Accreditation System (BVAS) -  a fingerprint and facial recognition device introduced by INEC to replace the Z-pad, lateness of officials in commencing accreditation, electoral malpractices including vote buying (even if in one polling area, Anambra women openly rejected monetary inducement!), disruptions in some registration areas – Idemili North, Idemili South, Aguata, Anambra West, conflict between Electoral Officer and Collation Officer in Orumba North, and generally a poor voter turn-out of between 10 and 15% in most of the polling units.

The big consolation was that the worst that was expected did not happen. Anambra did not become a killing field. The political parties and the politicians did not engage in bloodshed. Very few incidents of intimidation, violence and ballot snatching were reported. The surprising thing after a fashion is that when everyone writes off Nigeria and there are fears about Nigeria tottering at the edge of the precipice, about to tip over, this country always pulls back. It has happened before now during every election season. It has just happened again in Anambra state. The explanation for this must be an interesting subject for sociological inquiry into political behaviour and power negotiation systems. In Anambra: This is what happened - by 12: 20 am on November 8, 2021, the Returning Officer for the Anambra State Gubernatorial Election, Professor Florence Obi, Vice Chancellor of the University of Calabar, had announced results in 20 LGAs. The election in Ihiala LGA did not take place in all 20 Registration Areas due to the outbreak of violence in that border area of Anambra State (the border with Imo State), and on that basis alone, the Anambra Gubernatorial election of November 6, 2021 was declared inconclusive.

INEC has announced a supplementary election in the affected LGA to take place today, Tuesday, November 9, 2021. It would appear as if the election has been lost and won already but it is important that no local government area is excluded, and that nobody is willfully prevented from exercising his or her franchise. This is the point of the Ihiala Supplementary Election: inclusion, fairness, representation and legitimacy.  We do not look forward to any earth-shaking developments in Ihiala LGA today. Still, the security agents must remain vigilant. The political parties and the candidates must keep faith with the peace agreements that they signed ahead of the election: brokered by INEC and also, the National Peace Committee led by General Abdusalami Abubakar. Even with the results from 20 LGAs announced and published by the INEC, which shows the candidate of APGA in a firm leadership position, it would be to the eternal credit of all the candidates involved in the process that they and their supporters gave peace a chance and proved the bookmakers, naysayers and sooth-sayers wrong on Anambra election 2021 till the very last minute.

Already, Professor Charles Soludo of APGA, has been reported as winner in 18 LGAs of the state, including Aguata where he and the two other leading candidates hail from and the strongholds of some prominent politicians in the state – Anaocha, Orumba South, Idemili and Njikoka. Soludo is unlikely to repeat the “21- over-21-feat” of the incumbent Governor Willie Obiano in the 2017 election, but he is comfortably in the lead with over 50, 000 votes. Nnewi North was declared for Senator Ifeanyi Ubah (candidate of the YPP- Young Progressives Party) and Ogbaru for Valentine Ozigbo of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Soludo has also won the mandatory two thirds of the votes across the local government areas. Ihiala, the only remaining LGA has a registered voter number of about 148, 000. It will be a battle ground, but with voter turn-out estimated between 10 to 15%, even a 100% turn out may not change the existing reality. Soludo seems set to become the next Governor of Anambra State. If and when his victory is affirmed by the INEC, he would be the second former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria to emerge as Governor of a State. Before him there was, Clement Nyong Isong (1920 – 2000), Governor of the Central Bank (1967 -1975) and Governor of Cross River State (1979 – 1983).

Soludo, a First Class Honours graduate of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (1984) and Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (2004 – 2009) is a Professor of Economics.  He will be a welcome addition to the growing list of Nigerian technocrats who defy the characterization of the political arena as a dirty space that should be left to those who brand themselves as professional politicians, the majority of whom are in actual fact, hustlers, political parasites, national cake hunters and former henchmen and touts who managed to legitimize themselves. The best and the brightest in Nigeria should be the ones to occupy leadership positions, but as we have seen in Mexico, raw intelligence is however, never enough, not even technocratic brilliance is a perfect proposition. For about two decades, technocrats led Mexico substantially: Miguel de la Madrid (1982 -88), Carlos Salinas (1988 – 1994) and Ernesto Zedillo (1994 – 2000). China is another country where the technocratic stereotype holds sway. In Nigeria, we see a growing trend in that direction. I consider technocrats a positive presence in democracy and politics, a country should not be run by dinosaurs and speculators, expertise helps, but technocrats in politics must also have a high dose of emotional intelligence to be able to walk the tightrope of patron-client relationships. The technocratic elite in a political position carries a heavier burden: and if it fails, the regret is double-fold.                     

However, without prejudice to the eventual outcome of the Anambra Gubernatorial election 2021, given that the responsibility for making an affirmative announcement is that of the electoral commission, whoever becomes the next Governor of Anambra State has his job cut out for him. He must be a bridge-builder and the Governor of everyone. Anambra is sharply divided along clannish and religious lines. This is one state in Nigeria where it means a lot whether you are Catholic or Anglican or Pentecostal, or what part of the state you hail from. The next Governor of Anambra State must therefore promote unity and consensus. Security is also a major challenge. Anambra is often projected as the headquarters of the separatist IPOB group, and the hotbed of agitations. Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, the head of IPOB, is not even from Anambra. He is from Abia State. But it is the youths of Anambra who are carrying Biafra on their heads like the load of Sisyphus. And you may well argue that Anambra is the spiritual source of the idea of Biafra. The next Governor cannot ignore the security implications. Roads. Infrastructure. Direct investment, local and foreign. Internally Generated Revenue (IGR). Debt burden. Economic promotion: gas, rice, innovation. He must hit the ground running.

INEC has been put through the test in Anambra with electronic transmission of results and BVAS. It has lessons to learn. The security agencies have done well so far in managing the Anambra situation. They must not mess up as INEC conducts the supplementary elections today. The Anambra process should be a wake-up call for the South East leadership elite.          

Dr Bamidele Onalaja, the Lagos Chairman of Real Estate Development Association of Nigeria (REDAN) and CEO at RevelutionPlus Group blamed the collapsed 21 storey building on the performance of professionals involved on the project, also on the part of government.

Dr Onalaja made this disclosure during an interview on CityTalks with Reuben Abati.

According to him, the natural occurrence cannot be dismissed but it is very slim; “according to my experience and observation in this particular case,” he said.

The body of the developer of the collapsed property, Femi Osibona, the MD of Fourscore Homes was recovered four days after the incident occurred.

According to the Lagos Chairman of REDAN, Femi Fourscore wasn’t planning that the property should collapse on him and all the other staff involved.

He said, “There are three blocks of those high rises, 21, 15 and 16 unit of the high rises but that of the 21unit collapsed.

“The project is a multi-billion project that is given to experts. So, I want to assume that Femi gave the projects to expert; the architect and structural engineer.”

He added, “There is a project manager for that project, I want to assume, who coordinates the M & E, the mechanical and electrical consultant on that project.

“Now that Femi is gone, it is not possible for us to ask him questions.

“They should go to his office, get the books to find out who handled the project.”

According to Onalaja, there is a fundamental problem when a project requires 18mm rod and 12 is recommended and if the project requires 18.7 pilling and I am recommending 10; “there is no way such a project will not come down,” he said.

He said, “If the foundation is faulty, what can the righteous do?”

The CEO of RevelutionPlus Group stated that from a reliable source undisclosed, that the collapsed building got approval for 21 storey and not 15 or 16 as many has insinuated.

He repeatedly expressed concerns on professionals involved in the project.

He noted a lot of human error from the part of the foundation from the beginning could have been responsible for the collapse.

Co-founder and vice president of the Nigeria -Malaysia Business Council, Dr. Michael Aderohunmu said that Nigerians always have alternatives when they not able to transact as they should.

The economist said on CityTalks with Reuben Abati that Nigerians need to embrace the Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC) now as the eNaira, because it is the new norm.

 According to him, the idea behind the eNaira is to drive Nigeria cashless economy.

He said, “The world is going towards cashless economy and the objective of that is to make life easy for everybody.”

On the 25^th October, 2021, Nigeria became the first African country to launch a digital currency called the eNaira to upend commercial banking in Nigeria.

The digital currency will have the same value as the physical cash we use on a daily basis.

The Central Bank of Nigeria made it clear that the eNaira is not a cryptocurrency like Bitcoin, Ethereum, Dogecoin, or any other type of cryptocurrency, contrary to popular belief. It is not decentralized and cannot be controlled privately in the same way as cryptocurrencies can.

Dr Aderohunmu is of the view that the eNaira platform is going to be a platform that will drive all transaction, but the challenge is that; “how easy is it going to be for users to access this platform without being frozen or a challenge of bandwidth?”

He noted that the major thing to start with for every country that is going into digital economy; is the availability of bandwidth without interruption.

“As we go by the question, we need to ask is how do we link the advantage of a digital currency into the Nigeria economy itself. Because if you don’t have anything to sell, you are still exposed, the difference here is that it has reduced the pressure on naira compare with what we use to have,” he said.

The Federal Government of Nigeria has been in the eye of the storm with the international media recently, and there is a lot that can be extracted from that in terms of lessons and sub-text. I find that ironic considering the fact that between 2014 and 2015, in the lead up to the 2015 Presidential elections, the international media championed the cause of the main opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), the then Special Purpose Vehicle under which all the political terrorists of the time had come together. It was an infectious moment. But today, the same international media appears to be up in arms against the same process that they helped to promote and sustain. It seems to me that this says something about the politics of the media as institution, agent and business and the complex intersection between it, political stakeholders and society.

First, it was the BBC and the CNN throwing the Buhari administration under the bus on the matter of the October 20, 2020, #EndSARS protests. At the time and thereafter, officials of the Nigerian government insisted that nobody died at the Lekki Toll Gate during the protests against police brutality in the country and that both government and its agencies were completely innocent. But the international media promotes a different narrative, using security challenges in Nigeria as that thing that hangs around the government’s neck. And second, more recently, there was the matter of a report in the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) in which the Nigerian Air Force was accused of making payments to bandits in exchange for weapons, specifically an anti-aircraft gun that had been allegedly seized from the Nigerian military, and which was to be used to gun down the aircraft of the President of Nigeria who was scheduled to travel to his home state of Katsina for the Eid el Maulud.

The Wall Street Journal’s report was very enticing. It painted a picture of the helplessness of the government of the day in Nigeria with regard to security challenges. It stated that the Nigerian Air Force had to pay N20 million for a 12. 7 calibre anti-air-aircraft gun, and that the money was delivered as the leader of the terrorists sipped tea and his boys dismantled the seized arsenal for onward return. The ransom for the equipment was reportedly paid in crisp Nigerian notes totalling $50, 000. The terrorists after collecting the money, so states the report, aired a series of grievances against the Nigerian state. The WSJ report gave the impression that the terrorists are better motivated and equipped than Nigeria’s security agencies.

All of this was a week ago. The Nigerian Air Force, naturally and expectedly put up a robust response through Air Commodore Edward Gabkwet, its spokesperson. Commodore Gabkwet’s point is that the Nigerian Air Force did not strike any deal with either bandits and terrorists. He dismissed the WSJ report as fake news designed to cast aspersions on the image of the Air Force, totally false and utterly illogical. He appealed to the media, local, international and the social media, to be more circumspect and co-operate with security agencies in the battle against terror. To be fair, Gabkwet’s position is consistent with the position of the Federal Republic of Nigeria that it would not at any time, negotiate with any criminal who should be subjected to the due process of law. But there were other aspects of the WSJ report which the Nigerian state conveniently ignored. Could it be true for example that the terrorists, inflicting much anxiety on the land, are better equipped than the Nigerian military or any of its units? Is it true as the military readily claims, that the Buhari administration is winning the war? Or do the terrorists have an upper hand?

Within a week after the controversial report by the Wall Street Journal (WSJ), The Economist another influential Western publication led its October 23, 2021 cover with the title – “Nigeria: The Crime Scene capital of Africa.” The London-based news magazine described the Nigerian army as: “mighty on paper” but weak on the ground with its ranks filled with “ghosts on its payroll”. The magazine event went a step beyond the Wall Street Journal and accused the Nigerian military of selling arms and ammunition to the same terrorists it is supposed to fight. The Report accuses the Nigerian Police of being poorly trained, understaffed, under-paid and involved in the robbery of innocent Nigerians to augment salaries. The Economist was not nice at all. It accused the Buhari administration of ineptitude and mismanagement of the Nigerian economy. As expected, the Nigerian Army fired back. The Army spokesperson deployed all the grammatical epithets he could readily latch on to: “toxic concoctions”, “hatchet job”. “the antics of conflict merchants and agents provocateurs”, “failure to do due diligence”. The Presidency speaking through Garba Shehu followed suit by reiterating that the Buhari government deserves commendation for all the efforts it has made so far to ensure security in the country, and fight terrorism, an inherited situation, which its predecessors failed to handle but which the incumbent administration was dealing with in a decisive manner.

The Nigerian Government and its agents have a responsibility to defend the integrity of their operations. I would have acted exactly in the same manner if I was still in government. The Wall Street Journal and The Economist are reputable publications with a wide range of influence. The latter for example, is over 117 years old. The former is one of the most authoritative media platforms in the world. The Nigerian Government would have been remiss in its duty if it failed to push its own side of the narrative, and seek to defend itself, and provide alternative facts about the true situation of things in Nigeria. But the big question is: who is telling the truth? What is the truth? Are the foreign publications cooking up stories? Has the security situation in Nigeria improved on account of the many claims by the Nigerian Military? Patriotism is useful at the level of emotion and identity, but what is the truth? About the same time that the two Western publications were raising questions about the security challenges in Nigeria and the capacity of the government to address them, the international community had been treated to such reports as the bomb attack on rail lines between Abuja and Kaduna, the abduction and killing of persons in Goronyo/Gada Federal Constituency, jailbreak at the Abologo Custodial Centre in Oyo, and the threat by the indigenous people of Biafra that the group would declare a total shut-down in the South East if its detained leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu is not released by November 4. Even if the Wall Street Journal and The Economist added “pepper and salt” in their reports, the material fact is that all is not well security-wise in Nigeria. Take for example, the claim by The Economist that the police in Nigeria are understaffed, under-paid and that they rob the Nigerian people to augment their salaries. Is that true or false? What I have seen is that the Nigeria Police Headquarters has respected itself by keeping mute. While the military and the Presidency offered robust rebuttals, it would have been foolhardy for the Nigeria Police Force to make any claims of innocence.

The Report by The Economist coincided with the one-year memorial of the #EndSARS protest of October 20, 2020 in Nigeria. The original theme was police brutality, repression of the people by state agents, the widening alienation between the Nigerian people and those who govern them, and an institutionalised culture of impunity. On the occasion of the #EndSARS memorial in 2021, the police and other security agencies in Nigeria simply repeated the offence. In Lagos, a certain Adedotun Clement, a passer-by, Uber, ride-hailing driver was caught in the middle of the conflict. He was brutalised by the police and officials of the Lagos Neighbourhood Safety Corps, and bundled into a Black Maria. His lawyer, Inibehe Effiiong has petitioned the Attorney General of Lagos State, and issued a notice of warning to proceed to court if the state fails to address the specific demands that he has made on behalf of his client. His petition is supported by copious, documented, evidence much of which is in the public domain. As The Economist wrote that Nigerian policemen are “robbers in uniform”, there was also the reported incident of a comedian, popularly known as Mr. Macaroni (real Name Debo Adebayo) confronting a group of policemen who arrested a Nigerian and asked him to transfer a sum of N30,000 into their accounts. Electronic banking was introduced by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to facilitate financial inclusion, make transactions easy and promote trade and commerce, but unscrupulous uniformed officials exploit it as a tool of extortion and extra-judicial conduct. No man can be tried or punished for an offence that does not exist under the laws of Nigeria. With the Nigerian policemen laying ambush for the average citizen on the streets of the country, it is considered a crime to be seen with certain kinds of phones, or cars, clothing or accessories, even when no law forbids the freedoms of movement, association, or the right to own property. It may be difficult for the average Nigerian to verify other claims by the Wall Street Journal and The Economist about military capability, or the integrity of the Nigerian Army, but based on the evidence of their eyes, they can safely conclude that all is not yet well with regard to security in their country. Today, many are afraid to travel by road or rail to certain parts of the country. A Gubernatorial election is scheduled to hold in Anambra State on November 6. Some of the candidates are campaigning from a distance, far away from the same people whose votes they are asking for. When journalists, local and foreign, pick up these details and convert them into embarrassing narratives, it is counter-productive, beyond the denial, for state agents to morph into a combative mode. The right thing to do after the initial disclaimers and damage-control statements would be to subject the claims that have been made to careful scrutiny and analysis, for necessary leads. Journalists by the nature of their work, provide ready-made intelligence, and can be strong partners in the governance process.

It would not be out of place, however, to assume that the authors of the reports in the Wall Street Journal and The Economist are very lucky that they are not local journalists. If they were Nigerian journalists working in some of our media houses, they probably would have been invited for a chat by the security departments of state. And when that happens, anything can happen to them, or their family, the media houses they work for or their sources. Many journalists in Nigeria walk the tightrope. Foreign journalists do not face a similar baggage. They have strong institutions that support them. They have more room to speak truth to power. They do not have to look over their shoulders or suffer the indignity of being told how to think. This does not however make them perfect or necessarily better. Many of the so-called Western journalists reporting Africa to the world are biased or ignorant or both. They are victims of the dangers of parachute journalism. They travel around, make a few friends, pick up salacious gossip from so-called contacts, pretend to be good observers of a people and a system that they do not know, and then with the strong media institutions backing them, they compose narratives that promote profiles and prototypes. Their editors sitting in Europe and North America, who have no idea where Africa is, are driven by notions of Africa as the worst place where anything is possible, and so where there is small evidence within that framework, they are eager to build it up, play it up. The big problem in this regard is the imbalance in the global information order. Even with the democratisation of news and information on account of the cybernetic revolution and the rise of the digital space, there is great inequity in the flow of information and the relative impact of seemingly competitive media systems. The media in developing countries is grossly advantaged. Public officials in our countries – the more than 92 low to middle income countries of the world do not seem to get this or understand it. Hence, information management from their side tends to be overtly reactive most of the time, rather than being pro-active and constructive.

Information managers in Africa, be they soldiers or other agents, must learn to take charge of their own narratives. The dominant single story often promoted by the West is somehow a reflection of the inequities in every aspect of global relations.

While stating this, I am in no way making excuses for the glaring failure of governance and the crisis of poor leadership in developing and underdeveloped countries. The victimhood of this category speaks for itself on the terms of its own omissions. Nigeria needs not engage in altercations with The Wall Street Journal or The Economist. All we need to do is to fix this country and we will all be fine in the long run. But who will fix Nigeria?

Dele Farotimi Lawyer and Human Rights Activist declared that protests are for reactionaries and it is a waste of time.

Farotimi made this know in as a guest on CityTalks with Reuben Abati on City 105.1.

It's been a year since Nigeria was rocked by the historic #ENDSARS protest, a youth-led anti-police brutality action.

The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), a now-disbanded police tactical unit infamous for cruelty against criminal suspects, sparked the protest, which developed from social media campaigns into street rallies in October 2020.

The protest became a platform for demanding government action against insecurity, corruption, economic woes, and general maladministration blamed for the suffering of the majority of Nigerians and lack of opportunities for the youth. Although SARS activities and general issues of police brutality, including unlawful arrests, torture, and extrajudicial killings, were at its core, the protest became a platform for demanding government action against insecurity, corruption, economic woes, and general maladministration blamed for the suffering of the majority of Nigerians.

The Lagos based lawyer stated that the Nigerian state is deaf to change.

He further stated that he cannot go out protesting to a deaf entity.

When fielded with questions why there was a stacked division in terms of the response to the #ENDSARS protest in the northern region except the Federal Capital Territory: because the protest was more significant in south, rather than a national affair; Mr Farotimi was of the opinion that the northern region will not come out because most of them don’t understand what is going on and moreso they the issue of banditry, kidnapping to deal with.

In retrospect: according to the human right activist, “nothing has changed, every Nigerian is a victim of Nigerian.

“Each of us has become victimized by the abominable insanities that we have normalized

“Nobody can discount the humanity of the policeman.

“I have friends, family members who are police men and I know the deplorable conditions they live.

“When you demand that the humanity of a man be recognized and the man denies the humanity of the person from whom is demanding recognition, it doesn’t work like that.

“Is not about people not remembering that policemen who died, but we should ask ourselves; in what circumstances?

“Were the policemen killed by peaceful protesters for whom the likes of me will speak for?

“Or by miscreants they brought to disrupt the peaceful protest?”

He said, “I believe we have learnt several lessons, when you speak in relation to the Nigerian State and the rulers of Nigeria, it is either we conclude that they either learnt nothing at all or they are very deliberate in responding to what they did learnt by merely reinforcing the extent of their readiness to cow the citizenry.

“In so far as it relates to learning lessons, the enthusiasm of the Nigerian youth that felt the #Endsars movement has not being dampened, but they have learnt that they are not protesting to a benign moral force to whom appeals would elicit anything other than bullets.

“The events that terminated the protest have sufficiently advertised the nature of the country in which we leave.

“The state has done a fantastic job of reinforcing just exactly how little it has either learnt or how little it is prepared to change

“Because the same brutality that led to the end of the protest was on open display.”

Minister Lai Mohammed, Information Minister and Culture has said that were false and misleading as most of those who made the claims of losing people were yet to show up and give evidence a year after such allegations.

In a rebuttal concerning Mr Mohammed’s comment, Farotimi said; “In the first place there was a live Instagram feed, nobody has argued about that.

“In the second place, before the panel in Lekki the Nigerian Army was busy a probating and reprobating but eventually a fact was established in that place, that bullets were fired; fact established forensically.

“Secondly, there were hospitals who have brought their testimony before the panel, establishing clearly that they received gunshot injuries victims from the tollgate, established beyond reasonable doubt.

“I witness what happened on 20 October, 2020 and I listened to the testimony of DJ Switch.”

He added, “What will make an intelligent person like Raji Fashola, Honourable Federal Minister of works and Housing going to the toll gate to discover a camcorder that was not missing, if it is not a furtherance of a fraud to cover up what they did in that place.

“What else explains that level of iodophilia stupidity.

“Where is that camcorder today?

“Enough lies have been told that day to stitch together a very picture of the truth.”

“Credible intelligence at the disposal of the Command has revealed clandestine plans by some youths, individuals or groups to embark on a protest today in commemoration of one-year anniversary of ENDSARS… In view of the volatility of the situation in the country, and the breakdown of law and order which the planned protest might cause, the Lagos State police Command sternly warns against any form of protest… To forestall breakdown of law and order, the police will use legitimate means within their constitutional powers to suppress the planned protest. Therefore, parents and guardians are advised to warn their children against participating in the planned protest. Individuals or groups sponsoring such protest are also warned in their own interest to desist from such unpatriotic plan or face the full weight or wrath of the law.” – Hakeem Odumosu, Commissioner of Police, Lagos State.  

I read the foregoing quote with which this commentary is prefaced with a considerable amount of amusement and alarm: about how security agencies in Nigeria have lost the capacity to learn or show the civility that their work requires. But before that, the statement, being the Lagos State Police Command’s response to the plan by Civil Society Organisations to commemorate the first-year anniversary of the #ENDSARS protests in Nigeria, is written in perfect Yoruba transliteration, what the late Professor Dapo Adelugba referred to as “Yorubanglish”. The use of English as a second language can be problematic, and indeed as has been argued variously, “The Empire Writes Back” and has been doing so in interesting ways, creating varieties of English or “Englishes”. The short quote above is in a class of its own in that category. It reminds me of that popular local, Yoruba, antiphonal lyric: “Ko lo’mo kilo fo mo re o… oni a le.”

It is amazing how in a modern, democratic dispensation, those in charge of the levers of power consistently throw back to the ancient, monarchical ethos of dominance and authority. It is a reflection of how Nigeria has failed to modernise or educate its institutions and the rather absolute lack of enlightenment on the part of its personnel. Or could it be hypocrisy? Sycophancy? Or plain sight stupidity?  What makes it more shocking is that it is not only the Lagos Police Command that has issued a similar threat with regard to the #ENDSARS Memorial that is scheduled to be held tomorrow. There have been similar threats from the Osun and Oyo State Police Commands, a reflection of the mood of Nigeria’s security establishment. Except that their objection to the right of the people to protest is unlawful, condemnable and indefensible. We aver that there must be no display of stupidity on the part of the Police or any of the security agencies tomorrow as Nigerians choose to commemorate the tragic events of October 8 – 20, 2020, popularly known as the #ENDSARS protests.

The right to protest is a constitutional right within the purview of Section 38 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion); Section 39 (right to freedom of expression and the press); Section 40 (right to peaceful assembly and association); Section 41 (right to freedom of movement) and Section 42 (right to freedom from discrimination), all of which are tied to other fundamental rights in the 1999 Constitution including the right to the dignity of the human person in Section 34. In IGP v. ANPP, the Court of Appeal upheld the right to protest as a right guaranteed under the Constitution of Nigeria “without seeking or obtaining permission from anybody.” Further, Nigeria is signatory to several international conventions which affirm the individual’s right to protest as a major pillar of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the obligation of state parties to respect the right to protest and ensure that there is no violation by third parties.  The big problem that we face is that state actors in Nigeria do not always respect agreements or commitments, except it serves their own narrow, selfish interests.

Under Part II of the Fifth Schedule to the Nigerian Constitution, public officers swear an oath of allegiance to the country and to defend the Constitution. But they don’t. They act as if they are above the law. They disrespect the courts. They choose what aspect of the legal dispensation is convenient for them, often times, those aspects that grant them the lee-way to punish and dehumanise any person or group that they consider, in their own reckoning, an enemy of the state. Due to systemic failure, the institutions and officials who run the engine room of the state are the worst culprits. They play politics when they are supposed to be neutral. They misbehave beyond the margins of error. This then is my problem with the conduct of the Nigeria Police issuing threats that its men would “kill and maim” if anybody goes out tomorrow, October 20, to commemorate the #ENDSARS crisis of October 2020. Should the police even kill anybody, extra-judicially or issue unreasonable threats in the first place? It is the duty of the police to protect every protester and facilitate the people’s right to protest. The Nigerian Police are described as law enforcement officers, and friends of the people. When the same police institution breaks the law and becomes the people’s enemy, an ironic source of agony and frustration, and indeed a notorious chief lawbreaker, it is the very foundation of society itself that is shaken and compromised.

The army of young Nigerians who trooped onto the streets between October 8 and 10, 2020 sought to draw attention to this, even if there were regional differences. In the South, the Generation X and Z who led the protests focussed on the brutality of the Nigerian Police, elite corruption and irresponsibility, power abuse, and extra-judicial killings by state actors. Their counterparts in the North said they had no issue with the conduct of brutal policemen. A few others complained about the bad governance that has made the North a killing field and the hotbed of insecurity. They all asked for Change nonetheless – the common, unifying thread of the protests. It didn’t take long before the typical Nigerian factor overtook the protests. In parts of the North, a pro-establishment group of sponsored thugs eventually joined the protests and attacked civil society activists. In the South, the protests were also hijacked. Police clamped down on the protesters.  In the South, the protests later went out of hand, as #ENDSARS degenerated into organised attacks on the homes of politicians, and the business interests of innocent persons, many of which were either vandalized or razed down and the unveiling and looting of secret places and garages where politicians had hidden COVID-19 palliatives.  In a particularly notorious case in Lagos, a female lawmaker allegedly converted palliatives provided by the Nigerian state into gift items to be distributed during a planned birthday party! Lagos was the epicentre of the protests.

Lekki Toll Gate was the location where many Nigerian youths gathered in their thousands on a daily basis. Matters came to a head on October 20, 2020, when soldiers from the 81 Division of the Nigeria Army, Bonny Camp, Lagos, and a contingent of policemen, invaded the Lekki Toll Gate to disperse the protesters. There have been many versions of what exactly transpired at the Lekki Toll Gate, and a lot of blame games and denials.  Protesters claimed that the military and the police fired live bullets at protesters, and many died or were injured. Nothing has been more surreal.

In response, after the storm, the Federal Government, through the National Economic Council (NEC) directed that special panels of inquiry should be set up across the country, including the Federal Capital Territory, to look into the causes and effects of the protests and make appropriate recommendations especially with regard to compensation for identified and proven victims. While most of the states complied and set up panels of inquiry, the states of Kano, Kebbi, Sokoto, Jigawa, Yobe and Zamfara flatly refused to do so. In total, only 29 states and the FCT constituted the panels and tried to investigate the reported cases of police brutality. Essentially, only the Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution in Lagos State appeared to have made any serious effort. The eight-man panel led by Justice Doris Okuwobi considered about 230 petitions. The Okuwobi panel was given a period of six months to conclude its work, but it was still sitting as of this week, having been granted further extension till October 19, and so far, it has awarded over N400 million as damages to victims of police brutality.

The Lagos panel, and may be a few others, including Enugu and Ekiti, would seem to have shown a measure of commitment to the assignment. Other panels were hampered one way or the other, or they quickly ended their meetings. The panel in Taraba State struggled to conduct investigations but it complained about lack of funding. The panel in Imo state awarded N770.9 million as compensation after considering 145 petitions but there is no evidence that anybody has received any form of compensation. Ekiti state has paid part of the compensation decided upon by the panel of inquiry; but it is yet to pay the outstanding balance due to what they call “paucity of funds.” The panel in Ondo State recommend the payment of N755 million as compensation. As is the case in many other states, it is not clear if anything has been paid. So far, 28 states have so far managed to complete their assignments. Lagos State submitted an interim report, and has now closed shop.  

Whereas the Federal Government has taken the step of asking the states to set up judicial panels of inquiry, it is difficult, a year later to see whether any substantial progress has been made with the original five demands of the protesters viz: (i) immediate release of all arrested protesters; (2) justice for all deceased victims of police brutality and appropriate compensation for their families; (3) Setting up and independent body to oversee the investigation and prosecution of all aspects of police misconduct (within 10 days); (4) In line with the new Police Act, psychological evaluation and retraining (to be confirmed by an independent body) of all disbanded SARS officers before they can be redeployed and (5) Increase police salary so that they are adequately compensated for protecting lives and property of citizens. The key questions to ask are: where are we, a year later? Has anything changed?  I doubt if there is anyone out there who can answer these two questions with his or her full chest. The government of the day promised to address all the five demands. Has it done so? The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was disbanded and renamed SWAT, its officials were asked to report to Abuja for psychiatric evaluation, and redeployment. There is no evidence of success in that regard.

The main issue was the brutality of the police - their sadism and wickedness to the tax payers who maintain them. After the #ENDSARS protests, the wickedness of the police to the people simply went a notch higher. They have not stopped killing people indiscriminately nor have they stopped extorting the people. Even the language of oppression that they speak has not changed. It is as if Nigerian policemen are on a revenge mission against the people they are expected to protect. The #ENDSARS protesters asked for increase in police salary. Some noise has been made about the need to improve the welfare of policemen, and indeed this is important. Nigerian policemen are as much victims of the system as the same people who protest against them. #ENDSARS was symbolically about a lot that is wrong in our society, including the dehumanization of policemen. Many of them lost their lives. Police stations were burnt down. There are hundreds of police children and wives out there whose breadwinners died in the course of the #ENDSARS protests. Not all policemen are corrupt and unkind, indeed many actually empathised with the protesters in October 2020, an indication of the complex nature of that event. In matters such as this, however, the lines are never so clear cut. There are good and bad cops just as there are good and bad citizens. In October 2020, we saw all of that on display.

Without making excuses for anyone, the #ENDSARS looks more like the boiling over of the Nigerian crisis. The villain is the Nigerian state itself and its bad managers, who do not care enough about issues of justice, equity and accountability. While openly, the government claimed that it was working on trying to establish the truth and compensate victims, the same government and its officials constantly lied about the details of what transpired: who ordered the troops to Lekki Toll Gate? Did the soldiers use live bullets? Did anybody die? How about the persons who were reportedly taken to hospitals or persons who jumped into the Lagoon? Who invited the military into what was a civil incident? We may never ever know the truth about these matters, and that is the way Nigeria is. And it is why Nigeria has trust and accountability issues and the gap between the people and those they have elected to lead them continues to widen.  

One year after, it is appropriate to remember the history, heroism and drama of October 2020. The heroes are the young people of Nigeria, the civil society groups and celebrities, who stood up for the truth, those who dared to say No to injustice and brutality and the cruelty of the Nigerian Police. The villains are those agents of the state who fought and brutalised the protesters, the rent-a-crowd charlatans who sought to change the narrative and the state itself that supported a police force that behaves badly. The heroes are the members of the Feminist Coalition and the local and international agents who sustained the protest with cash, food, drinks and entertainment to keep the tempo alive. The villains are the charlatans who, even while government made conciliatory noises, demonstrated by their conduct, the gross hypocrisy of the state, by arresting #ENDSARS protesters and their bank accounts. Many #ENDSARS activists fled abroad and have not returned. Those who stayed behind have been told that they cannot even have a memorial symposium or any event otherwise they will face the full wrath of the law. And of course, there is that other crowd of junior Judases who betrayed their colleagues by colluding with the state.      

The Police should not re-open old wounds by intimidating, harassing and molesting anyone who chooses to remember, commemorate or talk about October 20, 2020. It is the duty of the police to ensure that protests are conducted peacefully and in an orderly fashion. Nigeria’s Inspector-General of Police should call his men to order. Happy #ENDSARS anniversary.

City FM is inviting you to a scheduled Zoom meeting.

Programme: CITY TALKS WITH REUBEN ABATI

Time: 11:45am

Guest: Umar Sani (PDP Chieftain & former spokesperson to former Vice President Namadi Sambo)

Topic: Chairmanship of the PDP

Date: 16 October 2021

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Kayode Ajulo, lawyer, politician and Civil rights activist is of the opinion that some states need that "declaration of emergency rule."

Ajulo made this know on Saturday as guest on CityTalks with Reuben Abati.

The Proposed state of emergency rule by the Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami have being criticized by the Governor of Anambra State, Willie Obiano and the Ohaneze Ndigbo.

Their arguments were referenced to the killings in Borno, Yobe, Plateau, Benue, Katsina, Niger and even in Kaduna State and yet elections were held in all those states and nobody contemplated a state of emergency in those states.

According to Ajulo’s views, “I’m sure that the legality of it is not the issue, What I think that everybody is concerned is the policalization of the issue of the state of emergency.

“The truth must be told, whether we like it or not, Nigeria is at war particularly some part of the nation is at war and declaring a state of emergency is very parity.”

The civil activist added, “I sympathize with them and I appreciate their sentiments particularly in the sense that Anambra state is not the only state in the federation where we are having insecurity challenges, the question today is that why should it be Anambra?”

City FM is inviting you to a scheduled Zoom meeting.

Time: 11:45am

Guest: Kayode Ajulo Esq

Topic: Proposed state of Emergency in Anambra

Date: 9th October 2021

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Pasto Ituah Ighodalo, Senoir Pastor of the Trinity House Church, is of the opinion that what Nigerian’s need is a good and competent President.

The clergyman as guest on City Talks with Reuben Abati is that talking about rotational Presidency, we are talking about dividing the pie and not making a bigger pie.

Zoning and rotational presidency has been on the front burner ahead of the 2023 election.

Some have argued that the presidency should be rotated between the North and the South

And some other people have questioned the legality of zoning.

According to their substantive argument, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has no room for zoning or “rotational presidency”. What it provides for in Section 14 (3) is the necessity to reflect Nigeria’s federal character in the composition of the government and its agencies. The aim of the federal character clause, as underscored in Section 14 (2) (c), is to ensure the participation of the people in their government.

Pastor Ighodalo stated that it doesn’t matter to him, where the gentleman or lady comes from, as long as they are competent; they are welcome.

He mentioned that “It is an unfortunate reality where some sections of Nigerians for whatever fear or anxiety or whatever the British may have instilled into their minds, feel that except they are in certain key positions they will not be reassured that they have a stake in Nigeria or they feel they may be marginalized.

“Nobody should feel that way and if any President no matter where he is coming from, marginalizes any part of Nigeria or any person in Nigeria, then that person is not fit for purpose. We should be looking for person that is fit for purpose.”

He blamed the root cause of agitation on competence.

According to him, “Nigerians are feeling a little bit agitated that the Fulani wants to dominate almost everything.

“But the truth of it is that, if the northerners or Fulani have shown competence, and a lot of equity in the distribution of things, and not seem to have shown themselves as wanting to favour a group over the other, nobody will be complaining.

“If most of the appointments they have made had been based on competence and not necessarily parochialism or showing preferences here and there nobody will complain, but it is clear that most of the appointments that have come through; have not really being based on competence.”