
Admin
Entry Age: Data Shows Over 45,000 Students Under 15 In SS3
Pegging the entry age for tertiary education has been generating concerns in the country in recent times, with many saying 16 years is the way to go as against 18 years stipulated in the National Policy on Education.
The issue escalated last year when the immediate-past minister of Education, Prof. Tahir Mamman, during a monitoring exercise, discovered that children below the age of 16 were sitting for the UTME. He raised concern about it and emphasised the need to maintain the 18-year threshold in the policy.
“That’s the stage when students migrate from a controlled environment to where they are in charge of their own affairs. So, if they are too young, they won’t be able to manage properly. That accounts for some of the problems we are seeing in the universities,” he said.
However, this generated a lot of outbursts from parents, students and stakeholders as they said children who have finished Senior Secondary III should not be left to stay at home as a result of age.
However, the present minister, Dr Tunji Alausa, reversed the decision, sticking to 18 years as the entry age and recommending 16 years.
He further summoned a National Council on Education and made a proposal that the 16-year policy on admission into tertiary institutions should be incorporated into the National Policy on Education.
He said: “I am sure many of you have heard about the challenges we face as a nation with talented, bright students being disenfranchised from pursuing tertiary education. In any society, it is crucial to standardise the education of highly functional and exceptionally gifted students.”
“We are now preventing these students, after finishing secondary education at the age of 16, from attending university until they are 18. This delays their development and harms their future. These students are capable and brave. If we leave them idle, we risk exacerbating mental health issues,” he said.
However, the council in a communiqué at the end of its meeting, approved that 16 years be incorporated in the National Policy on Education.
Learners’ age in SS3 in senior secondary schools
Nigeria currently operates the 9-3-4 system, which consists of nine years of basic education, three years of senior secondary education, and four years of tertiary education.
Looking at the trajectory, a child is supposed to start primary 1 at the age of 6 years meaning the child will be 17 at SS3 depending, and is expected to be 18 years at the time of entering tertiary institution.
However, a current report on Senior Secondary Schools in Nigeria shows that many students who are below the age of 15 are already in SS3.
According to the 2023/2024 Senior Secondary Schools data on the age of learners produced by the National Senior Secondary Education Commission (NSSEC), 45,354 Senior Secondary III (SS3) students are below 15 years (meaning they are between 13 and 14 years).
Such students will be sitting for the Senior School Certificate Examination (SSCE) and Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) between the age of 14 and 15 years.
The data shows that the 45,354 below 15 years learners were from 30 states while there is no data for seven states.
The breakdown of data according to states shows that Rivers State has the highest number with 14,168, while Bauchi followed with 6,252 learners and Kaduna with 3,806.
In the fourth place is Lagos with 3,372, followed by Cross River 2,422, Kwara 2,119, Kogi, 1985, Ekiti 1,782, Nasarawa 1,775, Sokoto, 1,706 and Anambra 1,476.
Others are Katsina with 1,433, Zamfara 854, Osun 848, Borno 642, Enugu 276, Taraba 243 and Gombe 198, while 11 states of Abia, Adamawa, Bayelsa, Benue, Delta, Ebonyi, Edo, Niger, Ondo, Oyo and Plateau have zero of under 15 years learners in SS3. Also, six states and FCT have no data under them.
With the above data, it is expected that many under-age learners will be writing the UTME to seek admission into higher institutions.
Recall that the Registrar of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, revealed that over 11,000 underage candidates have registered for the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination.
“It has become a common thing now, where parents whether mothers or fathers are registering their underage children, sometimes due to pressure or other reasons,” he said.
Reactions
Reactions have continued to trail the underage learners seeking admission into tertiary institutions.
A parent, Mr Timothy Abah, said underage learners are found everywhere because of the introduction of crèche and early child education, which exposes children to early learning.
He said he prefers a child to be 18 and mature before going to university but that the reality on the ground weakened his preference.
“Nigerian students suffer so many factors when they get into higher institutions like strikes, insecurity and sometimes crises that keep them away from school and so a child who has been projected to complete his studies at the age of 22 years, may extend to the age of 25 and after he will still wait for one year service, which you cannot guarantee is immediately and after industries will peg employment to 25 years,” he said.
He said it is difficult to do the right thing and so he has to accept 16 years but nothing less.
Another parent, Eucharia Azubuike, said 18 years is the best age to enter university because the child’s brain will be mature enough to handle challenges.
She blamed the surge of underage learners on parents and school owners who are pushing children to school earlier than it is supposed to be.
As a student then, there are many who are in their 20s and don’t even know how to handle issues while in university, so imagine a 16-year-old in university, no doubt he or she can do well academically because they read and studied, but you will see they are lacking in other things.
An educationist, Michael Sule said 16 years is appropriate because there are children who become so intelligent so early and may complete their secondary education before 15 years and it would be wrong to keep them at home because of age.
“The only thing is if a child fails to pass the examination and meet the required marks, he can stay back and rewrite but not stopping them because they are considered underage,“ he said.
Meanwhile, A Mother’s Love Initiative (AMLI), an NGO dedicated to addressing the challenges of raising stable and balanced children in Nigeria, has raised concern about the federal government’s pegging of the entry age to 16 years.
A letter to the federal government seen by the Daily Trust signed by the Chief Executive Officer of AMLI, Hanatu A. Enwemadu Esq, said: “We firmly believe that every child deserves the opportunity to receive education at the right age and level of maturity, ensuring their ability to effectively manage their affairs and thrive in their academic pursuits.
“We are writing to express serious concerns regarding the National Council on Education’s (NCE) resolution on February 6, 2025, which you chaired, to establish a 16-year minimum admission age for tertiary institutions.”
It raised some questions which include, what will be the corresponding appropriate age for primary school enrollment, how will this policy affect Nigerian students pursuing education abroad, given potential age-based placement discrepancies and how does this policy compare internationally? Could its implementation be detrimental to Nigerian children and youth development?
It, therefore, urged that they carefully consider the policy’s potential impact on the well-being and development of Nigerian children and youths.
They requested that the federal government consider commissioning research on early university admission, evaluate the School for Gifted Children, and investigate post-JAMB exams, research on age and academic success and international comparisons.
Meanwhile, the Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, has said the ministry is working with JAMB to work out cases of gifted children.
He said: “There’s this 2% that will superbly tell you they’re the geniuses of the world. They operate and function at a higher capacity than any one of us in society. We have to make provision for them, but in a country like ours, that is being abused, we want to stop those abuses.
“Now JAMB has been mandated to do this gifted children placement test, which will be very objective. So if you have gifted children that you want, think or believe they qualify to get to university before the age of 16, they will have to go to that exam.
“If they pass those exams, yes, but if they don’t pass that exam, that will not happen. So we have to create an objective pathway to cater for these gifted children,” he said.
[DailyTrust]
Russia takes back Kursk region from Ukrainian forces
Russia said its forces have taken back more than 800 square kilometers of territory from Ukraine in the Kursk region of western Russia, which had been taken by Ukraine since an incursion began last year.
The head of the General Staff’s main operational directorate, Colonel General Sergei Rudskoi, said that Russia was advancing in all directions and that Ukraine had been pushed into a defensive stance since February 2024 amid a major Russian offensive that reclaimed considerable territory.
According to Rudskoi, Russia now controlled 75% of Ukraine’s Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson regions and more than 99% of the Luhansk region.
He added that the four regions are now legally part of Russia and will never be returned to Ukraine.
“Last year was a turning point in achieving our goals. The Kyiv regime will no longer be able to significantly change the situation on the battlefield.
“The enemy has largely lost the ability to produce the necessary weapons, equipment, and ammunition. Mobilization is usually forced,” Rudskoi said.
Rudskoi stated that the future of the conflict no longer depended on Ukraine but on whether or not the West would agree to craft a new European security architecture that took into account Russia’s interests.
[DailyPost]
[OPINION] How best to immortalise Ayo Adebanjo - Ikechukwu Amaechi
Nigerians have been falling over themselves eulogising two of the country’s elder statesmen who died in the last one week. It is as if there is a national essay competition to determine who will pen the most moving panegyric. Citizens have been regaled with heartfelt tributes that share memories, stories and achievements of Chiefs Ayo Adebanjo and Edwin Clark.
To be sure, Adebanjo and Clark – two of a kind – were all that have been said about them, and even more. They were greatness, grace and patriotism personified. And their departure at such a critical time has created a gaping void because their big shoes will be difficult to fill.
But despite their incredible achievements, both men went to their graves with huge regrets at what Nigeria had become. As Chief Adebanjo told me on the eve of his 95th birthday: “I am still in the trenches because the country is not what I fought for.” What he and fellow compatriots fought for was a country that will work for all. That remains an illusion. If anything, the prospect of Nigeria becoming a country where equity, fairness and justice prevail is still far-fetched.
Both men were blessed with longevity. In a country where life expectancy hovers in the 50s, it takes the grace of God to become a nonagenarian. Born on April 10, 1928, Chief Adebanjo died on Friday, February 14, 2025, less than two months from his 97th birthday. Pa Clark, who also died at 97 was only eleven months older, having been born on May 25, 1927.
In the course of my journalistic odyssey, I encountered both men but I will talk about Pa Ayo Adebanjo here, while I leave the story of Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark, a man who saved my life in 1997, for another day.
Chief Adebanjo who was born barely six years after the Clifford Constitution and the first legislative elections in Nigeria, lived through the finest and ugliest moments of Nigeria’s history – the constitutional conferences, struggle for independence, party politics leading to independence, the civil war, military rule, return to democracy, the struggle for the protection of democracy, and the bigger struggle of ensuring the development of Nigeria. He joined the struggle early in 1943 as a Zikist, but in 1951, he became a member of the youth wing of the Action Group, and a mentee, political disciple of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. That became the defining moment of his life.
As a young journalist at the Independent Communications Network Limited, ICNL – publishers of TheNews/TEMPO magazine, AM News and PM News – in 1996, I could not but appreciate the significance of the Western House building on 8-10 Broad Street, Lagos. TheNews was embedded in the pro-democracy struggle and Western House was the de facto headquarters of the foremost pan-Yoruba socio-cultural group, Afenifere, and the National Democratic Coalition, NADECO.
Many of the chieftains of these two groups that were engaged in a mortal battle with the military junta of Sani Abacha, most of them lawyers, had their offices in that complex. It became a natural destination for journalists seeking for news. Chief Ayo Adebanjo’s office was on the third floor. When you start from there and climb up to the offices of Senator Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele – a lawyer, who also acquired a diploma in journalism in 1962 and worked as a journalist for the BBC and VON Magazine, before becoming a deputy governor in Lagos State, and Chief Ganiyu Olawale Dawodu, popularly known as G.O.D. – your day would have been made.
In those days, I developed a strong liking for Adebanjo because he was an interviewer’s delight, shooting from the hip. I remember doing a story in the TEMPO tabloid titled, ‘June 12: The Saints and Villains’. He was one of the ‘saints’. Once when I went to his office, he gave me a ride back to Ogba.
When I left TheNews magazine for The Diet newspaper in 1997, I never met Chief Adebanjo again until February 9, 2022 when I sat down, once again, with the now 93-year-old man in his Lagos home for a two-hour interview. Of course, at 93, a lot had changed physically: he was slower, one step at a time; hard of hearing, but still had a razor-sharp mind. There was a whiff of frustration and he spoke about death in a way he didn’t even in those days of thunder and trepidation.
Chief Adebanjo insisted that Nigeria was at a crossroads and needed restructuring urgently. He dismissed the 1999 Constitution as a big fraud that is at the root of all the country’s woes. “Talk about any problem you can think of in this country today and you will find out that it has to do with this Constitution,” he intoned gravely.
Unless the Constitution was changed and the country restructured first, the 2023 election would be “an exercise in futility,” he said.
“Tell me that Ayo Adebanjo is talking nonsense, it does not concern me. When it will happen, I may have gone but you will be around and you will remember that I said it… I am pitying your generation because I am done. At 94, what I am expecting now is my funeral dirge. Baba rele! That is the song they sing for an old man they are going to bury.”
But when I sat down again with him one year after on February 13, 2023, a few days before the February 25, 2023 presidential election, Chief Adebanjo had slightly moderated his position.
Apparently, he was taken in by the dubious promises of the INEC chairman, Prof. Mahmoud Yakubu. “I am hopeful,” he said. “So far, so good. I am hopeful because of the electoral law. If they keep to it, implement it and execute it, the elections will be free, fair and credible.”
A credible election will bequeath the country with a Peter Obi presidency, he told me. And when that happens: “The first thing that Obi will do when he gets into office is to call all the ethnic groups together and agree on a Constitution. Any other thing to the contrary, there will be chaos. I have said it before and I am repeating it without any element of doubt in my mind. If for any reason, the election is scuttled or manipulated, and Obi doesn’t win, I say emphatically, that is the end of Nigeria. If we don’t enthrone fairness, equity and justice which the Obi presidency will represent, all our problems will continue.”
When I asked him if he was being harassed by the Nigerian state because of his very strong views, he smiled: “They know that I am ready for them. Most governments in this country imprisoned me. I am a jailbird. I was involved in the Awolowo treasonable felony trial. Abacha imprisoned and detained me. You remember they arrested me, they said we killed Abiola’s wife. And when we were holding a reception for Ambassador Walter Carrington in my house, they came there and broke the place… I think they have given up on me. They must be telling themselves, that old man, he will soon go.”
Besides, Adebanjo said if someone like him cannot talk about Nigeria, who else will? “I have every reason to be grateful to God. My leader – Awolowo – was only 78 years when he died. Ajasin who followed him was only 88, Adesanya who followed him was 88. My friend and colleague, Olanihun Ajayi, was 92. I will be 95 years in April 2023. Why should I not thank God? It is only the funeral dirge that I am waiting for now. If I die now and my children say, oh, the devil has done his worst, will you not laugh at them? So, anybody who is trying to attack or kill me is just wasting his time.”
Chief Adebanjo said if Nigerians failed to vote right on February 25, 2023, when the result would come, he would be enjoying himself in the grave. Those immortal words were uttered exactly two years to the day he died.
Since his death, Nigerians have been talking about how best to immortalise him. There are suggestions that national monuments be named after him. That will be great because he deserves every honour. But for a man who never aspired to any public office – elected or appointed – changing the name of ‘River Niger’ to ‘River Ayo Adebanjo’ or even ‘Aso Rock’ to ‘Ayo Adebanjo Villa’ is immaterial. The most enduring way to immortalise him is to enthrone equity, fairness and justice by restructuring Nigeria in a way that the country works for all. That is what he lived, fought and died for. That is what will make him happy wherever he is now.
Trump orders halt to federal funding for undocumented migrants
US President Donald Trump signed an executive order aimed at identifying and eliminating federal funds being used for undocumented migrants, the White House said.
The order “directs Federal departments and agencies to identify all federally funded programs currently providing financial benefits to illegal aliens and take corrective action,” according to a White House fact sheet issued on Wednesday.
“It ensures that Federal funds to states and localities will not be used to support ‘sanctuary’ policies or assist illegal immigration,” the document said.
It also “mandates improvements in eligibility verification to prevent benefits from going to individuals unlawfully present in the United States.”
The order is to ensure that “taxpayer resources are not used to incentivize or support illegal immigration,” it added.
The order is the latest in a string of actions on immigration since Trump took office last month.
The New York Times reported that undocumented immigrants are largely not eligible for federal benefits, with only some exceptions allowed for emergency situations.
[Vanguard]
[OPINION] Lessons from life and politics of Adebanjo - Jide Oluwajuyitan
Chief Ayo Adebanjo, progressive politician, elder statesman, patriot, and unarguably, a foremost nationalist regarded by many as voice of reason but no doubt a controversial politician died at 96 last Saturday. Adebanjo, who started as a Zikist in the years Dr Azikiwe ‘elezikify’ Nigerian press before embracing Awoism in 1951 ended as an enthusiast of Peter Obi, an equally gifted master of political intrigue and propaganda, lived a fulfilled life.
He was one of the last surviving nationalists. Although he might have not won all his battle for a more inclusive, fair, just and equitable Nigeria society, I am sure he will rest well realising he has been succeeded by his some of his equally talented sons including our current president who understands that the Afenifere philosophy is not about Yoruba irredentism but about how Nigeria can fulfil her destiny, by returning to the ‘path to Nigeria Progress’ never taken.
Awoism with its Afenifere-slogan (wanting the best for others as one wants for self) is an ideology propounded by Awolowo and his colleagues including Pa Adebanjo Chief Anthony Enahoro, Chief Bola Ige Chief Abraham Adesanya Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, Bishop Gbonigi, Reuben Fasoranti, Chief Alfred Rewane, etc. It celebrates public goods which find expression in free education, health, rural development welfarism and prosperity for all. Awoism, also celebrates values of federalism, regional autonomy and self-determination.
The transformation of Western Region in the First Republic to one of the most educated part of Africa within 10 years was the reason for thinking that foisting it on the rest of the country would transform the nation especially the marginalised and exploited minorities in the north and the east. Sadly, they fought and defended it for over 50 years with only scars of war from Nigerian state to show for their pains.
With the conspiracy of dominant hegemonic power and dominant Igbo ethnic group during the 1958 independence constitutional debate, the coalition of the two after independence, and the destruction of Action Group and its leaders by the coalition partners shortly after independence, the minorities that saw hope for freedom in Awoism, decided it was in their best interest to find accommodation with their overlords.
The east and the north were opposed to federalism. The former wanted a unitary system where citizens of their landlocked country would be free to thrive in other people’s land, and the latter, the feudal leaders of the north didn’t want their sense of entitlement to power in Nigeria questioned.
The collapse of the First Republic and the civil war meant diminishing relevance of Awoism. The outcome of the 1979, 83, 93, and 99 elections saw the minorities massively voting for dominant ethnic groups in their respective geo-political zones. The military backers of the unitarists and confederalists only brought more confrontation between them and Awoist ideologues misrepresented as arrogant Yoruba trying to impose their culture on the rest of the country.
This misrepresentation was widely promoted by Igbo and their northern hegemonic ruling class counterparts to delegitimize MKO Abiola’s unprecedented landslide 1993 electoral victory leading to the annulment of the most credible election in the nation’s history, the justification for imposition of the contraption called Interim National government, and the unilateral imposition of Obasanjo as Yoruba candidate who, without support of his Yoruba base, literarily climbed the palm tree from the top by winning the election.
Of course, Obasanjo known for his vindictiveness ensured the Yoruba leading lights of Awoism were humiliated after the 2003 election when all the five governors of AD progressive states were overrun by PDP with exception of Lagos’ Tinubu.
Although Pa Ayo Adebanjo is on record for thanking Tinubu for liberating Yoruba from Obasanjo, he didn’t still believe Tinubu had done enough to earn the highly coveted position of Yoruba political leader. He therefore didn’t believe even with Tinubu’s achievement, there was a need for a change of strategy. Pa Ayo Adebanjo could not stand being told he was wrong when his children proved they could on their own win vote in Yoruba land after abandoning the carcass of his AD. For him, it only got worse when his children settled for Afenifere Renewal Group.
Pa Adebanjo forgot he was dealing with a highly discriminatory voters who Awo, the sage said would not vote for you because you are Yoruba if you have no agenda that will impact positively on his life. In 2015, he crossed the red line no Yoruba leader had ever done by decreeing Yoruba must not vote for Buhari but Atiku. His directive was of course ignored.
Although he correctly predicted that Buhari would betray Tinubu, but he underestimated Tinubu’s capacity for political intrigue that often put his political opponents in disarray, ahead of his political foes. Baba moved from blunder to blunder advising Yoruba who could make an informed choice between Obi candidacy with his uninspiring legacy in Anambra, his prostituting with PDP from where he crossed over to Labour Party to harvest undeserved 94-to 95% of Igbo votes and Tinubu and his legacies in Lagos, his silent persecution under Buhari government he helped to install and his betrayal by southwest governors he mentored and brought to national attention. Tinubu who managed to win four of the Yoruba sates was not expected to do more than that among his highly discriminatory Yoruba voters.
For the 2023 election, the Hausa Fulani hegemonic ruling class and their ever-willing Igbo brides were ready to forget their differences to fight Awoism, the perceived common threat.
The Igbo threat in the event that the presidential ticket of PDP, a party they faithfully served for 21 years was not ceded to the southeast, found expression in Igbo voting massively for Peter Obi, one of their own while call for justice and fairness counted for very little among the hegemonic power in the north who believe that democracy is about group interest and therefore had no problem rallying round Atiku Abubakar.
Pa Ayo Adebanjo along with Obasanjo joined forces with Igbo leaders and the Obidients in an effort to delegitimize Tinubu’s hard-earned victory by unpatriotically attacking the integrity of INEC and the Supreme Court, two institutions critical to survival of democracy in any society. They in addition openly called for military take-over. Atiku and his supporters headed for America in search of evidence to show Tinubu did not have a degree.
Unfortunately, Pa Adebanjo forgot his Yoruba people never had leaders they could not handle. If such leaders became too powerful and could not be controlled, they would adopt the help of the talking drum while such leaders danced until they discover they dance alone albeit naked.
Yoruba’s recent history is replete with examples. There was not too long ago Ogun Oba koso, the powerful and tyrannical Alaafin of Oyo who committed suicide when he discovered he was dancing naked. We had SLA Akintola, a foremost Yoruba irredentists, a terror to the colonial masters and their preferred northern hegemonic power. Yoruba culture detests biting the finger that once fed you. Following his legal removal from office, he was accused of seeking the help of northern hegemonic feudal lords to upstage Awolowo, his principal. He literarily committed suicide when he took up arms against trained soldiers during January 1966 military coup.
There was also Uncle Bola Ige, loved by the young and the old for being an unrepentant Yoruba irredentist whose major weapon against Yoruba detractors was his caustic tongue. His decision to spite his fellow Yoruba cult of elders to take up national appointment under Obasanjo against the warning of their late leader, Obafemi Awolowo attracted the anger of his fellow elders. He was believed to have been murdered by the state following his attempt to retrace his way back to fold.
Our consolation is that Pa Adebanjo, who like his leader believed that you can only be a good Nigerian if you were first a good representative of your people, will today be comparing note with his leader in the great beyond, a task he anxiously looked up to while with us here.
I have no doubt Awo would be pleased to let him know that he is pleased that Awoism has been repackaged by someone not on the succession line, in a new language now more pleasing to the ears of those who only yesterday complained Awoism jarred their ear lobes.
Awoism, beyond service and search for an egalitarian society, is true federalism, regional autonomy, fairness and distributive justice, virtues without which any nation can progress,
And lastly, Yoruba leadership often comes from behind and seldom from the aristocratic class. Awo the sage himself never had money to attend primary or secondary school at a time his age mates were securing six A1s from Government College, Ibadan Kings College Lagos and proceeding to London to study law. Tinubu is haunted by his poor background and derided by those who could not find his name in Government College Ibadan.
Rivers crisis paved way for my freedom, says Fubara
Governor Siminalayi Fubara says he enjoys ‘’freedom’’ in governing Rivers State because God allowed the political crisis in the state to happen.
Recalling the efforts of Primate of the Anglican Communion Church of Nigeria Henry Ndukauba to end the crisis, Fubara said: ‘’God has a way of doing his things. Maybe if we had got peace, I wouldn’t be enjoying the freedom that I am enjoying today.’’
He spoke on Tuesday night when Ndukauba led bishops of the Anglican Communion to pay him a visit in Government House, Port Harcourt.
But hours after the governor’s comment, the Martins Amaewhule-led 27-member House of Assembly reconvened and restated that all Fubara’s appointments were contemptuous of courts’ judgments and extant laws of the state.
It went a step further to direct the Clerk of the House, Emeka Amadi, to disclaim the appointees through a publication.
While addressing the Primate, Fubara said: “I start first in a very unusual way to say thank you. This appreciation would have come much earlier. Many of you here may not understand why I am thanking him.
“When the crisis started, as a man of God who believes that the two main parties(Fubara and his immediate predecessor, Nyesom Wike) are people from his communion, he made several phone calls and booked several appointments but none of them was granted to him.
‘’I want to thank him for what he did even though it didn’t yield the required result, but you see God has a way of doing his things.
“Maybe if we had got peace then, I wouldn’t be enjoying the freedom that I am enjoying today.
‘’So at times, God will be saying let the trouble be there so that there will be peace. But that is not to say that we encourage trouble.
‘’ Peace remains the best thing, both internally and externally because it attracts development.”
The governor expressed happiness that the Diocese was holding its Standing Committee Meeting in Rivers State at a time when his government needed prayers to keep functioning.
He said Bond of Peace which is the theme of the meeting, was apt as daily events and occurrences indicated that peace was urgently needed in the country.
Fubara said God was directing the activities of his government and that he would not take the glory and power.
His words “ I thank the church for standing with us. Your prayers are greater than the noise-making or the protest that we are engaging in.
“ You all are seeing the kind of governance we are providing. It is the governance of peace and freedom for people to operate. Ours is a government that listens and admits at any point we are at fault and makes amends.
‘’We are not seeking for attention.’’
Primate Ndukauba explained to the governor that they appreciated his achievements in the state.
He said: “Despite the challenges that you are facing, we thank God that you have kept focus and you are executing the things that you needed to do as the executive governor of this state.
“ God has the power to raise and to remove, but it has pleased Him that you are there today.
“Though the situation may be challenging, we have seen the enormous work that you are doing and we thank God for you. We will continue to pray for you.”
[TheNation]
[OPINION] Money ritual as a gap in knowledge - Abimbola Adelakun
The recent arrest of an Ilorin-based cleric, Abdulrahman Bello, who allegedly murdered and dismembered Ms Yetunde Lawal, a final-year student at Kwara State College of Education, in the same town has seen us doing the same things we do virtually every time the situation arises. We point accusing fingers at religion and certain sectarian beliefs, culture, society, and one another while wheeling out the squeaky machines of ethical reforms in the bid to charge ourselves to good behaviour. Religious and traditional rulers have been making routine calls for moral reforms.
According to reports, Ilorin Emir Alhaji Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari not only condemned the killing but specifically directed Islamic leaders to ensure their sermons are more pointedly focused on moral values, ethics of hard work, and respect for humanity. Indeed, such moral charges are urgent in a society where the life of a whole human—if one goes by the amount of money Bello allegedly sold the young woman’s dismembered body parts—is far cheaper than that of goats and cows.
The fantastical imagination that money can be procured out of the air rules our society with a force that propels men to do some really terrible things. That is why one cannot entirely rule out the possibility that Bello was into the so-called money rituals even though he—like most who have been arrested for the same crime—looks seriously impoverished. Every single person who has been arrested due to their claims of possessing power to make money through supernatural means always looks like they would faint if they ever saw a million naira (just naira o!) in cash laid out at their feet.
When these things happen, we never get to know anything about the apprehended killer beyond labelling them as misguided youths looking for money. There is a serious shortage of knowledge about these individuals and their circumstances that leads us to assume that this is always what they say it is. But what if these guys are bipolar and have a history of delinquent behaviour or anti-social character? For instance, if it is true that Bello has a collection of women’s property stored in his bedroom as a trophy, that might be a pointer to the nature of his psychopathy. We might be dealing with an extreme case of misogyny, a man killing a woman (or women) just to feel like a man.
In Nigeria, once we diagnose “money ritual” as the standard explanatory paradigm for a type of homicide, all judgment on what else might be at play gets suspended. We turn to ourselves and begin to preach about our materialism and how we ought to shun the path of quick wealth, sermons that will find no feet to stand on the complex grounds of Nigerian reality. How do you sincerely preach the virtues of hard work to people who have seen industry systematically diminished by the socio-political and socio-economic processes? Even our religious and traditional leaders who make the call embody the same phenomenon of wealth without work. They are also the ones who legitimise the crooked people who have managed it to build wealth.
The truth is, you do not need to “work” in the traditional sense of being productive before you can be wealthy and celebrated in present-day Nigeria. You only need to be connected to a grid of individuals whose social network allows them to access the political power that allocates resources. Nigeria is that one place where you can sleep poor and wake up stupendously rich, and that is only because you managed to get into bed with the right person. Since such magical transformation is not seen to be produced by anything tangible other than mere social connections, it acquires a spiritual character.
The yawning gap in the reality of the route it takes to become wealthy is what the likes of Bello exploit by claiming they too have the power to connect others to the source of such wealth. Since you have a moneyed class who do not produce, pretenders of various hues also claim the expertise of the charms of creating something out of nothing. That is why our society is currently swarming with snake oil merchants, charlatans, crass illiterate and self-commissioned prophets, and simonist preachers, all of them promising to help us access magical prosperity.
In all the various calls for moral reforms, nobody seems to be asking professionally trained experts in the academy and elsewhere to divine the nature of the problem we are dealing with so we can accurately direct our moral reform efforts. What if the individuals amid the various instances of the killings for so-called money rituals are just people with varying levels of mental health issues? What if much of what we call “money rituals” are just psychopathic manifestations that very much interact with our larger cultural psychology?
From the reports, it seemed self-evident that this is another case of money ritual. But certainty can also be the enemy of truth. Is there a method to the killing that suggests that there are other psychological factors at play? This is not me asking to be perversely entertained with the lurid details of a homicide, but accounting for the underlying psychology of the alleged killer.
There have been different instances of women killings that were chalked down to ritual murder. At a time, women’s corpses would be found in hotel rooms where they had been killed by a supposed paramour who lured them into those places. Knowing how our morally pretentious society reacts to the news of a woman visiting places like a hotel, some of those murders merely became avenues for sermonising to women about their virtues and the companies they ought to keep. But what if some of those killers are merely hiding behind the popular narrative of ritual murder to perpetrate other sick fantasies? We should not foreclose the possibility that some of these people are sick men who found an outlet for their proclivities through spiritual work.
In Western societies, where serial killings also take place, and where they do not have terms like “money ritual” in their vocabulary to explain seemingly senseless killings, they are more prone to exploring such delinquency more objectively. Fans of crime documentaries will readily testify to the methodical ways they approach those killings to find the killer and understand their underlying motivations. For us, it is always just “money rituals”, as if society and its people cannot also be more complicated. Part of the problem is that the police do not report a forensic investigation into these crimes. Virtually everything we get to know comes from gossipy uninformed media networks more interested in catering to sensationalism than offering clarity. But what if, in our bid to provide a moral explanation for the murders and advocate for ethical reforms, we are lumping different things into the big basket called “money ritual”?
Let me make it clear that asking for some clarity into the nature of the malady that disturbs these killers is not a call for their exoneration. The point is not to give them an alibi that allows them to walk free but to arm the observing society to speak of these things beyond the standard (and superstitious) explanations.
A correct understanding of the substance of psychopathy will go a long way in addressing how, in diagnosing money rituals, we use official means to propagate what might be objectively untrue. The trouble with making money rituals the standard explanatory paradigm is that it becomes a self-reproducing truth. There are people out there who will think there might be some truth to the whole affair and indulge in it too. They will, of course, never make any money but will take lives testing the bunkum!
Madrid, PSG, Dortmund clinch UCL spots, last 16 draw holds Friday
The UEFA Champions League is poised for an exhilarating Round of 16, with the draw scheduled for Friday, February 21, 2025, at 12:00 CET in Nyon, Switzerland.
This draw will determine the matchups between the top eight teams from the league phase and the eight victors from the recent knockout phase play-offs.
Knockout Phase Playoffs Recap:
The knockout phase play-offs delivered intense action as teams vied for a spot in the Round of 16.
Here’s a summary of the results:
Paris Saint-Germain vs. Brest:
PSG showcased their dominance with a commanding 10-0 aggregate victory, including a 3-0 away win in the first leg.
Real Madrid vs. Manchester City:
In a high-stakes encounter, Real Madrid triumphed with a 6-3 aggregate score. Kylian Mbappé was the standout performer, netting a hat-trick in the 3-1 second-leg victory at the Santiago Bernabéu.
PSV Eindhoven vs. Juventus:
PSV overturned a first-leg deficit to win 4-3 on aggregate. Defender Ryan Flamingo secured the decisive goal in extra time, leading to a 3-1 second-leg win that eliminated Juventus.
Feyenoord vs. AC Milan:
Feyenoord pulled off a surprising upset, advancing with a 2-1 aggregate score. After a 1-0 home victory, they managed a 1-1 draw at San Siro, sealing their progression.
Bayern Munich vs. Celtic:
Bayern faced a resilient Celtic side but advanced with a 3-2 aggregate win. Alphonso Davies was pivotal, scoring a late equalizer in the second leg to ensure Bayern’s place in the next round.
Club Brugge vs. Atalanta:
Club Brugge demonstrated their strength by winning both legs, culminating in a 5-2 aggregate victory over Atalanta.
Borussia Dortmund vs. Sporting CP:
Dortmund secured their spot with a solid 3-0 aggregate win, highlighted by a 3-0 triumph in the second leg.
Benfica vs. AS Monaco:
In a thrilling contest, Benfica edged out Monaco with a 4-3 aggregate score, following a 3-3 draw in the second leg.
Teams Advancing to the Round of 16:
The following teams have progressed to the Round of 16:
The draw will pair each seeded team with an unseeded team, setting the stage for compelling matchups in the Round of 16.
Notably, teams from the same national association can face each other at this stage, opening the possibility for high-stakes domestic clashes on the European stage.
The first legs of the Round of 16 are scheduled for March 4 and 5, with the return legs on March 11 and 12, 2025.
Seeded Teams (Top 8 from League Phase):
Liverpool (England)
Barcelona (Spain)
Arsenal (England)
Inter Milan (Italy)
Atlético Madrid (Spain)
Bayer Leverkusen (Germany)
Lille (France)
Aston Villa (England)
Unseeded Teams (Knockout Phase Play-off Winners):
Paris Saint-Germain (France)
Real Madrid (Spain)
PSV Eindhoven (Netherlands)
Feyenoord (Netherlands)
Bayern Munich (Germany)
Club Brugge (Belgium)
Borussia Dortmund (Germany)
Benfica (Portugal)
The upcoming draw promises exciting matchups, as seeded teams will be paired with unseeded teams, setting the stage for thrilling encounters in the quest for European supremacy.
As anticipation builds, fans worldwide eagerly await the draw to see which paths their teams will take on the road to the final, set to be held at the Allianz Arena in Munich on May 31, 2025.
[Punch]
Senate to begin public hearing on tax reform bills February 24
The senate committee on finance says it will begin a two-day public hearing on the tax reform bills on February 24.
Sani Musa, the committee’s chairman, spoke about the scheduled hearing on Wednesday.
“We intend to take on two of the bills on each day of the session for the press to be fully abreast with what we intend to do,” the senator said.
“It is our duty as legislators to do the needful for the good of this country. We are all representatives of different tribes, religions, geography and we are Nigerians.
“What we will work towards giving Nigerians are laws that will put us on track economically. And by the grace of God, we will succeed.”
Musa said sufficient funding would propel Nigeria’s economy, including infrastructure, education, and agriculture, to what obtains in developed nations.
He also expressed optimism about the public hearing, citing President Bola Tinubu’s assurances of non-interference in the tax bills processes.
The lawmaker added that the committee has invited Wale Edun, minister of finance and coordinating minister of the economy; Jumoke Oduwole, the minister of industry, trade and investment; and Lateef Fagbemi, attorney-general of the federation (AGF) and minister for justice, to the hearings.
“We have also invited the minister of petroleum resources, the chairman of Federal Inland Revenue Service and the statistician-general of the federation so that he will be able to come and give us his own submission,” he said.
Last week, the four bills — the Nigeria Tax Bill, the Tax Administration Bill, the Joint Revenue Board Establishment Bill, and the Nigeria Revenue Service Bill — scaled second reading at the house of representatives after an extensive debate by lawmakers.
On October 3, Tinubu asked the national assembly to pass the bills, which the senate approved for a second reading in November.
The bills initially faced opposition from the national economic council (NEC) and northern governors, who argued that the proposed laws could harm the region’s interests.
They urged the national assembly to reject the bills, demanding fair and equitable implementation across all regions.
However, in January, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) endorsed the bills after agreeing on an “equitable” VAT-sharing formula.
[TheCable]
[OPINION] As Babangida Re-echoes the Past… - Olusegun Adeniyi
Today in Abuja, ‘A Journey of Service: An Autobiography’, by General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, will be publicly presented. With the book coming 32 years after Babangida ‘stepped aside’ in August 1993, it means that more than 70 percent of Nigerians were not witnesses to the events in the narratives, given our young demographics. Like everything Babangida, as I wrote last August, after the publishers sent me a digital copy (planned pages) of the book while requesting for a blurb, “opinions are bound to be divided about his (Babangida’s) interpretations of some epochal events which discerning readers could argue leave more questions than answers.”
Divided into five parts and 13 chapters, the foreword by General Yakubu Gowon highlights why Babangida’s book is important. “Given the monumental and historical changes that General Babangida presided over, it is only natural that many Nigerians of different generations would be eager to learn first-hand the motivations…and the reasons behind these far-reaching decisions, and events, some of which shook the nation to its very foundation,” Gowon wrote. But the question remains: Will readers be satisfied with the explanations provided by Babangida for some of these ‘far-reaching decisions’? Perhaps the more pertinent question is: Why is Babangida publishing his memoirs now after admittedly rebuffing earlier entreaties from friends, associates and family members to ‘tell his story’? He provides an answer in the prologue. “We live in a country where primarily uninformed commentators are often the final judges of events (that) they know nothing about,” Babangida wrote. “But because I had the honour to lead a chapter in our national journey, my brief encounter with authority and responsibility may interest those with fair minds.”
The account of Babangida’s early years is quite fascinating as he weaves post-colonial political developments with historical and cultural events that shaped his growing up in what is now Niger State. He also explained why he had to change his surname from Badamosi to Babangida in January 1964 because almost everyone he encountered assumed him to be a Yoruba man! But none more revealing is the account of his life at Bida Provincial Secondary School where his classmates included Abdulsalami Abubakar, Sani Bello, Mohammed Mamman Magoro, Garba Duba, Sani Sami, Mohammed Gado Nasko and Mamman Jiya Vatsa—men who, like him, later joined the military and, at different times, held critical positions in Nigeria.
Interestingly, last Tuesday marked the 49th anniversary of the assassination of General Murtala Muhammed in the coup led by Lt Colonel Sukar Bukar Dimka. Drafted by General T.Y. Danjuma to foil Dimka’s coup, Babangida provides revealing insights on the conversation with Dimka, a friend and one of the groomsmen at his wedding (to the late Maryam) in 1969. Not only was Babangida listed among those to be killed that day but was in fact one of the reasons for the coup. Dimka reportedly told Babangida that he was a most hated military officer for being too favoured by their superiors, especially Danjuma. “How could you be a member of the Supreme Military Council?”, Babangida recounted Dimka asking him in those tense moments inside Radio Nigeria premises in Ikoyi, Lagos. But beyond the narrative of the coup, how it was foiled and the subsequent trial of culprits, Babangida also shared insights on how Danjuma (whom most officers preferred) insisted that Obasanjo, rather than him (Danjuma), should be Head of State in the meeting held to replace the assassinated Muhammed.
As an officer during the coup that toppled the First Republic, the countercoup that brought in General Gowon, the civil war that followed and the subsequent coups in which he was a direct participant, Babangida’s accounts of that era are quite profound. For instance, it was Danjuma who proposed the elevation of the late Shehu Musa Yar’Adua from the rank of Lt Colonel to Brigadier General (later, Major General) to become the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, apparently for ethno-religious balancing in the country. This speaks to the character of Danjuma who chose to be the number three man in Nigeria when he could easily have been number one. Meanwhile, six months earlier, following the overthrow of Gowon, when senior officers canvassed that Muhammed should head a collegiate leadership of himself, Obasanjo and Danjuma, he (Muhammed) rejected the idea at a meeting Babangida said lasted several hours, insisting that as Head of State, he (Muhammed) would not share power with anyone.
Expectedly, Babangida’s book details his rise to power in 1985 as a military president and the reform programmes initiated while in office. But the most consequential chapters are ‘The Challenges of Leadership’ and ‘Transition to Civil Rule and the June 12 Saga’. The issues addressed in the first (chapter ten) include the death of Dele Giwa, a personal friend with whom he spoke often on phone and met a few times; the Gideon Orkar coup that tried to divide the country; the OIC Palaver; the 1989 SAP (Structural Adjustment Programme) riots, the Nigeria Airforce C-130 plane crash involving 151 mid-career military officers and what he described as “a deep personal sense of betrayal”—the coup involving his friend, Mamman Vatsa whose execution he sanctioned.
Readers should find out his take on Dele Giwa’s assassination and other issues but on Vatsa, Babangida painted a picture of close friendship that started from childhood and how at some point in their lives they both shared a room. “We would reach out for whatever shirt was available, irrespective of whose it was, and just wear it and head out! We were that close,” Babangida wrote while explaining how he found out later that Vatsa was always jealous of his achievements. He also explained the encounters he had with Vatsa when there were rumours about the plot and the mediatory roles played by others before the coup unravelled. “Being intermediate and senior officers, they were fully aware of the consequences of planning a coup and failing,” Babangida wrote to explain why Vatsa had to die by firing squad. “That is one of the most elementary lessons every military officer knows by heart.”
Perhaps the account most Nigerians have been waiting for is that on June 12 and Babangida renders it in chapter 12. The central character in the narrative is General Sani Abacha. In fact, according to Babangida, Abacha annulled the June 12 (1993) presidential election! I leave readers to find out the details and reach their own conclusions.
From cover to cover, each page of Babangida’s memoir promised more and more insight into the military and the Nigerian state. He also highlights some of his foreign interventions, including initiating ECOMOG which helped to end the war in Liberia and Sierra Leone. And he sheds light on several domestic issues regarding his administration—convincingly in some, not so in others. He also lays the boot into a number of key players of that era, in a few cases, with innuendoes. But in a way, Babangida also knows that in the eyes of most Nigerians of a certain generation, his stewardship will forever be defined by ‘June 12’ on which he expressed regrets. “If I have to do it all over again,” he wrote, “I’d do it differently.” Sadly, in statecraft, rarely do leaders get a second chance to make a first impression.
Meanwhile, I wrote four books on that elastic transition to civil rule programme which ended with the death of Abacha. The first, ‘Fortress on Quicksand’ was on the futile efforts by 23 presidential aspirants in the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC) before they were all disqualified and banned from contesting elections. The second, ‘POLITRICKS: National Assembly under Military Dictatorship’, detailed the intrigues of having a civilian legislature with Babangida as a military president. The third, ‘Abiola’s Travails’ was published to mark his (Abiola’s) 60th birthday at a period he was in detention. ‘The Last 100 Days of Abacha’ completed the series. I have combined (and edited) them into one book that will be released in June this year.
Writing a memoir—especially by those who have held leadership positions at the highest political levels—involves walking back through countless challenges and tough decisions. With his memoir, Babangida has shown proof of a retirement spent reflecting on a nation that gave him everything; and to which he gave his best, notwithstanding the ironies of history. Regardless of how some readers may perceive Babangida, his ‘Journey of Service’ provides historical context to some of the issues that dogged the administration he led. His recollections may not provide all the answers, and there are aspects many will dispute, but at least he has reopened the conversation about a troubled and troublesome era in Nigerian history.
Adebanjo’s Glorious Exit
I have had the privilege of close interactions with Afenifere leader, Chief Ayo Adebanjo for more than three decades and as I wrote in my tribute to him when he marked his 90th birthday in April 2018, he is a man of unbending conviction who neither sits on the fence nor tiptoes around issues. On Nigeria, he is a passionate advocate for restructuring the country along the federal arrangement we had in the First Republic before the military interruption. Last Saturday, we had our usual conversation in which I argued, as I always did, that as defective as the current structure may be, with good governance and a leadership that appreciates and properly manages our diversity, we can still attain peace and prosperity. But for the first time, and Adebanjo must have noticed, my argument lacked conviction so when he sounded off with his usual refrain, “Ọwọ́ yín ló dẹ̀ kù sí. Àwa ti se ti wá” (It’s now in the hands of your generation. Mine has done its best.) I had a troubling time processing our conversation thereafter…
=====================================================
The foregoing is excerpted from my presentation at the annual conference of the Nigeria Union of Journalist (NUJ) Lagos Chapter where I was guest speaker on 20th October 2021. But in the weeks following that presentation, the late Adebanjo kept calling that he needed to see me. So, on 8th March 2022, I heeded that invitation by going to Lagos and returning to Abuja immediately after our session that lasted about three hours. Quite naturally, our discussion centred on the past, present and future of Nigeria. Although we kept exchanging calls until a few months ago, that happened to be the last time I saw the old man until I heard about his death last Friday. Adebanjo deserves a proper tribute from me and I will do that at the appropriate time. But for now, I join in extending my commiseration to his family. As I told his son, Segun Adebanjo, (a friend from our campus days at Ife in the late eighties) last Friday on phone, “Ẹ̀yìn bàbá ti dára.” May God comfort the family he left behind.
Between ARCON and Business Owners
Following my recent column, ‘Creating a Ganu-Si Economy’, which dwelt on how most government agencies serve as impediments to entrepreneurship, some supporters of the Advertising Regulatory Commission of Nigeria (ARCON) have written several articles in ‘response’. Although none has been sent to me, perhaps because ARCON is relying on third parties, I read them. And they all miss the point. By arguing that my friend who owns a restaurant attracted the hefty fine of N1 milion on two occasions because she circumvented the law that required payment of N15,000 fee and submission of the ‘promo’ for ARCON vetting, they make their case even worse.
In the ‘2024 Budget of Professional Bodies/Councils of Agencies Removed from the FGN Funding’, released by the Budget Office of the Federation, ARCON is number one on the list. While it projected a gross revenue of N1,096,166,050, the agency proposed a total expenditure of N3,716,582,290. With that humongous deficit of N2,620,416,240 between revenue and expenditure, one can only sympathise with ARCON for its increasing desperation. The agency has the second highest expenditure and the highest deficit of the 26 professional bodies on the list. While other professional bodies generate their revenues mainly through membership dues and align expenditure with their revenues, ARCON has had to resort to levying a tax, which it calls vetting fees, on whatever it defines as advertisement or exposure on any platform, including on the social media pages of individuals and small businesses, just to rake in money.
The fact that each message/post deemed as an advert by ARCON will attract a vetting fee says it all: this is more about revenue than about vetting. It is equally insightful that the punishment for not submitting even social media posts for clearance is 50 times the vetting fee. Equally interesting is that ARCON can threaten to arraign ‘defaulters’ before its own tribunal, which can impose fines and even jail terms. ARCON and its defenders are clearly not perturbed by the implication of such threats and taxes for big and small businesses operating in our tough environment.
The Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms, Taiwo Oyedele, summed up my position last Thursday at the inaugural Economic Roundtable/2025 macroeconomic outlook event of rating firm Agusto & Co., held in Lagos. For the benefit of ARCON and its defenders, here is what Oyedele said: “Nigeria’s tax system is unconducive for growth. We are trying to grow, but we’re struggling, and the tax system is holding us down. It has plenty of taxes and taxing agencies everywhere you turn. It doesn’t matter whether you’re small or big, whether you are formal or informal; we tax anything and everything that moves. If it keeps moving, we tax it even again. We tax it even more. We’re speaking to small business owners, and one woman said something to me that I will not forget. She said that it feels like the Nigerian system and the government are feasting on businesses. And I challenge anyone who wants to do a social experiment. Just do a banner; anything that comes to mind will be tailoring. Just write it and place it by the road. Find a plastic chair, sit back about two meters away, and watch what will happen within two days. I promise you, at least five agencies will show up, from business premises to advert levy to permit. You have not even found one customer. One of my hopes and dreams for this country is that in my lifetime, you put up that banner and you receive calls from different government agencies, one asking you whether you know about credit facilities for your sector. ‘We have this capacity development for people doing your business. Would you be interested? Do you need any access to this and that?’ Let’s support ourselves to prosper…”
Those are not my words; they are the words of Oyedele who is one of the leading authorities on such matters today. And it could not have been an accident that he cited ‘advert levy’ as one of the examples of the ways government agencies make life difficult for owners of small businesses in Nigeria.
To demonstrate that ARCON has mutated into a revenue-generating agency, below are the vetting rates advertised by the agency effective 1 January 2024. It was segmented into seven categories. Under ‘Career Matters’, Exam Registration Fee will attract N10,000; Examination Late Registration Fee, N20,000; Examination Subject Fee, N15,000; Exemption Fee, N15,000; EMR, N350,000; EMR (Non-Nigerian), N1,000,000; Accreditation Fee (Higher Institution), N1,000,000. For ‘Annual Practice Fee’, Associate Member will pay, N20,000; Full Member, N30,000; Fellowship Member, N50,000 and Membership Certificate Re-Issuance, N50,000. For ‘Corporate License’, Application will attract N100,000; Fee for three years, N450,000; Consultancy, N225,000; Inspection Fee (Lagos), N200,000; Accelerated Inspection Fee (Lagos), N300,000; Inspection Fee (Outside Lagos), N300,000; Accelerated Inspection Fee (Outside Lagos), N500,000; Corporate License Re-Issuance, N100,000.
But it is clear that ARCON targets businesses to fund the bulk of its hefty budget, since advertising professionals are not that many and since it secured legislative backing to vet and tax anything featured anywhere that it describes as advertisement. For ‘Advertisement Vetting (Traditional Media)’, Regular—Brands, Political, Cause, Ideation will attract payment of N35,000. Meanwhile for Accelerated, 4 Hours, N600,000; 8 hours, N400,000 and 16 hours, N250,000. For ‘Advertisement Vetting (Online Platform)’, Regular—Brands, Political, Cause, Ideation goes for N20,000 while for Accelerated, 4 hours attracts N250,000, 8 hours, N150,000 and 16 hours, N100,000. For the ‘Vetting (SME Category)’, Regular (Brands, Political, Cause, Ideation) goes for N20,000; 8 Working Hours, N150,000; and 16 Working Hours Acceleration, N100,000. Membership of NASME certification by SMEDAN is also required. For ‘Special Category’, the rate is N1,000,000 each for Lottery, Lotto, Game; Betting, Gambling, Wager and Promotion, Raffles, Draws, with the last two subject to a 16 hours vetting window. Meanwhile, Variation (Foreign Talent) will attract N2,500,000 while Variation (Foreign Production) goes for N3,000,000.
With these steep rates, which are per advert, it is very clear that revenue generation has now become the main objective of ARCON. Regulation is just a convenient cover. By the way, I have no problem with the need for regulation in certain critical and sensitive areas of national life. But I have problems with the sweeping powers granted to an organisation like ARCON, and the danger their operations pose to entrepreneurship, economic growth and even constitutionally-guaranteed free speech in Nigeria.