As a youngster living in London full-time, I often participated in a BBC World Service quiz programme called Focus On Africa.

It was great fun and my second favourite work assignment ever (the first was writing reports about wonderful tourist destinations for British Airways’ glossy in-flight magazine. I’d fly to Mauritius or wherever first-class, then assess the best hotels, etc…so cushy!).

OK, so I always eagerly looked forward to the quiz, which happened every month for many years. Later, it became an annual event and I absolutely loved it because it was quality edutainment (educational as well as entertaining).

But most of all, I loved it because of the fabulous multinational cast of characters I worked with: Irish Maura and Ghanaian KB (both now late), Cameroonian Veronique, Zimbabwean Violet, Patrick and Robin (both English), Cameron, another Ghanaian and a handful of other excellent journalists.

Another frequent participant was a Tanzanian journalist called Ahmed Rajab. He was so charming, erudite and amusing…and by far the most knowledgeable colleague I had within that context.

Ahmed could answer almost every question that was thrown at us by the quiz master or mistress. He was the kind of guy who knew what the Gross Domestic Product of Botswana was and could recite the names of every member of the Senegalese football team. He was as well-informed around sports as he was around politics and economics.

He was, simply put, a Pan African genius who put me (a moron by comparison) to shame on several occasions!

Ahmed recently passed away and I am heartbroken. His son, Talal, a PR and Communications professional who works in London, has kindly written the following tribute for Vanguard readers:

 Ahmed Rajab, the international journalist and political analyst, sadly passed away at the age of 79 in London. 

As I reminisce on his life and career, many memories both happy and sad come to mind.  The times that he would sneak me and my brother, Tahar, into Bush House in the early 90s so we could hear him record pieces for the BBC Swahili Service.  Watching him being interviewed on CNN or Channel 4 News and shouting “there’s dad!” as we crowded around the TV.  Going into the Africa Analysis offices in Farringdon, London, and listening to him talk about politics and economics in far away countries that I had little to no knowledge of. 

It also reminded me of the times when he was away for months on end, reporting on elections and wars, missing birthdays and other important occasions as he pursued his passion for journalism.  Even in retirement, he was still much sought after by media outlets for his analysis and views of the continent. 

Ahmed was born on the island of Zanzibar in 1946, and his experiences of the Zanzibar revolution shaped much of his later life, particularly his political views.  Zanzibar, at the time a British protectorate under the Sultanship of Jamshid bin Abdullah, was undergoing radical change during his student years, culminating in an armed revolt in 1964 and the overthrowing of the Sultan.  It was an experience that not only led to him moving to the UK but shaped his later political activism.  He described the events for a BBC Witness History podcast in 2020.

After moving to the UK in 1964, he graduated from Birkbeck University where he studied Philosophy, before pursuing a Masters in African Studies from Sussex University.  After graduation, he worked in various production roles at the BBC World Service in London, and also served within the UNESCO Communications Office in Kenya. It was at this time that he honed his writing skills, contributing articles for Index on Censorship and Africa Events. 

By 1995, my dad had become the editor of Africa Analysis, a fortnightly magazine dedicated to African politics and economics and, after leaving Africa Analysis after nearly 20 years, he became the Head of Newsroom for the Middle East/Asia Bureau of IRIN, the United Nations’ Humanitarian News Agency.  During his career, he was regularly interviewed on the likes of the BBC, Channel 4 News and CNN.

You could always find my father behind a laptop or PC, as he was also a prolific writer. His work,A Chilly Wind Over the Indian Ocean, was featured in the book Pioneers, Rebels, and a Few Villains: 150 Years of Journalism in Eastern Africa. His poetry, which resonated deeply with African identity and political themes, was included in the 1997 anthology African New Voices.  

It’s only now, as a dad myself, that I realise the sacrifices that my father had to make to pursue his passion for journalism and his desire to see true democracy spread across Africa. He left Zanzibar during a time of revolution, started a new life in a new country on his own at the age of 18 and worked day and night to realise his dreams. I can’t even begin to imagine what that must have been like, and my only regret is that I never properly sat down with him to hear his experiences.

He is survived by his wife, Aysha, my brother Tahar, his daughter Zakiya and niece Umi, along with his seven grandchildren.

Nigeria is witnessing its worst cost-of-living crisis in a generation, no doubt. President Bola Tinubu admitted that much during his first Presidential Media Chat on December 23, 2024. Yet, when asked if his government will consider travelling the “price control” route in order to mitigate the crunch, his answer was emphatic. “I don’t believe in price control. We just continue to supply the market, we work hard to supply the market,” he said flatly.

Surprisingly, barely two months thence, a government agency – Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, FCCPC – is insisting on price control. Granted, it has the mandate to protect consumers, but it is not a price regulator and Nigeria is a free market economy, the very point Tinubu made with his pointed response.

Citing unabating inclement economic climate, MultiChoice, Africa’s leading pay-tv powerhouse, on February 24, announced its intention to adjust tariffs on its DStv and GOtv packages effective March 1. The tariff hike, according to John Ugbe, the CEO, meant that the DStv premium package, which hitherto cost N37,000 monthly will now dig a deeper hole in the pockets of customers at N44,500. Subscribers on the Compact+ are to pay N30,000 as against N25,000 and Compact bouquet will climb from N15,700 to N19,000.

Reiterating that the hike has been necessitated by the ever-increasing cost of running business in Nigeria, the pay-tv service provider boss said it will enable the firm to continue offering its customers “world-class homegrown and international content, delivered through the best technology.” Significantly, the increments are below 25 per cent, far less than the inflationary pressures exacerbated by sundry volatilities in the economy. Yet, it is enough to put the company in FCCPC’s crosshairs.

To be sure, Nigerians, facing significant economic challenges, are barely surviving and any hike in tariffs makes it worse. But businesses are not faring any better. Firms that hitherto posted robust balance sheets year-on-year are going bust, literally. For instance, in 2024, Nestle Nigeria posted a net loss of N164.6 billion and MTN Nigeria announced a whopping N550.33 billion loss before tax. Those who could not stand the heat in the kitchen fled. In 2023 alone, industry giants, including GSK, Sanofi-Aventis Nigeria Ltd, Unilever Nigeria Plc., Procter & Gamble Nigeria, and Bolt Food, exited Nigeria.

The rising operational costs is a consequence of the much-vaunted reform policies of the Tinubu administration, particularly the removal of fuel subsidy and floating of the Naira. Today, petrol which hitherto sold at N185 a litre, now sells at over N1,000 in most parts of the country. When that is added to the over 250 per cent hike in the cost of electricity from N68 kilowatts per hour to N206.80/kWh for those in the so-called Band A, and the sheer bedlam in the foreign exchange market, the impact on businesses is ruinous.

Standing between the devil and the deep blue sea, businesses that have decided to weather the storm rather than fleeing are hiking their tariffs to remain afloat. MultiChoice is one of them. But it is not the only one. In January, the Nigerian Communications Commission, NCC, approved a 50 per cent tariff increase for telecommunications operators in Nigeria in order to address rising operational costs and ensure sustainability.

Long before the telecoms operators hitched a ride on the price hike wagon, many other companies were already on board with price adjustments in excess of 100 per cent. For instance, early 2024, Nigerian Breweries, NB, Plc. upwardly reviewed prices of 45 products due to “rising input costs and the need to mitigate the impact.” Streaming giants, Netflix, also announced a review of its prices with effect from April 1, 2024. Earlier, International Breweries, bottlers of Hero and Trophy lager brands, citing escalating cost of doing business, increased prices across its product portfolio. Another brewing giant, Guinness Nigeria Plc., also announced a new price regime.

In 2023, cab service providers, Uber and Bolt, made significant adjustment in prices in response to the fuel subsidy removal. Airlines have since then tripled their fares. Healthcare is similarly impacted, with prices of medications shooting through the roof. School fees at all levels, including those of Federal Government-owned universities, went up.

Ironically, these other organisations are given free pass even with higher percentage hikes, but whenever MultiChoice decides to travel the same route, it is singled out for sanction. So, with its less than 25 per cent tariff hike, the gloves are off once again. Last week, Ondaje Ijagwu, FCCPC Director of Corporate Affairs, said the Commission had directed MultiChoice’s CEO to attend an investigative hearing on February 27. “This action follows MultiChoice’s formal notification of the price adjustment, which raises concerns about recurrent unilateral price hikes, potential market dominance abuse, and perceived anti-competitive practices in the pay-tv industry,” the statement read in part. The meeting was later rescheduled for March 6, at MultiChoice’s behest.

The House of Representatives has joined the fray. Following a motion by Esosa Iyawe on Tuesday, the Green Chamber resolved that the pay-tv provider should suspend the proposed hike pending a thorough investigation. If the Senate was not embroiled in the scandalous “roforofo” fight between Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and Senate President Godswill Akpabio, it would have embarked on its own inquisition by now.

So, why is it a crime for MultiChoice to charge market-reflective rates for its products and services when it is not for others? Why would a National Assembly that does not see anything wrong in government arbitrarily removing petrol subsidy and hiking electricity tariff frown at a private business increasing prices of its products in order to survive?

These incessant attacks on the right of a private company to make sound business decisions in a very challenging economic environment is incongruous with the dictates of a free market economy.  MultiChoice Nigeria is a private business with the right to determine the prices of its services and government has no power to regulate consumer prices as the former FCCPC executive vice-chairman, Dr. Babatunde Irukera, explained in 2022. Besides, MultiChoice is a lifestyle service provider that does not enjoy a monopoly in the market. Competitors such as StarTimes, SLTV and UEL abound. So, rather than wishing a company that has changed the face of entertainment in Nigeria for over 25 years dead, those not comfortable with its new price regime have options.

MultiChoice has made significant contributions to Nigeria’s economy. From its humble beginnings of about 30 employees, it has well over 1,000 employees presently even as it indirectly supports over 20,000 more jobs. Since inception, it has contributed significantly to the economy. The 2019 Socio-Economic Impact Report from AccentureTM estimated that between 2016 and 2019, the company contributed N363 billion directly to Nigeria’s GDP, created economic value of N57.1 billion through new businesses, paid N39.6 billion in taxes and fees and spent N49.5 billion on content and local production facilities. The figures have doubled.

But these figures are of no moment to FCCPC, which in its desperation to ratchet up the pressure, on Wednesday, instituted legal proceedings against MultiChoice Nigeria Limited and John Ugbe, allegedly for violating regulatory directives, obstructing an ongoing inquiry and engaging in conduct deemed violations of the provisions of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act, FCCPA, 2018.

Perhaps, the Tunji Bello-led FCCPC management is unaware that in 2015, two lawyers – Osasuyi Adebayo and Oluyinka Oyeniji – approached a Federal High Court sitting in Lagos to challenge MultiChoice’s right to increase prices. They lost, with the court ruling that they were not obliged to use MultiChoice’s services. But Bello should know. He is a lawyer, journalist, and administrator in Lagos at the time.

Truth be told, pay-tv is a luxury and not an essential commodity, and MultiChoice as a business is not insulated from the country’s asphyxiating economic downturn. Expecting, therefore, that the costs for DStv and GOtv services will remain unchanged when the cost of doing business in Nigeria is skyrocketing daily is unrealistic. FCCPC should let MultiChoice be.

Tension has heightened in Rivers State, as the dreaded militant group, Niger Delta Rescue Movement, NDRM, warned the Federal Government not to withhold the allocation meant for the state or face a total cut in the oil production.

It also issued a directive to all non-indigenes to consider their safety and leave Rivers State as hostilities were about to escalate.

The group also declared that, except the Federal Government and all the players involved in the crisis do the needful by sheathing their swords, it would hit the nation’s oil production if the allocation due to the state was not released timely.

Recall that the Supreme Court on Friday upheld the decision of the lower court by stopping the state allocation until a valid House of Assembly which has Martin Amaewhule as Speaker, is constituted.

In a follow up to the judgment, Amaewhule on Monday issued a 48-hour ultimatum to Governor Siminalayi Fubara to present the 2025 budget before the House. The ultimatum had since expired on the midnight of Wednesday.

Also on Wednesday, the Amaewhule-led House directed the state governor to sack all commissioners and political appointees and re-submit for screening, a list of new commissioner nominees.

A trending video on a social media platform featured the militants numbering about eight armed with AK-47 and other assorted riffles in an unknown forest, yesterday, chanting “asawana, asawana,” a common slogan among the Ijaw people of the Niger delta region.

A supposed leader of the group declared in a letter he read, “We the Niger Delta Rescue Movement wish to express our deep concern regarding the recent development in Rivers State threatening the smooth governance of our beloved state under the leadership of Governor Fubara.

“It has come to our attention that certain individuals proclaim as lawmakers have issued a 48-hour ultimatum to the state governor to present the 2025 state budget. This blatant attempt to destabilize the state is not only alarming but also a clear attempt and coordinated effort to incite hell, potentially to lead to a state of emergency or even an impeachment.

“We call on President Bola Tinubu to intervene immediately and put a stop to the action of the minister, Nyesom Wike and his associate, whose intent is to drag Rivers State to avoidable crisis. The people of Rivers state like stability, progress and a conducive environment for governance.

“Furthermore, we must make it abundantly clear that the youths of Rivers State will not sit idly while our state is dragged into turmoil. If the federal allocation due to Rivers State cannot be released promptly, we will have no choice but to take a decisive action including hitting oil production.”

The three minutes, 28 seconds video also showed the militants saying, “We can’t generate money into the Federation Account and not have our own share. Our workers deserve their salaries, our government needs the necessary resources to carry out essential development projects.”

They went on to urge the non-indigenes to leave the state for their safety, saying “We urge all non-indigenes in Rivers State to consider their safety and leave the state promptly as the situation may escalate. We cherish the safety of all residents and urge for a peaceful resolution to this crisis. Enough is enough. We stand united for the rest and future of Rivers State. We demand respect from our leaders and focus on the development of our region,” they warned.

Acts against Fubara contain elements of treason – CISLAC

Meanwhile, Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre, CISLAC, has described as treasonable felony, the actions perpetrated against Governor Fubara since he assumed office.

Legal Manager of the Transition Monitoring Group, TMG, CISLAC, Mr Gimba Hassan, in a statement in Abuja, said: “It is my belief that some of the actions against Fubara contain elements of treason under Section 37 of the Criminal Code Act and treasonable felony under Section 40 of the same Act.

“When you examine the use of violence against the governor, the burning of the state House of Assembly, the withdrawal of his security, and the deployment of thugs to take over local government councils during elections, it becomes clear that these acts were intended to intimidate and overpower the governor, which falls within the legal definitions of treason and treasonable felony.

“This is especially worrisome in a country where even peaceful protests by minors are sometimes treated as treason,” Hassan said.

He added that the Rivers State House of Assembly’s 48-hour ultimatum for the governor to present the budget was unlawful and lacked legal backing.

Citing El-Rufai vs. House of Representatives (2003) and the Legislative Houses (Powers and Privileges) Act, he explained that a minimum of seven days’ notice was required for a valid legislative summons.

He emphasised that the 48-hour ultimatum was a clear violation of established legal and parliamentary procedures.

“With its judgment, the Supreme Court has effectively stalled governance in Rivers, and the state Assembly is worsening the crisis by proceeding on a 12-week recess.

“This is despite the fact that the House had virtually no legislative activity for months while the matter was in court.

“Our constitution begins with the phrase “We the People…It is the people who gave power to our institutions, elected the governor and his deputy, and voted for the members of the state Assembly.

Further, he said: “It is time for all parties to come together, resolve their disputes, and move the state forward.”

[Vanguard]