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There is no doubt that the outcome of the general election will affect the political career of the outgoing Enugu State Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, at least, in the next four years. 

Elections have come and gone, with winners jubilating and preparing to assume power to serve their people. While some of the losers have approached the Election Petition Tribunal and are optimistic that they will ‘recover their stolen mandates’, others are not so optimistic and are already strategising on their next political move, even as they pursue their case in court.

For Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, who lost his bid to represent his constituency, the Enugu North Senatorial District at the National Assembly, life outside Lion Building, the Enugu State Government House, is going to be a mixed bag of fortunes. Given the grievances of many stakeholders against his style of governance, he has stepped on toes and many of them have vowed to stop him from walking close to the gate of the National Assembly in the near future.

 

As a result, Ugwuanyi who was a three-term member of the House of Representatives is likely to linger in the political wilderness for some time because the aggrieved stakeholders are prepared to go the extra mile to ensure that he lost another bid to go to the Senate in future elections. These are the category of individuals that ensured that he failed to secure the seat in the just concluded election. Their intention is to retire him compulsorily from politics.

But, the governor equally has some key stakeholders on his side because of his achievements in the last eight years. So, even though many are blaming him for what they regard as his poor political calculation ahead of the just concluded general election, their animosity may not count when it is juxtaposed with the achievements he recorded as governor in the last eight years.

 

Those who are in full support of the administration have continued to shower encomiums on the governor, saying that if not for Ugwuanyi, Enugu would have been like other Southeast states, such as Imo and Anambra in terms of insecurity.

Apart from the security and the atmosphere of peace in the state, which the governor initiated months after he came on board, the all-inclusive rural road infrastructure, inclusive governance, aggressive agro-industrialisation programme, absolute peace, security, social justice, social services, employment generation and several other people-oriented policies which he initiated during his eight years in office have acted as a boost to the Ugwuanyi-led administration. 

 

It is noteworthy that these were captured under the Ugwuanyi administration’s four-point agenda unveiled during his first term in 2015. Since then, the Ugwuanyi administration’s presence and footprints prefaced virtually all the 450 autonomous communities, 17 local councils and the three senatorial zones. 

Across the state, roads like Opi-Nsukka dual carriageway, Obechara Road Junction-Umuakashi Mechanic village-Ikenga Hotels Junction-Enugu Road Nsukka Junction and Umuezebi-Nru Junction have been completed. Others include an extension of Agbani-Afor Amurri Road, the extension of Ituku Road, the construction of Ogonogoeji- Ndi Akpugo Road (Atavu Bailey Bridge-Afor Onovo) the construction of the 42-metre span Bailey Bridge and road works across River Nyama to Amichi, linking Umuogo and Umuagba Amaechi Uno/ Obinagu community, all in Nkanu West Local Government.

Of note is that the Agbani-Amurri Road was constructed for a community that has never witnessed any form of development or government presence on its land in the past 100 years. In the same vein, the Ogonogoeji-Ndiagu-Akpugo Road from Atavu Bailey Bridge to Afor Onovo is the first state government road in the entire Akpugo land since the creation of the Enugu State.  

Not left out is the popular and historic Milliken Hill Road, Ngwo, constructed in 1909, but was abandoned for several decades before Ugwuanyi’s administration reconstructed it with streetlights. The three-kilometre road is part of the 12-kilometre 9th Mile-Ekochin-Ngwo- Miliken Hill-New Market federal road, which the state government rehabilitated to serve as an alternative route for commuters and motorists plying Enugu-Onitsha Expressway. Also within the state capital, Ugwuanyi’s administration executed numerous road projects.

 

The governor also left huge footprints in the health and education sectors among many other sectors where a lot was done to change the cause of the sectors in the state.

However, as good as the Ugwuanyi policy initiatives may have been, critics of his administration insist that he failed woefully, especially in the area of provision of potable water to the Enugu metropolis and development of the suburbs of the Enugu metropolis to contain the surging population in the state capital, which would have been for the betterment of the people if done.

 

Also, the lack of potable water within the Enugu metropolis has been the worst treatment meted out to the people and it is said to have been one of the issues against the Ugwuanyi administration.

Going by the 2006 Population Census, Enugu State has a population of 3,267, 837. Out of the figure, about 820,000 persons are said to be residing in the area considered as the metropolis, where public water supply circulates to. These include GRA, Trans-Ekulu, Uwani, Coal Camp (Ogbaete) Achala Layout, New Haven, Ogui and Independence Layout. Other suburbs have far more populations but only get water from unclean wells or buy water from vendors at exorbitant rates. Public taps have all dried up since the better part of the Ugwuanyi administration even though he met the taps running with water though not regularly.

Also, among such basic infrastructure that he was expected to provide, but which he failed to do is the dualisation of the Abakpa-Opi (Nsukka) Road to reduce the overpopulation in the Abakpa and Emene axis of the city and reduce traffic within that axis. This has brought about an immense hatred for the governor in the areas affected. Also, some roads in his Nsukka zone, which his people had expected him to use his power to construct were left untouched.

Other issues which increased the hatred for the governor are his handling of the party’s primaries. Before the primaries, the governor made a lot of promises to his political allies, allegedly asking anyone around to pick nomination forms for positions of their choice even when he was said to have pencilled down some individuals for the positions. Thus, many aspirants who would have gladly supported party candidates and the governor himself ended up spending their hard-earned resources that they were the governor’s chosen candidates were not anything to go by.

Apart from that, his handling of the PDP governorship primary, as well as that of the Enugu East senatorial race equally diminished his achievements. Ugwuanyi was applauded for edging out former deputy Senate president, Ike Ekweremadu from the race. But, rather than remain equitable in the allocation of the tickets for the governorship and Enugu East senatorial race, he simply allowed former Governor Chimaraoke Nnamani to vie for a return to the Senate. He also allowed Nnamani’s godson and current governor-elect, Dr. Peter Mbah to emerge as the party’s candidate.

Ugwuanyi gave preferential treatment to Nkanu, where Nnamani and Mbah hail from, to the detriment of Isi-Uzo Local Government, which forms part of the Enugu East Senatorial District. Isi-Uzor did not get even a House of Representatives ticket within the PDP. This bred bad blood.

To worsen the matter, it was said in many quarters that Isi-Uzo is part of Enugu North (Nsukka Zone), whereas it is in Enugu East Senatorial District, and that allowing them to become governor meant Nsukka retaining the seat.

In Nsukka Zone, it was gathered that the PDP senatorial ticket was supposed to go to Nsukka/Igboeze South Federal Constituency. But, the governor cornered the ticket to the dissatisfaction of the people of the constituency.

While the governor held the senatorial ticket, his kinsman from the same local government in Udenu, Ifeanyi Ossai, was also chosen as a running mate to the PDP governorship candidate to the chagrin of the other five local governments.

These and many others prompted the people to vent their anger on him during the senatorial polls which he lost out to Mr. Okey Ezea of the Labour Party (LP).

These also coupled with the fact that the people did not want to make any mistake in not voting for the LP presidential candidate, Peter Obi, their preferred candidate in the election.

However, close watchers of Enugu politics have continued to ask, “What next for Ugwuanyi as he hands over to his successor? Those who know him very well within the political circle, believe that given his brand of politics, Ugwuanyi will be far from retiring early in politics. This is because his politics are deliberately laced with negotiations and consultations to achieve his desired objectives. It is widely believed that people hardly say no to him because he does not make noise about his politics.

In the opinion of Petrus Obi, a political analyst and publisher of Everyday News, an online news platform, Governor  Ugwuanyi performed creditably well and would be greatly missed by the people after May 29. Obi said that the governor brought governance to the doorsteps of the masses of Enugu State.

He said having worked as a journalist with several civilian governors and military administrators in the past, he can attest to the fact that Governor Ugwuanyi is different and surpasses the rest in character.

He said Ugwuanyi mostly worked for the development of rural communities. His words: “I’ve been in this job for a while. I’ve covered more than six governors, including two military administrators. And I must tell you that I have not seen somebody better.”

Obi added that despite the economic crunch and recession that dogged the Ugwuanyi’s administration, he made a significant impact in all sectors of the state’s economy through prudent management of resources.

He said: “I have not seen a man who brought governance to the doorsteps of the masses. Ugwuanyi has a place in history. I’m saying so because I have covered him for almost eight years. And I know that he came in at the time we were talking about bailout funds. He came out when there was a recession when you had to borrow money when you got bailout funds to pay salaries. Even at that, the man has done well in rural development, massively, which would be commended.

“Ugwuanyi lost an election and took it in good faith. When he leaves office, Enugu will miss him. Enugu will be missing a man who opens his doors; a man whom everybody has his phone number; a man you can call at any time.”

Obi however blamed the governor for not showcasing his retinue of projects in various communities. He said: “That alone was the major reason people felt he didn’t do so much because he didn’t concentrate his projects in the city, where travellers and visitors will see them. I think he should have publicised the projects well enough. Public relations (PR) is doing it and saying it.”

On what next for the governor after May 29 handover, Obi insisted that Ugwuanyi still has a lot to offer Enugu State and PDP at large because he would bounce back stronger. This, he added, is given the fact that Ugwuanyi succeeded in installing his anointed successor in the last election using everything at his disposal against all odds.

He said: “Definitely, Ugwuanyi will bounce back stronger. Given the kind of relationship that exists between the incoming governor, Peter Mbah and Ugwuanyi, I think the latter will remain a rallying point for Enugu politics. I say this because Enugu State doesn’t appear to have a political leader that can bring people together after the governor except for Ugwuanyi.

“Sullivan Chime was never there as a leader. Chimaraoke Nnamani remained there for some time but has crashed politically and has been lamenting. So, long as the relationship I’m seeing with Peter Mbah succeeds, then, Ugwuanyi may be the leader you are looking at.”

On the contrary, a former PDP National Auditor, Ray Nnaji, said it might be very difficult for Ugwuanyi to stay as a leader because he offended a lot of people and helped in dimming the fortunes of the party in Enugu during the last general elections.

He said: “Who am I to tell you what next for Ugwuanyi after May 29? Am I God? That he failed the election doesn’t mean he might be finished politically. He might come up in another circumstance and relaunch himself, but definitely, he’s not going to be a rallying point.

“But, all I know is that he performed woefully. I even said it today on the radio. He didn’t perform well and that was why we (PDP) lost. It’s just by the grace of God that we managed to get the governorship position. That also can be attributed to the one-week extension of the election by the INEC, which enabled Peter Mbah to go around the state selling himself in his capacity. This is coupled with the outburst of Chief Okey Ezea that the governorship election was a battle between Nsukka and Nkanu. Nkanu people took up that challenge. With that, a lot of people bought into Mbah’s candidature and voted for him. If not, the election would have been over if it had been held on March 11. Labour Party would have taken everything.

“This is a party that didn’t have functional office before the 2023 election. No campaign office and they were able to deal with us the way they did. As I have always said, it is the members of the PDP that make up the LP and those members were not happy because of the way the governor treated them.

“He (Ugwuanyi) dealt with so many people. He made so many promises to people that he did not intend to fulfil. So, many people felt so angry. It was out of that anger that they went and reinforced LP to beat us, including himself. It is the first time in history that a governor will be losing his polling unit.

“Let me correct one thing; he was not the one that made Mbah governor and therefore could not have become a rallying point as a result of Mbah’s victory. Chimaraoke Nnamani took Sullivan Chime around the 17 local governments. Sullivan in turn took Ugwuanyi around the 17 local governments. But, Ugwuanyi never did the same for Mbah, apparently because he knew his performance was not good enough to sell Mbah.”

Nevertheless, many who believe so much in Ugwuanyi, boasted that he is too young to go into political retirement at the end of his tenure on May 29, stressing that, he still has a lot of chances to go to the Senate by 2027 and for that reason, he would remain politically relevant.

To them, one of the options available for Ugwuanyi after leaving office is to remain supportive of his successor as he is the only person that can retrieve the Senate seat from LP’s Okey Ezea in 2027 with the support of Mbah as governor.

Also, his relationship with the incoming president, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, may not be in vain. It was gathered that his relationship with Asiwaju dates back to 2003 when he was elected into the House of Representatives. This, some analysts believe, could help him relaunch his senatorial ambition come 2027.

Ugwuanyi’s recent visit to Tinubu in the company of the leader of the other PDP governors and members of the G-5 led by Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State signposted his relationship with the President-elect.

 

Two major events dominated the headlines in the weekend that just passed in Nigeria: the heroism, determination and the example of Ms. Hilda Effiong Bassey, known as Hilda Baci for short, and the sordid drama of Seun Kuti, son of Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, the ternal music icon, pushing, slapping and assaulting a policeman in uniform. Both subjects deserve commentary. But let’s start on a positive note, represented by Hilda Effiong Bassey, the Nigerian food entrepreneur, or chef, 27, who made up her mind that she wanted to get into the Guinness Book of World Records by beating the longest cooking marathon record by an individual set by Lata Tandon, an Indian Chef in 2019. Tandon cooked non-stop for 87 hours and 45 minutes. Nigeria’s Ms Baci decided that she would break that record and cook non-stop for 100 hours. The event took place at Amore Gardens in Lekki, Lagos. She turned her oven and cooker on Thursday, on May 10, and indeed till Monday morning, Baci kept dicing, frying, cutting, cookingm baking and ended up achieving her target. By the time she reached the significant mark of 87 hours and 50 minutes, she had already broken the world record, but she kept going. Nigerians are an interesting lot. Who would ever have thought that culinary skills could bring so much fame and history? There are many lessons and issues to be extracted from the Hilda Basi cook-a-thon that Nigerians just witnessed.

 

The first is that Nigerians are a creative and resourceful lot and should they put their minds to anything, they are capable of excelling at. These are the same people that President Muhammadu Buhari once referred to as “diamonds”, who represent the hope of the nation for the present and the future. When a gifted Nigerian seeks to excel, he or she does so. Ms Baci’s achievement is an indication of the can-do spirit of the Nigerian. The international community often complains about the unusual capacity of Nigerians for fraud and criminality, within the local and international arena, but there are in reality more Nigerians doing great things. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala is representing us well at the World Trade Organization (WTO). Aminat Muhammed is a strong official at the United Nations in her position as a Deputy Secretary General. Asisst Oshoala, MON, is a big star in European women football. Tobi Amysan is world record holder in long jump. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie is a leading writer and voice in the global space of culture and literature. There are Nigerians occupying political positions in Canada, UK, Ireland and elsewhere. We have Nigerians in the US military, in the US NASA programme and in the commanding heights of global trade and economy. Hilda Effiong Bassey has chosen cooking and are we delighted? Yes, we are.

 

The second thing to say is: Congratulations to her on this remarkable feat, and her admirable qualities, now well-advertised of tenacity, of purpose, vision and determination. Nobody, she teaches us, by the way, can achieve anything in this life, except you set a purpose for yourself and pursue it. It will be recalled that in 2021, this same Ms. Baci won the Jollof Face-Off competition, and got a grand prize of $5, 000. But that was not enough for her. She wanted a place in the Guinness Book of World Records. And now here she is. Every great achievement begins with a dream and the capacity to pursue that dream and stretch the dream to the end of the street. As of the time of this writing, we understand that Chef Hilda has stretched her target from 96 hours to 100 hours! Hilda, you too much oh! Indeed, because, despite all the good things that we have said about the Nigerian spirit, there are many of our compatriots who want the easy way out, they fake it, they cheat, they tell lies, they want the glamour but they do not want to apply themselves. Hilda Baci has just reinforced a simple lesson of life: that the surest way to distinction is through hard work, focus and rigorous self-application. It bears no stating that cooking for more than 90 hours, with short intervals of rest as allowed by the rules is excruciating rigour. Many marriages have been ruined because some other women can’t even spare 30 minutes to cook for their own children.

 

The third lesson is the innate Nigerian love for success, glory and achievement that is within us all. Nigerians have an inner craving for good things and when they see it, they gather around it like bees around nectar. This is what has happened with the Baci story. As she cooked, Nigerians trooped to the Amore Gardens in Lekki to hail her and offer support. Celebrities trooped to the venue in their uncountable numbers. Churches of the white garment variety kept vigil, calling on God to see her through. The Governor of Lagos visited. Senators of the Federal Republic led by Senator Godswill Akpabio of Akwa Ibom North West, who wants to be Senate President by autocratic party anointment, also joined the cheer-leaders. Hilda Baci is from Akwa Ibom State. No other event unites Nigerians like that, apart from football. It rained overnight. The people refused to leave. In football, and now in a cooking event, Nigerians have suspended their differences. They don’t think of ethnicity or religion, or geography. They have come together as one nation, united for the glory of the nation. Baci drew support across all the centrifugal borders of Nigeria. Her supporters in fact defied the rain. It rained heavily in the night of Sunday to Monday. The people refused to go home. They stayed under the heavy rainfall, and kept singing. It was one of those rare occasions when we are reminded that this is a country after all. Thank you Baci, for reminding us with your culinary skills that it is possible to have a nation. Nations are made through symbols and the patriotism in the hearts of the people. If this had been an election, the situation could have been different. Hilda Effiong Bassey would have been reminded that she cannot cook in Lagos, because she is a non-indigene. The constituted thugs of Lagos, led by a well-connected Chairman would have gone to Amore Gardens to chase everyone away. But here we are: an Akwa Ibom woman cooking for the world in Lagos, has brought glory to the same Lagos. The clowns in high places who promote disunity simply need to lend themselves a little sense. Nigerian leaders can learn from Ms Baci how to cook a nation, and achieve results. Our leaders know how to eat, but they do not know how to cook.

 

The fourth point that I see here is that Hilda Baci’s feat is an advertisement for the cooking profession. She has raised the profile of chefs. More persons may well be encouraged by her example to take to cooking as a profession. I have not even bothered to find out how much this has cost her and her sponsors in financial terms and how much she stands to earn. The glory is more important than the financial gain. But what I see is that Hilda Baci is now a cultural icon. It is good that she has been congratulated by President Muhammadu Buhari. This is most deserved. I am also of the view that when Nigeria compiles its next National Honours list, it is people like her that we expect to see on that list, along with Rema, another world record holder, Tiwa Savage, Kizz Daniel, Burna Boy, Tems, award-winning intellectuals, the boys doing wonderful things in fintech, not some funny characters in bulbous robes who take more from Nigeria than they give. As a father, I would like to advise her to handle fame with care. Fame makes. Fame breaks. As her story developed, there were persons who were more interested in her beauty. Her pictures have been posted online showing her beauty and physical attributes on full display. Nigerian men love food. There is this popular folk saying that the way to a man’s heart is through his stomach. A woman that is an acclaimed cook is a special target for stomach-driven Nigerian men. Ms Baci will get invited to cook by seemingly appreciative men who just want to taste. Beware, Baci. There are too many idle men in this society of ours who promise marriage and heaven, but are closet idiots. Focus on growing your business, and talent. Watch out for those who will soon begin to use your achievement to catch clout as they say.

 

The fifth and final point here is to congratulate, Hilda Baci’s mother. She is herself a chef. She runs a restaurant in Abuja. Her daughter follows in her footsteps. She learnt the trade at her feet. I have seen a video showing her expressing her delight at her daughter’s achievement. It is the prayer of every parent that their children should do better than them. Mrs. Bassey’s glory came on Mother’s Day, a mother’s hilarious delight! She has every reason to be grateful. Lecherous Nigerians men have observed that Mrs. Bassey herself is a very good spec. As a serious-minded person, I no longer engage in such conversations, so I won’t tell that side of the story. What I see here is the importance of parenting. In all of this, however, nobody has mentioned Mr. Bassey. Is he alive? This is the burden we bear as fathers. When the children do well, it is their mothers who step forward like characters from Bournvita cartoons. Still, we thank God for all children and mothers who bless the land as the Basseys have done.

 

Now to Seun Kuti, the enfant terrible, about whom terrible things have been reported during the same weekend that Hilda Baci did us all proud. Seun Kuti was reported to have dropped the ball. He assaulted a policeman. There was a video in circulation that showed him telling a policeman in uniform that he would deal with him. He slapped the police officer in uniform. He assaulted the policeman. He reportedly boasted thereafter that he has dealt with many policemen in similar manner in the past. Seun Kuti is my kinsman. I do not want anything bad to happen to him. But this time around I think he has carried his offering beyond the Mosque. It has been argued that it is a DNA thing. He is after all, the son of Fela Anikulapo Kuti. Fela did not wilfully break the law. He was in fact a law-abiding man. He challenged autocracy. He questioned the law as all citizens are allowed to do so. He was like his mother, the legendary, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti. Seun Kuti’s forebears were defenders and promoters of good governance and the rule of. law. Even when state agents attacked Kalakuta Republic, an assault in which Seun’s grandmother lost her life, the state prevailed, even if unjustly. I think therefore that those who think it is a DNA thing for Seun Kuti to attack a policeman are wrong. People make their own choices. They do not inherit choices. What I am saying is that it would be most disrespectful to drag the dead into Seun Kuti’s matter. He is an adult and he must be made to answer for his own acts. The law does not recognize pedigree. You commit an act; you answer for it. The only thing the law recognizes is the equality of persons before the law. Seun Kuti is not above and cannot be above the law because he enjoys hereditary privilege.

 

From Saturday, there is a video in circulation showing him assaulting a policeman on the Third Mainland Bridge in Lagos. The video evidence shows that he insulted the policeman and slapped him. He has since claimed that he has enough evidence to show that the policeman threatened his life and that of his family members. There have been other evidence notes on social media. We are told for example that he told the policeman before slapping him: “You dey craze? You dey mad?” In the meantime, the Inspector General of Police and the Police Service Commission have ordered arrest and investigations. The Police have a duty to ensure that their officers are not routinely assaulted by Nigerians. Dr. Solomon Arase, the Police Service Commission (PSC) Chairman has commended the affected police officer for the restraint that he demonstrated. That officer whom nobody has named – we need his true identity- should be promoted by Arase’s PSC. In my view, Seun Kuti was indeed lucky. If that policeman or his colleagues had rifles with them, they could have gunned him down. By now, he would be dead and we would all be talking about extra-judicial killing. The lesson here is that people must know their limits. In today’s Nigeria, my father was this or my grandmother was that, is not a protection claim in the face of the law. The present generation of Nigerians don’t know ancient history anyway. They should not rely on what grandpa and great grandpa and daddy did.

 

It is however refreshing to hear that Seun Kuti has shown up at the police station. He was reportedly put in silver ware. The offence that he has committed under Section 98 of the Police Act and Section 356 of the Criminal Code puts him in line for a three-year jail term. He says he has enough evidence to prove his innocence. He has a good lawyer: Femi Falana, SAN. Let them go and prove their case in the court of law, and as soon as the case is properly placed, let them address all the allegations including the underlying innuendo that Fela Kuti ‘s son is above the laws of the land. Should anyone be above the laws of Nigeria? I am aware however that there are other interested persons and groups in the public domain who are now beginning to say that if Seun Kuti is let off the hook, they too will begin to slap and beat Nigerian policemen, and they would cite Seun Kuti’s case as precedent. The substance of this matter lies in Seun Kuti’s relationship with the sovereign but whichever way it is resolved, his brand is already somewhat diminished. He doesn’t need that. This is the sad part of it.

In Nigeria, losers hardly accept their defeat, and virtually every election contest ends at the election petitions tribunal.

To regain their alleged “stolen mandate,” petitioners attempt to exploit loopholes in the laws via technicalities, and not through the so-called rigged processes.

That’s why as fireworks are yet to begin at the Presidential Election Petitions Court (PEPC) against the declaration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu as winner of the February 25, 2023, Presidential Election – parties to the dispute are already preping for appeals to the Supreme Court.

The apex court is the last busstop in Nigeria for election matters; and the May 9 judgment on appeals from the 2022 governorship poll in Osun may serve as a template for the petitions at the PEPC.

That ruling has buoyed, and also dampened the petitioners and respondents’ optimism to get reprieve at the Supreme Court.

The court had weighed in on the centrality of the Bimodal Voters Accreditation System (BVAS) in the transmission of election results.

The five-member panel held that by the Electoral Act 2022, “Instant or on-the-spot transmission of the number of accredited voters in the BVAS to the backend server of INEC is not backed by law.”

Besides, the court affirmed that to prove over-voting in an election, you’ve to present the polling unit BVAS for physical evidence.

The judgment on the Osun poll has reinforced the “pre-eminence” of the Supreme Court as the final arbiter – from which no further appeal lies to question its decision.

Be it a “substantial justice” or a “miscarriage of justice,” parties that submit to arbitration of the Court must accept its final opinion.

This is exemplified by former Governor Adegboyega Oyetola, hours after the Supreme Court ruling stamped his loss of the July 2022 governorship in Osun. In a personal statement, Oyetola said:

“We strongly believe we presented a good case before the Supreme Court but the court thought otherwise and has given its verdict. While the outcome is against our wish and that of our party members and supporters, we are all bound to accept it as law-abiding citizens… To our members and supporters across the state, I urge you all to accept the verdict of the court and move on.”

The late Justice Chukwudifu Oputa stressed the “unquestioned decision” of the Supreme Court when he declared: “We are final not because we are infallible, rather we are infallible because we are final.”

 

The Oputa declaration rings ominously at the PEPC, especially in regard to some of the cases the Supreme Court has delivered since the return of democracy in 1999.

To critics, the court is viewed as overplaying its judicial activism, and at the same time relying heavily on strict interpretation of the law. Four examples will suffice:

In 2007, the Supreme Court declared Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi as governor-elect of Rivers State even though he didn’t campaign for the position, nor vote at the poll.

The court held that votes belong to the party, and not the candidate. And that Amaechi, having won the PDP primaries, should inherit the votes scored by Celestine Omehia, who replaced him at the poll, and be returned as governor-elect.

In 2019, the Supreme Court invalidated APC’s primaries in Zamfara, and dismissed the party’s governor-elect, deputy governor-elect, and assembly members-elect, and yielded their seats to the defeated PDP candidates.

In Bayelsa in 2021, the Court, on alleged certificate forgery against the APC deputy governor-elect, sacked the governor-elect on the eve of his inauguration, and crowned the defeated PDP candidate as governor-elect.

In 2023, Senate President Ahmad Lawan, who lost his presidential bid – and didn’t participate in the APC senatorial primaries for Yobe North in 2022 – clinched the ticket via a ruling of the Supreme Court.

The court held that Bashir Machina, winner of the primaries, ought to proceed with a “writ of summons,” and not an “originating summons,” as his fraud allegation against the APC needed to be corroborated by sworn witnesses.
Still, the Supreme Court has had cause to warn against over-reliance on technicalities to shut out litigants from being heard on the merit of their cases.

Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa (SAN), in a piece on “The evils of technical justice” (SaharaReporters of February 2, 2021), referenced the case of Boniface Ebere Okezie & 3 Ors. v. Central Bank of Nigeria & 5 Ors. (2020) 15 NWLR (Pt.1747) 181 – that trasversed the judicial road for 11 years (2009-2020).

The Plaintiffs filed an originating summons, setting out their claims in “declarations, injunctive reliefs and damages,” without questions for determination. The defendants objected to the writ as meritless, and the court lacking the jurisdiction to hear the case.

Both the High Court and Appeal Court sustained the preliminary objection by the defendants, but the Supreme Court reversed their decisions, and “took out time to define the role of the judiciary, in very clear terms,” thus:

The paramount duty of courts is to do substantial justice and not cling to technicalities that will defeat the ends of justice. It is more in the interest of justice that parties are afforded reasonable opportunity for their rights to be investigated and determined on merit rather than that parties be shut out prematurely from being heard on the grounds of non-substantial compliance with rules of court.

“It is immaterial that there are technicalities arising from statutory provisions, or technicalities inherent in rules of court. So long as the law or rule has been substantially complied with and the object of the provisions of the statute or rule is not defeated, and failure to comply fully has not occasioned a miscarriage of justice, the proceedings will not be nullified.”

But in the earlier cited cases, the Supreme Court side-tracked substance, and relied on technicalities to deny the poll winners, and allow the losers to reap “where they did not sow.”

 

Hence, the anxiety in the APC and President-elect Tinubu’s camp, as the petitions at the PEPC have the coloration of cases decided by the Supreme Court in recent times.

As allegations of election fraud are difficult to prove “beyond all reasonable doubts,” petitioners at the PEPC have placed heavy weather on technicalities, rather than the substance of the votes cast at the February 25 poll.

Thus, the petitioners make light of the charge of rigging, and zero in on “soft targets” to disqualify the President-elect, or cancel or annull the poll. The petitioners’ claims:

1) That Tinubu’s forged birth, education and job records, swears on oath, and commits perjury.

2) Convicted for narcotics and money laundering, he forfeited $460,000 to the U.S. government.

3) He’s dual citizenship: Nigeria and Guinea, in breach of provisions of the 1999 Constitution.

4) Shettima was nominated for two elective positions in the 2023 poll cycle, in violation of provisions of the Electoral Act 2022.
5) INEC violated the Act, and its own regulations and guidelines by failing to transmit the presidential results via the BVAS onto the INEC Results Viewing (IReV) portal.

On March 1, INEC declared that Tinubu of the APC won the poll with 8,794,726 votes, while Atiku Abubakar of the PDP and Peter Obi of Labour Party scored 6,984,520 votes and 6,101,533 votes, as first and second runners-up.

Five of 17 defeated candidates and their parties had filed petitions at the PEPC, to upturn the INEC declaration, but two petitions had been withdrawn, and dismissed.

Atiku and Obi claim to win the election, pray the court to return them elected, or cancel (or annull) the poll, and conduct a fresh one between Tinubu and Atiku, as top scorers; or between Atiku and Obi if Tinubu’s disqualified, as Obi canvasses.

Atiku and Obi argue that the allegations against Tinubu, and rigging of the poll by the APC have unqualified Tinubu for President, and the votes cast for him are wasted, and his declaration as President-elect null and void.

Yet, many in the opposition have expressed worries that the pre-hearings at the PEPC are coming midway into the 180 days allotted for disposal of petitions.

But to uphold the dictum of justice delayed is justice denied, the PEPC has advised counsel to, “avoid unnecessary technicalities.”

Chairman of the five-member panel, Justice Haruna Tsammani, said: “Election is time bound, let us not waste unnecessary time, let us cooperate with each other so that everyone will leave here satisfied.”

 

“We are determined to look at all the matters brought before us. Let us look at what is good for our country and avoid time-wasting applications.”

The tribunal’s advice is timely in that election is sui generis (of its own kind, in a class by itself, or unique) from ordinary legal issues.
Lawyers take undue advantage of the unusualness of poll matters to file “frivolous applications” – based on technicalities – in attempts to sway or slow down proceedings.

For now, the PEPC, and Supreme Court are under the spotlight, to deliver substantial justice, and not “technical justice” that erodes the substance of matters before them!

 

We all must have seen the video of Seun Kuti, a renowned Nigerian singer assaulting; slapping, pushing and aggressively malhandling a police officer in uniform which has been trending all day. In his defense, Seun Kuti claims that the police officer tried to “kill him” and his family members and that’s why he pounced on the officer in aggression to retaliate and defend himself. He (Seun Kuti) further stated that he has evidence to back up his claim of being assaulted first by the officer and he only decided not to press charges against the police officer because the police officer and his colleagues had apologized to him.

Contrary to this position of Seun, in the video circulating, the police officer was never seen to have retaliated or to even have lifted a finger on Seun to defend himself despite the aggravated assault Seun melted on him.

Well, let’s assume that Seun Kuti’s claim that the police officer tried to kill him is true, hence why he pounced on the officer; on no account should you attack an officer of law no matter whatsoever they did to you, especially the ones on uniform who can easily be identified as police officers on duty. It is a no go area. Assault on police officers is a felony punishable with at least 6 months jail term. Even resisting arrest or obstructing a police officer from doing his duty is as well an offense punishable by law.

Section 98 of the Nigerian Police Act of 2020 provides as follows;

“A person who assaults, obstructs or resists a police officer in the discharge of his duty, or aids or incites any other person to assault, obstruct or resist a police officer or other person aiding or assisting the police officer in the discharge of his duty, commits an offence and is liable on conviction”.

I can understand fully well and can as well fully relate that Nigerian police officers can be very reckless and abusive to innocent citizens but that should never warrant a citizen to revolt and assault a police officer publicly or privately just like we saw Seun Kuti doing. There are avenues that have been established to address personal grievances against police officers and the Inspector General of Police and the Police Service Commission in recent time have done so well in making sure that excesses of reckless police officers are put to check. We have recently seen numerous police officers who were caught extorting, assaulting and harassing people severely punished by the police authorities; some were suspended, others were demoted and some were outrightly dismissed.

I look forward to Seun Kuti being arrested and prosecuted so that others will not want to repeat what he did which will lead to constant assaults and physical attacks on our formidable police officers who have been risking their lives to protect us.

Stan Alieke is a legal practitioner and can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

One who hears and repeats a curse of the king is really cursing the king

Quickly last week, my office premises and environs did not have electricity and some few steps from my office is the Jos Electricity Distribution Company. The company is one I did rate a 4 out 0f 10 which by any standards is fair enough. So, they were powering the office with a generator, yes you heard me generator.

And I have seen this scenario, once or twice but it just occurred to me that we simply are not well as a people. However, truth be told worse things have happened.

A few years ago, the Bureau for Public Enterprise BPE sold NITEL, the nation's elephant telecom company, to a building in Switzerland, it was a building housing a church, all the dance and drama. We soon let go. Just a reminder it was called PENTASCOPE. Years later, the father of a white cloth wearing former Honourable bought the NITEL house...The NITEL story remains a tale by moonlight, plenty of lies, half-truths, misinformation, propaganda, a potpourri of sorts.

How about the Steel Rolling Mill in Jos, Plateau, it was 'racketered' in that sweet sounding word privatization. Some journeymen bought all the assets, renamed it Zuma, today the only functional thing is the housing estate. The factory and machines have long been vandalized.

There was that drama of Daily Times, publishers of that ole time newspaper. Before I go far, a former Managing Director of the once pride of publishing told me "Charlie, Daily Times is like a big elephant, everybody comes and cuts his/her own and goes away."

You need to appreciate that statement in context, at a time in point Daily Times had properties virtually everywhere Nigeria had a presence in the world. All that changed, what is left of the elephant was sold to some clowns and the rest is history...the elephant eventually slumped.

Let me spare us the story according to Nigerian Airways, the Nigerian Shipping Lines, or our textile industry in Kaduna state!

Anyway, my admonition is on our power sector, the Buhari administration is leaving a sector comatose after promises that power supply would get better, and indeed on some odd occasions I and many Nigerians have enjoyed more than 8hours of electricity. But don't forget, it was not the norm, it was an exception. The President, his aides, and ministers made pledges but delivered very little in this respect.

I will put it in context, almost 200% increase in tariffs in 8 years, with more than 100 nations still paying cheaper for electricity, and depending on who's statistics you are looking at, we have spent over N7 trillion on our power sector since 1999, with the bulk of that finding itself in private pockets.

We don't have enough electricity but under the WAPP initiative to promote and develop power generation and transmission infrastructures as well as to coordinate power exchange among the ECOWAS member states. Nigeria currently supplies electricity to the Republic of Benin, Togo, and Niger.

The economic loss due to grid collapse is almost 3% of the nation's Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

I recall the drama of Enron, a failed American company that was reckless in its use of derivatives and special purpose entities. Mr. Tinubu, the incoming President started the IPP project in Nigeria with Enron then in Lagos. It is noteworthy that he was the first to challenge the monopoly of NEPA. He conceptualised the bulk purchase agreement. Obasanjo stopped the implementation. We wait to see what lies in wait and fate…

Put in perspective, with 12 Turbines, the Mambilla Hydroelectric Power Station is a 3,050 MW hydroelectric power project under development in Nigeria. When completed, it will be the largest power-generating installation in the country, and one of the largest hydroelectric power stations in Africa. It is still 6 years away from expected completion date of 2030 and costing US$5.8 billion

For those that did not know the Mambilla hydroelectric project was originally conceived in 1972, it could advance only after 35 years when China's Gezhouba Group awarded a contract to develop the project with 2,600MW installed capacity in 2007, all still na voicemail.

At 50 years old, Kainji hydroelectric dam is the oldest functioning power plant in Nigeria. Kainji is one of 3 major dams in Niger state. The others are the Jebba dam (1985) and the Shiroro dam (1990). A fourth dam is currently under construction at Zungeru.

The Federal Government in February 2023 announced the preferred bidder for the concession of the 700 megawatts Zungeru Hydroelectric Power Plant for a fee of $70,000,251 per year for a period of 30 years

We have blamed witches for power outages. We have since forgotten the Minister who resigned and the controversies surrounding all that power scams.

And then the many Chinese loans taken, yet we are on the same track, the Power Holding Company of Nigeria has been sold and the drama continues. But if you know Nigerians and Nigeria, it is only a repeat episode, nothing new.

Most of the owners simply bought PHCN properties for peanuts. Owners that have no required expertise, distribution companies aptly called DISCOs that see the venture as new 'oil wells' dancing around our collective psyche.

Looking at the best efforts of the government or the DISCOs, I simply recall those days when we read, the novel by Adaora Ulasi, many things we don't understand. What captivated me then, was not just in the story but that title.

Yet, from PHCN, to NEPA, onetime ECN, for those old enough to remember. Now Distribution Companies, the power sector and these Discos are just a repeat episode of things we never may understand.

Like why we can't get 22hours electricity in a nation with so many resources both human and financial. Like how do we expect to get the desired megawatts with generating and transmission points that are run like Lugard lamps.

Only last year a handful of men put the whole nation in darkness in the name of a power strike. No one cared about the loss of those hours that the nation was left in the dark. We still suffer high current—electric gadgets bear the brunt, no one is held liable, and then low current—you can barely see, so there is electricity but it cannot power a bulb.

The Transmission company people are doing loads of hard work but truly it amounts to nothing when there are many questions and no answers, I agree that we are a difficult people, it is probably only in Nigeria that PHCN owes NNPC for fuel supplied, and NNPC has not paid for electricity supplied and state houses owe utility bills, while citizens that have not paid bills in years have power as long as there is power to spare.

I do not need to lecture us on the benefits derivable to the Nigerian economy in the event we sort out our electricity palaver. I must state the solution does not lie in Chinese, World Bank loans or Private Partnership but upon a strong political will by leadership.

If and if only Mr. Tinubu can lay the groundwork, of solving the power problem, to address the energy palaver, to direct his energy to the octopus like the Ajaokuta Steel Rolling Mills, just solve the power problem, posterity will judge him fair, but as it is—only time will tell.

 

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Before I try to make sense of the unfortunate events of the past few days, particularly the trending video clip of Oluseun Kuti, that showcased indiscretion and lawlessness. Permit me to share with us through this contribution, the enviable family background of Seun Kuti: Oluseun Anikulapo Kuti, popularly known as Seun Kuti, a Nigerian musician, singer, and the youngest son of Afrobeat pioneer Fela Kuti. Seun leads his father's former band Egypt 80.
 
Seun Kuti’s father is the late iconic musician and activist Fela Kuti. Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti (born Olufela Olusegun Oludotun Ransome-Kuti), also known as Abami Eda, is an iconic Nigerian musician, bandleader, composer, political activist, and Pan-Africanist. Kuti is regarded as the pioneer of Afrobeat (a Nigerian music genre that combines West African music with American funk and jazz.) 
 
Interestingly, There is no direct connection between Fela’s career and those of his father or grandfather. Fela was not the inheritor of a lineage as much as the originator of one: the link between his life and work and those of some of his own children and grandchildren, male and female, is pronounced. 
 
Prominent among those children are his daughter Yeni and his sons Femi and Seun. Each began their career as a member of Fela’s Egypt 80. Each shares their father’s pan-Africanist outlook and unconditional belief in human rights, and actively campaigns against the corruption which, today as in Fela’s day, holds back African development.
 
Unarguably, Fela was referred to as one of Africa’s most “challenging and charismatic music performers.” He was described by All-Music as a musical and sociopolitical voice of international significance. Fela fronted the band Egypt 80 and was succeeded by his son as the band’s leader after his death. Seun, the younger Kuti has done well for himself. He has carved a niche for himself and done his bit to sustain the legacies of the Abami Eda. Seun was nominated for a Grammys award in 2019.
 
For those who do not know, Seun is one of the grandchildren of Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti: Nigeria’s ‘lioness of Lisabi’ "Beree" as she was nicknamed. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, a Nigerian activist, feminist, and the first woman in Abeokuta to drive a car. She is recognized as the first female Nigerian political activist. She is lovingly called “The Mother of Africa.” Her full name is Francis Abigail Olufunmilayo Thomas.
 
No doubt: Seun Kuti inherited a huge burden of the family's grace. The son of legendary Fela Kuti, whose direct brothers Beko Ransome-Kuti and Olikoye Ransome-Kuti, both medical doctors, were well-known in Nigeria. Fela is a first cousin to the Nigerian writer and Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka, the first black African to win the Nobel Prize for Literature.
 
All these (ṣàlàyé) explanations are to properly interrogate Seun's background, providentially sought for and scrutinizing the character of a supposedly iconic figure caught on the wrong side of the law. So, what has changed? What happened to the son of legendary Abami-eda, the grandson of Beree, the nephew of the celebrated medical giants, Prof Olukoye and Bekololari Ramsome-Kuti? What happened Seun? These are the questions agitating the minds of some of us who treasures and admired the kuti's dynasty.
 
In lieu of the above, without prejudice to the outcome of the investigation as directed by the Inspector-general of the police. I like to recommend more stringent but productive measures of punishment as a deterrent for incongruence and indiscretion. Seun should be made to continue to serve as a role model given his pedigree and personal accomplishment; he should be made to volunteer for monthly concerts whereby he will use both his talent and resources to encourage good behavior aside from public apologies and monetary donations to the victim of assault.
 

 

The zeal and determination with which Senator Godswill Akpabio is approaching his ambition to be the next Senate President are a true reflection of his character traits. He is a man of considerable energy, doggedness and resolve to get what he wants. He is unbelievably self-driven; and no matter the obstacle, Akpabio will push it down to achieve his objectives. I do not mean to sound unduly sycophantic, but many of us have come to admire him, even if secretly for some, for his never-say-die spirit.

Despite the monumental efforts made in 2006 to block his governorship ambition, Akpabio had his way. Now, he is pulling out all stops to become the next Senate President. Although he has the backing of the President-elect, his party and many stakeholders, he is taking no chances and is leaving no stone unturned to get what he wants.

Over the weekend, he travelled with over 50 senators from all the five parties to meet the governor of Lagos as the first leg of a nationwide tour. Babajide Sanwo-Olu, the fast-talking chief executive of the nation’s tiniest, but richest state and a close ally of Bola Tinubu’s, promptly received Akpabio and his team, and assured him of his support and the votes of the three APC senators from the state. Akpabio and his delegation are billed to visit other SW states, meet with their governors, pick up their backings and return to Abuja later this week. They will then visit all the other five geopolitical zones where they will meet governors, senators (both old and new); traditional rules, party kingpins and power brokers.

I look forward to his arrival in Uyo. But even if he does not come to Akwa Ibom, he has the full support of our people and the two PDP senators. There are many insinuations and speculations that Gov. Udom Emmanuel is not supporting Akpabio. Many have stated that the governor has been mobilizing support for Akpabio’s many opponents in the race. I called the governor’s press secretary, Ekerete Udoh, this morning to ask where Mr. Udom Emmanuel stands. Ekerete sounded startled by my inquiry, and stammered, ‘’Etim… Etim… you’re my good old friend, a very senior journalist and a professional colleague… but please, I do not have any comment to make on this matter. Etim please…Etim please…’’. He hung up. I laughed heartily.

Akpabio’s energetic and strong-minded campaign for the job is a far cry from what the other candidates are doing. The Senator from Abia, Orji Uzor Kalu, who is being backed by the incumbent Senate President, spends all his days in his Asokoro home, whining and grumbling that the party has not zoned the ticket to him. Kalu wants the party to anoint him senate president, despite his skullduggery in the lead up to the APC presidential primary last year. Orji had spent his energy and resources campaigning for Ahmed Lawan for president, in spite of the fact that the position was overwhelmingly zoned to South in the interest of fairness, inclusiveness and national cohesion. But for Orji, loyalty to an old friend (I understand he and Lawan were roommates at UniMaid) and self-interest trump all national considerations. Now, he is shouting that the senate presidency should be dashed to him in the interest of fairness. He now knows what fairness is.

Despite his national appeal and support from key stakeholders, Akpabio is not sitting down at home, waiting to be anointed. For one, the President-elect only assured him of his support, but admonished him to work and get the support of his colleagues. Such an endorsement on its own does not necessarily guarantee a win. You have to talk to every senator and key stakeholder, and seek their support. At the last count, Akpabio has secured a confirmed backing of over 90 senators from across the different parties, out of the 109 in the chamber. He needs only a simple majority to get the job. I understand that those in support had all signed their names in in a hardcover notebook. You can trust that the book would be part of the working document for the him. In addition, Akpabio has received open endorsements from many governors, including those of Niger, Ekiti, Katsina and of course, Lagos, which I mentioned earlier. Engr. David Umahi, the governor of Ebonyi and a newly elected senator is the Chairman of his Campaign. By all indications, Senator Akpabio will register a massive victory on June 11, and even if the party scraps the zoning arrangement and make the race an open contest, Akpabio could still take it.

But why does Tinubu seem to have a soft spot for the former Akwa Ibom governor? Why did he announce his support for Akpabio? Remember what a Roman philosopher once said? ‘’Luck is what happens when preparation meets opportunity’’. Both Tinubu and Akpabio are neighbours in Lagos and they’ve been friends for a long time. But beyond that, Akpabio prepared for this day. He’s been coveting this job since 2018, and he played good politics in 2022, supporting Tinubu to the hilt when it mattered most. So, while Kalu was rooting for his former roommate, Akpabio worked hard for the emergence of Tinubu as the party’s presidential candidate. Nigerians will easily recall how Akpabio stepped down for Tinubu at the convention grounds on June 6, setting off a wave of supports from many other aspirants. I can say categorically that Tinubu’s overwhelming victory at the convention was partly due to Senator Akpabio’s spectacularly rousing speech to the delegates while he was announcing his withdrawal from the race for the former Lagos governor. And throughout the grueling eight-month presidential campaign, Senator Akpabio was shoulder to shoulder with Senator Tinubu. And when the campaign train came to Akwa Ibom State, Akpabio joined hands with other APC leaders in the state (Minister Umana Umana; Obong Nsima Ekere; Senator Ita Enang and many others) to pull off remarkable rally for Tinubu. It is for no other reason that APC scored about 30% of the votes, a stunning achievement in a state where PDP’s rigging machinery was on overdrive.

In a very strange manner, Akpabio’s candidacy for the senate top position has brought Akwa Ibom people from different political and ethnic backgrounds together. Both his admirers and those who don’t like his politics are all in agreement about the unique consequential import of an Akwa Ibom son taking the third most important political position in the land.

Idon’t know if it is appropriate for the old saying, “How are the mighty fallen”, to come into play here. But chai, life is a joke. Full of ironies. Tosses us up and down. And, I just wonder, and ask myself, why we struggle, so much, to impress life, instead of allowing it to deal with us as it deems fit.

You know, atimes, after so much struggles, arranging and packaging out lives, life just laughs, and deals an inexplicable blow on us. Or, how does one explain what has happened, politically, to the immediate past Transportation Minister, Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi?

Of course, you know Amaechi. Who doesn’t?  He comes as big as one can imagine. As large. And as loud. Ambitious. Blunt. Atimes, no niceties. Sure-footed. Fine boy, no pimple, with a closely knit family. Many people admire the, often, “public affection”  between him and his wife, Judith. He calls her his best friend, confidant, wife of his youth. Awwww! Nice.

You know all those.But for the purpose of this write-up, I need to do a brief re-introduction  of Amaechi.

Amaechi’s journey to Politics began when he was appointed a Special Assistant during the Government, in Rivers State, of Chief Rufus Ada George and his Deputy, Dr Peter Odili. Amaechi was attached to Odili’s office. He had always been attached to Odili – long before then.

The Military, headed by maximum leader, General Sani Abacha, sacked that Government. It was an Interim one, hurriedly put together by then (Military) President, General Ibrahim Babangida, when he stepped aside.

When General Abacha,  passed on, and the gentle-looking General Abdulsalami Abubakar stepped in as the Head of State, Politicians and politics came alive again. And Amaechi was, of course, with Odili.

While Odili contested for the office of the Governor, Amaechi went for the House of Assembly. The strong speculation is that Amaechi was, allegedly, defeated by Uche Okwukwu,  but somehow, he made it to the Assembly. And Odili made sure Amaechi was installed Speaker of the House, a position he held for eight years.

From there, Amaechi’s luck  propelled to high heavens.More than any of those who contested for the Presidential Primary of the APC, Amaechi had held more challenging and responsible and respectable  political offices. Here goes:

Two-term Speaker of the House of Assembly.Chairman Conference of Speakers, Nigeria.Two-term Chairman, Nigeria Governors Forum.Two term Minister of Transportation.For two times, Director General of President Muhammadu Buhari Presidential Campaign Council – 2015, 2019.

How solid and rich can one’s  credentials be?

As a Governor, he knew how to use power. Ask  the Rivers State Commissioner of Police, the brilliant Joseph Mbu, during Amaechi’s time as Governor. He showed the guy pepper and fire, at once. Mbu, a sure-footed Officer, withstood the fire, and closed his eyes to avoid Amaechi’s pepper.

Then, Amaechi faced then President Goodluck Jonathan. Stubborn guy, strong-willed,  Amaechi was the one who leaked the controversial, non-proven story that over 45 billion US Dollars were missing during  Jonathan’s administration. Ask then Central Bank Governor, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, former Emir of Kano, he said so. Amaechi was the one, who, as a Governor, led the rebellion against Jonathan. And, he was the one who introduced  APC to Rivers State and the  South-south.

As a Grade A Minister, under President Muhammadu Buhari, he was very powerful. There were many times he showed raw power. He knew how to have his way. Ask former Managing Director of the Nigeria Ports Authority, the elegant Hadiza Bala-Usman. Amaechi dealt with her. He was a powerful Minister, very powerful.

 

So what happened to Amaechi? The Amaechi who not a few people thought was being groomed, by President Buhari and the powers-that-be in the North, to succeed him in office. He served the North. No doubt, he did. Check out the number of landmark projects he executed down there, especially, in Daura. When he was given the high profile title – Dan Amanar Daura – by the Emir of Daura, Buhari’s Emir, many thought ”ah, that’s it, he will succeed Buhar.” Especially, as Nigeria’s First Lady, the no-nonsense Aisha Buhari, did the unprecedented. She visited  Amaechi and his wife, Judith, in their home, bearing gifts, to congratulate him on the Daura title. The pictures were flaunted. And many took that visit as an endorsement of Amaechi as  Aisha’s husband’s successor in office.

So, what happened? Or, what has happened. How did Amaechi suddenly, so suddenly, become anonymous? Is it not the same Amaechi who called a former Minister of Aviation a thief on National Television? Why has he been so quiet, politically? How did his larger than life image disappear? Where has all that power gone to? Why has he become irrelevant, politically, both in Rivers State and at the National level? It is like cold water has been poured on him. Has Amaechi suddenly become history?

Not a few people think so. And they point accusing fingers at Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, the   one man riot squad of Nigerian politics who not only showed his Party, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP,  pepper but destroyed it, and ended Atiku Abubakar’s every four-years Presidential run, unless the Courts say otherwise.

You would recall, dear readers, that Amaechi and Wike were of the same PDP. They were good friends. Aside from the fact that both of them belonged to the influential Odili Political family, Wike stood by Amaechi when former President Olusegun Obasanjo stopped Amaechi from running for the Governorship seat of Rivers State, which Odili had ceded to him.

Wike fought for Amaechi who was in exile in Ghana. And when the Supreme Court, in one of its inexplicable rulings, declared Amaechi the Governor, even though he did not stand for election, Amaechi rewarded Wike by making him his Chief of Staff. But it was a relationship bound not to last. Two strong, stubborn, ambitious people, they were bound to be caught in a power struggle.

At that time their relationship with their mentor, Odili, had become cold. When Wike was literally shipped to Abuja by Amaechi to become a  Minister of State, Education, Wike  found “his feet”, and according to him, literally crawled back to the Odilis. And his relationship with Amaechi continued to go down the hill. Then, a combination of a few things made Amaechi  dump the PDP for the APC.

Not a few people believe that Amaechi, more than anything else, left the PDP because of Wike. They say Wike was too strong for him in the State. And, even though Amaechi was Governor, Wike caged him.

That was how come Wike stopped Amaechi from installing his own successor. He defeated Amaechi, and became the Governor.

With Wike as Governor, Amaechi was finally caged. He ran Amaechi out of the State. Federal might could not save him. It was from that time that Amaechi’s influence in the State began to wane.

Of course Amaechi’s office as Minister for Transportation gave him a lot of power and influence, and visibility, but it couldn’t save him. The APC was unable to win any significant position in the State. Not encouraging. But at the Federal level, within  APC, Amaechi reigned. In his State, he had no tap root.

At the Presidential Villa, Amaechi reigned too. Otherwise, how was he able to carry out so many projects in Daura which earned him that high profile title from the Emirate? How was he even able to remove the high profile and privileged Bala-Mohammed from the Managing Directorship of the NPA?

When Amaechi picked the Presidential form for the APC Primary, many thought it would be a “goooooal” for him. But many too felt he lost it the day he declared, in Porthacourt, his interest to run for the office.They said he made a fundamental mistake when he ran round the venue to show he is very healthy. They say it was not a diplomatic move, seeing that the state of Buhari’s health was a subject of controversy. “What did he want prove?”, they asked. “Was he, indirectly,  mocking the President’s fragile health?, others murmured. When he lost to Tinubu, not much sympathy went his way from his Party members.

His non reappointment as a Minister by Buhari, after the Presidential Primary was seen as a sign that Amaechi had fallen out of favour. Perhaps, he didn’t take note. But the worst awaited him in the hands of Wike who found a way to shunt him out of the APC.

Wike took over the APC in the State, and  made Amaechi irrelevant  in a Party where he was among the top 20. At the National level, Wike convinced them Amaechi is a paper-weight politician in the State. Every who is who in the APC began to ignore him.

In Rivers State, Wike became the man to go to. The toast. APC leaders, Including APC Governors, would visit Porthacourt and ignore Amaechi. They would go and dine and wine with Wike, and not even have the courtesy of placing a phone call to Amaechi to tell him “We are coming to your State, or we are in your State.”

Amaechi was reduced to a nobody in the Tinubu-Shettima Presidential Campaign Council. He had no role to play. It is even doubtful he was invited to most of the rallies. To the extent that when the APC Presidential train and team arrived Porthacourt, Amaechi was nowhere to be seen. He chose to be absent. The APC cut a deal with Wike behind Amaechi.

By doing that, they indirectly told the former powerful Transportation Minister that he had neither power nor influence in Rivers Politics again. They knew where the power was. It was with Wike.

On 25th February, the day of the Presidential election, Amaechi played no role for APC. Wike was in charge, and by hook or crook, delivered the candidate of Amaechi’s Party to spite his own Party’s Candidate. Amaechi contributed nothing, many in APC taunted him later.

To rub it in, to show that he was in charge, on the day of the Governorship election, Wike played the opposite role. He sent Amaechi’s  APC Governorship Candidate, Tonye Cole,  crashing, and delivered the PDP  Candidate. There was no “pim” from Amaechi then, and still no ”pim” from him till date. He is just there!

A couple of weeks ago, a number of APC members, thought to be loyal to Amaechi, rose against him. They said he was no longer  the APC leader in the State, a position he cherished so much. They accused him of anti-party activities. Only a couple of people spoke up for him.

A few days ago, two of his closest allies were suspended by the Rivers APC. Can you imagine that? He was saved the humiliation by the National body which  rescued him from that embarrassment, by canceling the suspension.

Just by playing smart, by playing a double game, by eating his cake, and still had it tucked away in his pocket, Wike reduced Amaechi to a nobody in APC.

Nobody knows exactly what Wike wants. Will he dump  the PDP for APC, a Party he swore he hated to the sky and back? Many think his plan is to,  eventually, rebuild the PDP and lead it. Nobody should doubt that, especially, in the PDP. The Party Leaders  were all there, mopping, when Wike, single-handedly,  killed and buried the Party. They did nothing. He removed two of their National Chairmen, one after the other from office. They did nothing. They were afraid of him. Still are.

This order day, he flaunted Tinubu on PDP’s grave, in Porthacourt, danced and peed on it. Effectively, Wike is the leader of both the PDP and the APC in Rivers State.

But back to Amaechi.

Does he regret dumping PDP for APC?  Perhaps, yes. Afterall, he, allegedly, worked for the APC Presidential Candidate, Atiku Abubakar, in the Presidential election. Too late. Made no impact. But for the Coup he led against Jonathan and PDP, the Party which gave him all in 2015, PDP could still have been in power.  Perhaps. He and his fellow Coupists, most of whom have fallen by the wayside, could still have been parading as the powers-that-be.

But, perhaps, he has no regrets. Being the Minister for Transportation for eight years is a big deal. Yet it pales before what he gained in the PDP, and could have continued to gain.

However, he should be consoled that he is not the only “big politician” in Rivers State who Wike has reduced to nothing. They are many. He reduced them to empty drums. Just noise makers. In Rivers, politically, it seems there is none, man enough, to do, or say “pim” before Wike – the Jagaban of the State, the Jagaban of the PDP.

So, will Amaechi ever rise again, politically? Probably. Age is on his side. But my guess is not very soon. And that’s sad. He had such a bright future, politically. But now, he is just “siddon look.” Bewildering.

Never mind Buhari’s promise of retirement after Aso Rock. Bayajidda The First, Prince of Baghdad and founder of the Hausa states, stretching from Nigeria to Niger Republic, did not retire until he overcame the invasive sarki snake of Daura’s Kusugu Well and won everlasting water for his people. Read Sir Gawain Bell’s ‘An Imperial Twilight’; read the legend of Bayajidda in Hausa texts. The president will hand over Nigeria on May 29 to assume his duties as the reincarnation of his people’s guardian angel. And that can be pretty tricky, especially when the new president comes far from the North and may take decisions that directly threaten the hoof of the northern horse. Therefore, when Buhari leaves power in two weeks’ time, everything must be done to retain him as Bola Tinubu’s friend. Even in our current position of supine surrender, we may not fancy their company but we need them to be friends for our collective peace and safety. Read the Sudanese tragedy, if you have not. The two generals at the heart of the madness there were allies who did good and bad things together in the past. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan is the leader of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF); Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (aka Hemedti) is the head of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). These two men of power, a few years ago, bandied together to do a coup which made one of them Head of State and the other his deputy. Then they fell apart and their country is the huge casualty of their war. Hundreds of innocent people have died and many more will die. Countries have scrambled to evacuate their displaced nationals – all because, between the two Generals, there is a battle for supremacy. In Nigeria, a lot is said to be happening or simmering as I write. The details are not known beyond what the winds and their dry, rustling leaves tell. Some relationships, like adultery, are doomed to end in fights and fisticuffs. No one would bother if the resultant war is strictly between the two ‘slayers.’ But, it doesn’t happen like that. As John Pepper Clark wrote, war casualties always go beyond “those who started a fire and now cannot put it out.” They include millions who will burn in that fire even while they “have no say in the matter.”

 

May Sudan not happen to Nigeria. This piece starts with prayers. It has to. “Everyone in Africa believes in God…It’s the only way we can survive. People leave home praying that there will be electricity when they return. On the road, they pray that they will avoid motor accidents. If they crash, they pray the hospitals will be functioning. Their prayers mostly go unanswered, but still they pray. Life in Africa is a long prayer.” This long quote I picked straight from the review of a new novel by Stephen Buoro, brand new writer, Nigerian-born. The book’s title is ‘The Five Sorrowful Mysteries of Andy Africa.’ I have not got a copy to buy and read, but I have read its reviews in The Economist and The Guardian of U.K. I find the introductory paragraph of the review in The Economist particularly very engaging; the quote above is from that review. Life in Nigeria “is a long prayer.”

Muhammadu Buhari is northern Nigeria’s third most consequential and influential leader since Uthman dan Fodio. The Jihad of 1804 was about conquest and power; it could not reach the sea. After dan Fodio, the North had Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto who could not go far beyond where fate stopped his push; now the North has Muhammadu Buhari who was crowned Bayajidda II in June 2015. When the Emir of Daura made Nigeria’s president a reincarnation of a tribal warrior-ancestor, he presented him a gold-plated sword and a horse. From that moment till this moment, Buhari has faithfully lived that life as president; his reign has been about that sword and that horse of sectional battle and deliverance. Yet he says he has been the best for all of us. Leo Tolstoy spoke about sitting on a man’s back, “choking him and making him carry me and yet assure myself and others that I am sorry for him and wish to lighten his load by all means possible.” If you are not wicked, you will know that the yoke will only be off if you get off the back of the burdened. Buhari rode the horse of Nigeria’s diversity so badly that his victims cannot wait to see him dismount. They check the watch every second for the bell to toll for his tenure and for May 29 to dawn; the marginalized, the ignored and the ditched cannot wait for the northern General to leave power in two weeks’ time.

Perhaps because I am an overthinking person, I feel that Buhari’s impending exit should worry me. The president’s dismount will significantly mark the North’s exit from eight years of very sweet, unpretentious sectional hegemony. I have asked myself what happens after the handover? There will be business-as-usual attempts to govern the new man by today’s men who claim to be makers of the coming king. If the new man truly has the capacity to resist being mis-governed, and he proves it, then there will be lots of drama. And that is where my fear lies. The elites of the North will rally to preserve their privileges; Buhari will be too happy to fight for his people. His people will be fortunate to have Buhari as the rallying point. And you know what happens to the field where privilege and principle contend? It loses its lush, its green.

 

Never mind Buhari’s promise of retirement after Aso Rock. Bayajidda The First, Prince of Baghdad and founder of the Hausa states, stretching from Nigeria to Niger Republic, did not retire until he overcame the invasive sarki snake of Daura’s Kusugu Well and won everlasting water for his people. Read Sir Gawain Bell’s ‘An Imperial Twilight’; read the legend of Bayajidda in Hausa texts. The president will hand over Nigeria on May 29 to assume his duties as the reincarnation of his people’s guardian angel. And that can be pretty tricky, especially when the new president comes far from the North and may take decisions that directly threaten the hoof of the northern horse. Therefore, when Buhari leaves power in two weeks’ time, everything must be done to retain him as Bola Tinubu’s friend. Even in our current position of supine surrender, we may not fancy their company but we need them to be friends for our collective peace and safety. Read the Sudanese tragedy, if you have not. The two generals at the heart of the madness there were allies who did good and bad things together in the past. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan is the leader of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF); Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (aka Hemedti) is the head of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). These two men of power, a few years ago, bandied together to do a coup which made one of them Head of State and the other his deputy. Then they fell apart and their country is the huge casualty of their war. Hundreds of innocent people have died and many more will die. Countries have scrambled to evacuate their displaced nationals – all because, between the two Generals, there is a battle for supremacy.

In Nigeria, a lot is said to be happening or simmering as I write. The details are not known beyond what the winds and their dry, rustling leaves tell. Some relationships, like adultery, are doomed to end in fights and fisticuffs. No one would bother if the resultant war is strictly between the two ‘slayers.’ But, it doesn’t happen like that. As John Pepper Clark wrote, war casualties always go beyond “those who started a fire and now cannot put it out.” They include millions who will burn in that fire even while they “have no say in the matter.” They include millions who die; more millions who await “burial by installment.” They include millions who would live but would lose “persons and property.” They include “those led away by night” into “cruel” cells by power. What do you think really caused the Nigerian civil war? The immediate cause: One colonel would not accept another as his Commander-in-Chief. Then a shooting war started, two million innocent people died; many more became ruined forever but the two rivals and their backers lived to enjoy life, including marrying new wives. Their descendants sit on thrones of diamond.

Leaders that conceive themselves as god among men are potent threats to peace. Political leaders that equate themselves to, or raise their ranks above their heroic ancestors and are further convinced of their own divinity don’t sleep, they don’t retire. They see their mission as lifelong; it is till-death-do-them-part with power and contestation for power. We’ve had deities here who used to be very far-seeing; today’s gods of power are blind; the future they see is only about their privileges and their descendants’ bottles of food and wine. And they will not mind fighting a war to sustain that lifestyle. You are seeing what is happening in Sudan? The whole world is the casualty. Watch videos of shrieking bombs and whistling bullets. Listen to horrifying stories of evacuees; the black African ones among them tell grimmer stories. I pray that Sudan never happens here.

Yet, it almost happened this year. Or, what do you think would have happened if Bola Tinubu had lost the APC primary to the favoured aspirant, Ahmed Lawan, from the North? Tinubu would, most likely, have contested the general election on the platform of, maybe, the SDP and would have been declared one of the losers by Mahmood Yakubu, a professor from the North. Tinubu would have, in the name of Jesus, rejected that verdict and cried blue murder. He would have invoked the spirit of Sango and NADECO and would have joined forces with Peter Obi and his implacable Obidients to draw a cracking, vertical line of thunder bursting the bowel of the nation. Afenifere, Ohanaeze, Arise News, Channels TV, Tribune and Thisday and the other critical voices of the Lagos-Ibadan press would not be the enemy they are called today. The shriek you hear in the Sudanese skies would have been thundering through here too. The battlefield would have been painted in the incandescence of “South l’ókàn.” But, thank God, it has not happened. We should prepare special ritual dishes for everyone who gave Tinubu victory at the APC primary.

In a nation of free regions, no part should see itself as the choice makers – people who choose for everyone and cannot be chosen for by anyone. Where such exist, and they gain ascendancy, they ultimately make their country a cauldron of fire and lava. Two weeks to a constitutional change of government, so many things are happening beyond what we can see; many more will happen. You heard about a group led by professors in the north of Nigeria who met in Kaduna on Friday and demanded the headship of the National Assembly as a matter of right. Reports said the leaders, who described themselves as northern stakeholders, converged on the symbolically important Arewa House from the 19 northern states. There they made their demands and threatened the yet-to-be inaugurated regime of Bola Tinubu. They vowed that it would be denied oxygen except the North was given the leadership of the National Assembly and key ministerial appointments. Their communique, signed by Professor Tukur Muhammad-Baba and Dr Benjamin Izra Dikki, lamented that the North is not presently in control of the executive and the judiciary and therefore their demands for legislative powers are “non-negotiable.” They presented a table of votes predicating their demand for privileges on percentages: North-West gave Tinubu 2,652,235; North-Central gave him 1,742,993 and the North-East, 1,185,458. “The total contributions of the North (to Tinubu’s success) was 63.5 percent,” they claimed, and roared that their “demand is non-negotiable.” I don’t think the Èmi l’ókàn people plan to be ungrateful to those who clothed them with the furs of their uncountable votes; but threats are counterproductive. What the North is saying and doing we call it ìrègún in Yoruba – giving someone something good and squatting over it. It devalues the good done and hardens the heart of the beneficiary.

The auguries are not right. The demands in Kaduna are ‘legitimate’ for a region that will leave power and lose privileges in a matter of days. The “non-negotiable” tone may be provocative but it should also be understood as one of the birthmarks of Nigeria. Albert Einstein said stupidity, fear and greed are the three great forces ruling the world. I think the genius was very right. Those are the precise forces behind what we’ve put up with in the past one decade plus: stupidity that the cart could push the horse forever in Nigeria; the fear of losing Nigeria as some people’s unaccountable shop, ATM and dispenser of unmerited privileges; and the greed that excludes partners from profiting from their stake in Nigeria as a collective investment. Count the years and the tears you’ve shed from regime to regime.

Nigeria is some people’s kusugu well. They will get out ground and air forces to shell any snake that may stop them from drawing satiation from what they think they possess. The forces are stepping out already. Bayajjida will be very happy to drive the tank.

I started this long talk with prayers; I will end it with prayers. A character in Steven Erikson’s Reaper’s Gale said “I have my throne, I have my sword, I have an empire. But I have . . . no one.” That should not be the portion of anyone who becomes our king or president.

How true is the claim that Nigeria is subsidizing PMS consumption in other neighbouring countries? In January 2022, the Minister of Finance, Zainab Ahmed, declared that the daily PMS consumption rate was 65.7 million litres. The NNPC stated that the average daily PMS supply from January to August 2022 was 68 million litres based on truck-out data. But, the daily PMS consumption rate was 44.4 million litres. The difference was never delivered and reflected the padding of PMS consumption data for corrupt purposes. The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva, argued that PMS smuggling was responsible for the discrepancy in data from different government sources. He stated, “The imported products come to Nigeria, and from there filters out of our borders to neighbouring countries. We are inadvertently subsidizing the whole of Africa.”

This IMF smuggling argument is premised on the price differential between PMS prices in Nigeria and neighbouring nations. The PMS price per litre in Nigeria is $0.573 while the prices in the neighbouring countries of Benin, Niger, Chad and Cameroon are $1.093, $0.976, $0.847 and $1.093 respectively. However, the area covered by Benin, Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon is not a free market zone where product supply react seamlessly with price stimuli. These are nations with market boundaries that constitute impediment to unrestricted price induced PMS volume flows. During the 2023 Presidential campaign, the Presidential Candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Tinubu, stated ““How can we be subsidizing fuel consumption of Cameroon, of Niger, of Benin Republic. No matter how long you protest, we are going to remove subsidy”. However, in 2023, the Ministry of Petroleum Resources, signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with Niger Republic for the importation of petroleum products.  There is obvious no smuggling of Nigerian PMS into Niger.

In September 2022, the Nigeria Customs Service questioned the PMS smuggling assumptions of the NNPCL and government. The NNPCL had claimed it loaded 98 million litres per day in trucks to meet the nation’s estimated 60 million daily PMS consumption needs. The Customs comptroller-general, Hameed Ali, asked “The issue of smuggling, if you release 98 million litres in actuality and 60 million litres are used, the balance should be 38 million litres. How many trucks will carry 38 million litres every day?”. Since it will require 1151 PMS tankers with 33,000 litres capacity crossing the borders daily, the smuggling argument broke down. A simple input output volume balance of petroleum products in the region shows that no PMS is smuggled into neighbouring countries. For example, Niger’s Zinder refinery has a 20,000 barrels per day (bpd) capacity. In 2015, Niger produced 15,280 bpd of petroleum products and imported 3,799 bpd for an input volume of 19,079 bpd. The country consumed 13,000 bpd and exported 5,422 bpd into Chad and Benin for an output volume of 18,422 bpd. Therefore, Niger had a net input of 657 bpd. Chad produced 0 bpd of petroleum products and imported 2,285 bpd for an input volume of 2,285 bpd. It consumed 2,200 bpd and exported 0 bpd for an output volume of 2,200 bpd. It had a net output of 85 bpd.

Cameroon produced 39,080 bpd of petroleum products and imported 14,090 bpd for an input volume of 53,170 bpd. It consumed 42,000 bpd and exported 8,545 bpd for an output volume of 50,445 bpd. It had a net input of 2,725 bpd. Benin produced 0 bpd of petroleum products and imported 38,040 bpd for an input volume of 38,040 bpd. It consumed 44,000 bpd and exported 1,514 bpd for an output volume of 45,514 bpd. It had a net output of 7,474 bpd. The total net output of surrounding nations in the region was 4,177 bpd. In 2015, Nigeria produced 35,010 bpd of petroleum products and imported 223,400 bpd for an input volume of 258,410 bpd. It consumed 316,000 bpd and exported 2,332 bpd for an output volume of 318,332 bpd.  It had a net output of 59,922 bpd. Let us assume that the net regional output of 4,177 bpd from neighbouring countries was smuggled from Nigeria, there would still have been was a net output of 55,745 bpd which was never imported into Nigeria nor smuggled to neighbouring countries.

We have shown that no PMS is smuggled to neighbouring nations. This is an IMF argument to justify the corruption in the subsidy regime. In 2011, the average daily PMS consumption rate was 31.2 million litres, while the government paid fuel subsidy of 2,110 billion Naira on based on  an estimated PMS consumption rate of 56.9 million litres. The difference of 25.7 million litres per day was said to have been smuggled out of the country. In reality, this difference was due to companies making false subsidy claims on undelivered fuel. These corrupt practices were revealed by the 2012 Farouk Lawan House of Representative Ad-Hoc Committee investigation and report. The committee found payments for billions of litres of petrol that were never supplied, and more than $6.8 billion refunds due to the Treasury. The Federal government’s Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede committee also indicted 25 companies. It identified an over payment of $2.5 billion and questioned an additional $1.5 billion worth of transactions. In 2012,  1,360 billion Naira was paid as subsidy for the importation of 43.1 million litres of PMS per day. But, the daily PMS consumption rate was 32.4 million litres. The remaining 10.7 million litres per day of PMS was never delivered. Nobody have gone to jail for this theft of public funds. PMS daily consumption rate should be measured with certified dynamic flow meters such Coriolis meters and a Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) system to eliminate the falsification or padding of PMS daily consumption data for corrupt purposes. If existing refineries are repaired and more refineries built, there will be no need for a PMS price hike under the guise of fuel subsidy removal.