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Curses are unseen and unidentifiable forces speaking against one's well-being, progress or existence. It can be an instrument for punishment or persecution. You see the effects manifesting physically, but the cause or source remains unseen. It can come from man, from Satan or even from God. You call that from God divine curses. Now, all of them can turn generational if not properly dealt with. That is, they can be transferred from parents to their children, children's children and it goes on. From one generation to another. For example, if the generation curse (punishment) is poverty, every generation that comes up from that lineage will be poor; living in terrible financial, economic struggle. If it is sickness, you find out that their generations will always come with the same type of ailment or even worse than those before them. And generational curses tend to grow worse by generations. True.

   Now, what are the things that can bring about curses that can turn generational? Idolatry, immorality, stealing, treachery, murder, mockery, disobedience, etc, all these can bring terrible generational curses to a family or a place. Yes, individuals, families, cities, nations and environments can be cursed. You can find all these in the bible. And you can get all these from my book Breaking Generational Curses: Claiming Your Freedom by Gabriel Agbo, because space and time will not allow us to exhaust them here. Check it out on Amazon. Now can we take them one after the other?

Idolatry/Occultism 
  One of the things that attract divine curses that will always run generational is idolatry. Idolatry is simply giving God's place or worship to other things. It means leaving the creator to worship the created. This worship could be to Satan, spirits, demons, angels, humans, animals, etc. Or to their inanimate representation in rocks, stones woods, images, objects, etc. Any form of diversion of God's place and worship to any created being or object is idolatry. Those that their parents practiced occultism, idolatry, witchcraft will always have a heavy generational price to pay and the deeper the practice the harder the curses. Curses that follow idolatry and occultism are often terrible. And this is what many families are going through – untimely deaths, madness, lack of progress, violent crimes, etc, True.

   The only worship that God accepts is the one that is coming to him through his only begotten son Jesus Christ. Anything short of this will definitely attract God's punishment (curses). God hates idolatry with passion. No wonder he has always said that it is distasteful and abominable to him. He calls it spiritual adultery, spiritual harlotry and union with demons. And the Bible has always identified Satan as the Devil; who is the head of all idolatry and occultism. If you are into any form of these occult practices, just know that you are inviting curses upon yourself and your next generations. You and your next generations will battle with unseen hindrances. We have read it before and I beg to repeat it here. Again, listen to God in Exodus 20:2-6: He said that he will punish the children of idolaters and occult people for the sins of their parents to the third and fourth generations. My God! This is terribly fearful! So many people, families are going through this right now. We will continue next week. God bless!

All this 'bad belle' noise about stopping the Presidential Inauguration until all election petitions have been adjudged is selfish, divisive, selfish and unbecoming.
 
In the first place, there can't be a vacuum in governance. The Nigerian Constitution, as currently composed, provides for when an outgoing administration leaves office and when an incoming administration is sworn in. It does not make any provisions for any other contraption.
 
Second, it's so pathetic to see people who couldn't stand Muhammadu Buhari staying a minute longer in office now advocating that he should extend his tenure to whenever the election petitions are disposed off. Whatever has become of their pride as by-the-letter "constitutionalists"?
 
I almost puked from hearing and reading most of these fake "constitutionalists" demanding for the setting up of an Interim National Government as an alternative "lesser evil" to tenure elongation.
 
Let's get one thing clear. The constitutional provisions on transition of administrations - at ALL three tiers of government, not just the presidency alone - are crystal-clear, without the need for an understanding of rocket science. 
 
The big question is: If they have been complied with on six previous occasions without the heavens falling, why the ruckus in 2023? The answer is as clear as 7-Up: Because Asiwaju Bola Tinubu is involved. Shikena!
 
But policies must never be allowed to revolve around the morbid hatred groups of people are harbouring against one individual. As Greek philosopher Onasander so poignantly observed, "Envy is a pain of mind that successful men cause their neighbours."
 
Having surmounted all the daunting obstacles put in his path by "principalities and powers" without AND within his own political families (APC and the mutinous 'Tinubu boys'), it would seem to me that not only is Tinubu living a charmed political life but that he's divinely ordained to be the Nigerian President in the Year of our Lord 2023! 
 
Anything else would amount to just kicking against the pricks, or as an Igbo proverb posits, "Ochu okuko nwe ada" (the individual hell-bent on pursuing a chicken will invariably suffer a fall!).
 
It is pertinent at this juncture to remind the two main protagonists in this matter of how they maliciously want to deprive Tinubu and Nigerians what they and their constituents had benefitted in the past. 
 
Olu Falae, who ran on the joint Alliance for Democracy/All People's Party ticket in the 1999 election, challenged the results in the Court, but it didn't stop Olusegun Obasanjo and a certain Atiku Abubakar from being inaugurated while the case was still subsisting. 
 
Same thing happened in 2003, 2007, 2011, 2015 and 2019, as declared winners took their oath of office while lawsuits challenging their victories were still going on. 
 
And in 2010 when Peter Obi was declared the winner of the Anambra State Governorship Election, he VERY HAPPILY swore the oath of office, even though the lawsuits challenging his reelection by Chris Ngige (Action Congress of Nigeria), Chukwuma Soludo (People's Democratic Party), Andy Uba (Labour Party - what an irony!), Emma Anosike (Hope Party) and Uche Ekwunife, were still in progress. 
 
There's something definitely immoral about trying to deny others what you yourself have benefited from, won't you agree?
 
I've read folks say that  it's illogical, irrational and wrong to swear in the declared winner of an election while lawsuits challenging the result have not been fully disposed of. I concede that there may be sense in what they're saying. 
 
However, if Nigerians - not just a pocket of noisemakers - believe that this is the right thing to do, let's then get our legislators to amend the constitution and electoral act accordingly. 
 
The Nigerian Constitution currently has zero tolerance for policies and decisions having retroactive effect, meaning that any such amendment can only come into effect in FUTURE elections. Every reasonable person knows that it's taboo to change the rules or move the goal posts while a game is still on.
 
Finally, must I remind Atiku, Obi and their supporters who are berating the US Secretary of State, Antony Bliken for speaking on the phone with President-elect Tinubu, that nations play international diplomacy by the rule book of national interest. 
 
Two questions are germane in a scenario like this: (1) "What happens if we congratulate the declared winner of an election and he loses in Court after having being sworn in?" (2) What happens if we fail to congratulate a declared winner prior to being inaugurated - while other competing governments are doing so - and he goes on to win in the Court?
 
The size and status of the nation involved - in the context of the state of the international power polarities - usually guide individual nations in ascertaining the opportunity costs of deciding one way or the other. 
 
I'll now leave the reader to reflect on what I've written to arrive at your own conclusion because as English lexicographer and essayist Samuel Johnson once bellowed: "I have found you an argument; I am not obliged to find you an understanding "
 
Let's please stop overcharging and overheating the polity because someone won and some other person lost an election because the bus stop theory is very practical in life.

City FM is inviting you to a scheduled Zoom meeting.

Programme: CITY TALKS WITH REUBEN ABATI

Time: 12:00pm

Guest: Chief Akin Osuntokun (Director General, Labour Party Campaign Council)

Topic: "Labour Party Chairmanship Tussle"

Date: May 20th, 2023
                         
Join Zoom Meeting
https://zoom.us/j/92877141732?pwd=VEJWb29OL2VVekZUTHRpdWYxK0xxZz09

Meeting ID: 928 7714 1732
Passcode: 600206

When I was growing up in the village in the 60s and 70s, my dear mother always told me, “you will bury me”. I could not then process the meaning. Why would my mother who was still alive, hale and hearty, tell me I will bury her? I can now understand. Indeed, I did bury her in a most befitting manner when she transited in 1997. May our children not kill us. May they bury us instead. Amen. Itsee. This is thus the usual prayer of parents. This has not quite worked out for the Ekweremadus. The genesis and revelation of their ordeal leading to their conviction and jail in faraway cold London arose wholly from their child's kidney malfunction and their perseverance as parents to save her life. Sonia, the recurring decimal in their travails, puts it most eloquently when she moaned, "I feel guilty, I feel like all this has happened because of me". She is right. Her health condition called Nephrotic syndrome, a condition where the kidney does not function properly, ignited the entire brouhaha.

Sonia’s survival depends on continuous dialysis for the rest of her life; or a kidney transplant. Senator Ekweremadu’s desire to save his daughter’s life has now put him away in cold London for nearly 10 years. He was first arrested with Beatrice, his wife, on June 23, 2022, by the London Metropolitan Police. They were charged with conspiracy to facilitate the travel for another person with the intention of exploitation – specifically for organ harvesting. At the Uxbridge Magistrate Court where they were arraigned the next day, they pleaded not guilty. They were ordered to be remanded in custody by Magistrate Lois Sheard, pending hearing, because of the severity of the charge. God, may our children bury, not kill us.

THE HOLY BOOKS TO OUR RESCUE

The Bible in Ecclesiastes 6:3 (King James Bible version), tells us:

"If a man beget an hundred children, and live many years, so that the days of his years be many, and his soul be not filled with good, and also that he have no burial; I say, that an untimely birth is better than he."

The Holy Quran, Surah Al-Anam (the cattle) in 6:151 states, "Say (O Prophet to the infidels), “Come, and I shall recite what your Lord has prohibited for you: Do not associate anything with Him (as His partner); and be good to parents, and do not kill your children because of poverty - We will give provision to you, and to them as well - and do not go near shameful acts, whether they are open or secret; and do not kill a person whom Allah has given sanctity, except rightfully. This He has enjoined upon you, so that you may understand”.

The Ekweremadus’ nasty experience makes me really sad and sober. I can only at juncture find no consolation than the poem of Adly Guigris, in loving memory of Jackson Antonio Clark, titled: "No Parent should have to bury their child." May our children bury, not kill us.

ORIGIN OF THE PRAYER

“May our children bury but not kill us” is a cheeky twist on the traditional notion of the abhorrence of parents burying their own children. It is a reminder that we should strive to create a future where our children outlive and bury us, rather than they inheriting a world where we dig their own graves. It is also the twist of a degenerate phrase by which we are made to pay for the sins of our children. This ancient belief encapsulates the essence of inter-generational responsibility and the urgency to take action. It is a gentle nudge, reminding us that our decisions today do ultimately shape the world our children will inherit tomorrow.

"Let our children bury, but not kill us" therefore serves as a witty call to duty, inviting us to consider the consequences of our today’s actions and the legacy we intend to leave behind. It challenges us to think beyond our immediate needs and desires. It urges us to prioritize the well-being of future generations. The proverb also serves as a whimsical reminder that our children deserve a better world where they can flourish, rather than being burdened with the consequences of our own mistakes. In its clever twist, it encourages us to embrace responsible decision-making and sustainable practices as we navigate the complex challenges of our time. This is to ensure we leave behind for our children, a world brimming with opportunities and hope.

This proverb wholly encapsulates the challenges of parenthood and the profound sacrifices we make to ensure the continuation of our lineage, even as we journey inexorably to the mythical realm of our ancestors. So, may our children bury, not kill us.

MY HEART BLEEDS FOR THE EKWEREMADUS

This captivating and surreal story of the Ekweremadus has garnered national and global interest of monumental proportions, not solely due to his celebrity status or political notoriety, but primarily because it provokes the question “what would you have done in his peculiar situation?” Readers, answer this question very honestly. Leave out fixations, stereotypes, anger, disappointment, vengeance, revenge, sentiments, emotions, clannishness, nepotism, sectionalism, etc. what would you have done finding yourself in Senator Ekweremadu’s shoes? Tell me. May our children bury, not kill us.

THE CONVICTIONS AND JAIL TERMS

The tale of Senator Ike Ekweremadu’s conviction and 9 years and 6 months jail sentence in a judgement passed on him by Judge Jeremy Johnson at London’s Old Bailey Criminal Court on Friday 5th May, 2023, is for me personally, heart-rending and most traumatic. To compound the travails of the 60-year-old brilliant Prince of Mpu, Aninri LGA, Enugu State, a 4 time Senator; a brilliant Lawyer and tested Politician, his 50 years old beautiful wife, Beatrice, was also convicted and jailed for 4 years and 6 months. One Dr Obinna Obeta, 50, the very medical doctor (himself a kidney transplant survivor), who was found to have acted as the middleman in the kidney organ harvesting odyssey (which started in May, 2023), was jailed for 10 years. Only Ekweremadu’s daughter, 25 years old Sonia, whose ailment ignited the Ekweremadus’ agony was set free. I personally feel both sympathy and empathy for this great Nigerian, who before his “substantial fall from grace” (to use the words of Judge Jeremy Johnson), loomed larger than life in the political and legislative firmaments of Nigeria. Yes, sympathy and empathy are not contradictory or mutually exclusive. I have sympathy because I feel pity and sorrow for him over his misfortune. Empathy for him because I can understand and feel Ekweremadu’s agony, trauma, tears, pains and pangs, from my own little corner, rather than his. Dr Brene Brown’s TED talk narrated through RSA Animate, explains the difference. Sympathy is when you see someone in a deep hole, but you remain on higher ground and speak to him from above. You may even decide to put a silver lining in his pitiable situation, instead of merely acknowledging his pains.

Conversely, empathy is when you feel for the person and climb down the hole to sit beside him and make yourself vulnerable so as to sincerely connect with the person in pains. In this case, you recognize the person’s struggles and pains, but cannot minimize them. My deep inner feelings for Ekweremadu combine both sympathy and empathy. For those who do not like this my thesis, may our children not kill, but bury us.

THE RICH ALSO CRIES

I have heard and read some people who gloat and jubilate over Ekweremadu's travails. They anchor this mostly on deep-seated anger and sentiments on the usual class "war" between the rich and the poor; the Aristocrats and the peasants. The poor are happy. Yes, happy that the rich for once also cries - courtesy, Amaechi Nzekwe's novel, "The Rich Also Cry: Stories for Young Readers". Even the Holy Bible agrees with this, when it admonishes us in Luke 12:13-11,thus: "Then, give thanks and don't be an ingrate such as the rich fool who thought it was all about his wealth, forgetting that the rich could also cry". The proverb demonstrates that even the rich people have their own painful times when life proves very tough, difficult, even empty and vacuous. A time they want to let go and end it all. Have you, rich readers, ever experienced such a low moment? A state of nadir! Don’t divulge please. But such people basking in a sense of triumphalism easily forget the immortal post-war confessional prose by the anti-nazi regime German theologian and Lutheran pastor, Martin Niemoller, when he said, "First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out - because I was not a socialist. Then they came for the Catholics, and I did not speak out – because I was not a Catholic. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out - because I was not a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out - because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me - and there was no one left to speak for me”. I do not therefore join the orchestra of those "gotcha" chorus fellows. When you point only one finger at others, the remaining four are pointing at you. When you throw a stone into the market, you do not know whom it may hit. It could be your parents, siblings, children or loved ones. So, may our children bury, not kill us.

THE SENTIMENTS, THE EMOTIONS

IS ORGAN HARVESTING A FORM OF SLAVERY?

In a matter as sensitive as this and which is of international interest, facts and fiction are bound to clash and rival for space. It evokes emotive feelings of the over 2,000 years old slave trade where over 12.5million Africans were enslaved. It took many years of fierce intervention and intercession by the Abolitionists such as William Wilberforce, Thomas Clarkson, William Cowper, Olaudah Equiano (an Igbo man), Alexander Falconbridge, Elizabeth Heyrick, Toussant Louverture, John Newton, Mary Prince and Abraham Lincoln to abolish this man’s inhumanity to man. So, mentioning slavery in modern times evokes emotive feelings of rejection. May our children bury, not kill us. May our children bury, not kill us.

THE MODERN SLAVERY ACT, 2015

 After the British Slave Abolition Act of 1833, the Modern Slavery Act of 2015 was enacted. This Act encompasses human trafficking and all forms of exploitation. These include the act of recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring and receipt of persons.

THE MEANS OF MODERN SLAVERY

The means of modern slavery include coercion, ritual oaths, financial control, debt bondage, abduction, blackmail, abuse of power, over vulnerability, deception, “Stockholm’s syndrome”, grooming, restriction of movement, threats to friends or family, social stigma.

THE PURPOSE OF MODERN SLAVERY

The purpose of modern day slavery includes sexual, labour and criminal exploitation, organ harvesting, bonded labour, domestic servitude, forced fraud, forced marriage, etc.

When I read section 2(1), 2(2), 2(3) and 2(7) of the Modern Slavery Act, 2015, I shook my head. I immediately knew Senator Ekweremadu was in deep trouble. The sections provide as follows:

“(1) A person commits an offence if the person arranges or facilitates the travel of another person (“V”) with a view to V being exploited.

(2) It is irrelevant whether V consents to the travel (whether V is an adult or a child).

(3) A person may in particular arrange or facilitate V's travel by recruiting V, transporting or transferring V, harbouring or receiving V, or transferring or exchanging control over V.

 (7) A person who is not a UK national commits an offence under this section if—(a) any part of the arranging or facilitating takes place in the United Kingdom, or (b) the travel consists of arrival in or entry into, departure from, or travel within, the United Kingdom.”

FACTS AND FICTION

Let us see if we can carefully separate the facts from the fiction; the truth from the falsehood.

ONE NARRATIVE AGAINST DAVID, THE KIDNEY DONOR

David Ukpo Nwamini, the organ victim, was said to have claimed to be 15 and underaged. But the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) disputed this and revealed his true age as 21. The Comptroller General of NIS, Mr Isah Idris, released a statement on June 27, 2022, clarifying that there was no age falsification on the passport issued by the Immigration agency, contrary to David’s claims. He emphasized that the NIS followed proper procedures in issuing the passport. Some people therefore believed that David, the alleged victim actually exploited the couple to seek asylum in the UK. Such people wonder what he was given in return for simply being picked from the streets of Lagos to go to London. Just like that! Why did he receive the sum of N270, 000 he confessed receiving at all? Were the Ekweremadus simply walking on the street and doling out money to whoever cared to receive? Just why?

Ekweremadu's daughter had been diagnosed with a kidney disease and required a transplant. Embracing the South African Proverb: 'Motho ke motho ka batho'—A person's essence is connected to others, Ike Ekweremadu's resolved to aid his ailing child. This was how David came into the picture. May our children bury, not kill us.

WHAT WORKED AGAINST EKWEREMADU

David, the potential donor had been identified and sent to the UK for assessment with the intention of providing the much needed kidney. He was paid. However, it was discovered that David Nwamini’s (the donor) kidney did not match that of Ekweremadu's daughter, Sonia. His ineloquent English also raised suspicion among the doctors as to whether he actually understood what he was about to do. Consequently, David the donor was scheduled to return to Nigeria. However, this source claims, David having seen the beauty of London (away from his dreary life on Lagos streets), reneged and refused to return to Nigeria. Instead, he bolted and sought asylum with the UK Police, after wandering the street for three days. He claimed hunger and attempt by the Ekweremadus to harvest his kidney. His story was moving. Even believable. May our children bury, not kill us.

DAVID, THE VICTIM, STATES HIS OWN CASE

However, David Nwamini, the individual at the centre of this case, denied this. He sais he had always longed for life in the United Kingdom, away from his wheelbarrow business of selling recharge cards, purewater and mobile phone accessories on the streets of Lagos. He claimed that he was enticed to move to the UK with the lure of job opportunities. Nwamini stated this in his impact statement, which was presented in court. Nwamini shared details about his heart-rending humble upbringing in a Lagos village, where he was the eldest among seven siblings living in a dingy household without access to electricity or running water. Of course, this is the typical life of most Nigerians in the ghettos, I can hear many murmur.

David added that due to his father's sudden illness with a heart problem, he was compelled to become a full-time street trader in the city of Lagos to support his family. He therefore resorted to the wheelbarrow business; earning a maximum of £7 per day, and sometimes as little as 50 pennies.

David recounted how an opportunity to work in the UK (a long-held but seemingly unattainable dream), was thus presented to him. However, he was taken aback when he discovered the real purpose of the trip: his organs were to be harvested and given to Ekweremadu's daughter, Sonia.

Hear him: “He [Dr Obinna Obeta, the Medical Doctor middleman], did not tell me he brought me here for this reason, he did not tell me anything about this. I would have not agreed to any of this, my body is not for sale”.

David pleaded that he would not want to return to Nigeria because he is worried for his safety. The victim claimed someone visited his father in Nigeria and asked him to get the victim, his son, to drop the case.

“I worry for my safety in Nigeria; those people can do anything. I think they could arrest me or kill me in Nigeria,” he added. He told the Police he did not want to claim compensation from the “bad people” as it would be “cursed and bad luck”.

Judge Jeremy Johnson was obviously swayed by David’s own touching side of the story. He saw David as the victim who did not deliberately come out to entrap the Ekweremadus. In a very measured (I don’t want to say the usual firm coldness of the British) tone, he convicted Ike Ekweremadu, whom he regarded as “the driving force throughout”.

In this first UK case of its kind, the Judge convicted Ike Ekweremadu for his role in a “despicable trade” that took advantage of the “poverty, misery and desperation” of vulnerable people.

“People-trafficking across international borders for harvesting of human organs is a form of slavery”, the Judge at Old Bailey Criminal Court said as he handed down the jail term.

“It treats human beings and their body parts as commodities to be bought and sold”, he added, noting that the sentence represented a “substantial fall from grace” for Ekweremadu. May our children bury, not kill us.

THE LAW IS CLEAR

Lynette Woodtow, Deputy Chief Crown Prosecutor and National Modern Slavery lead at the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS), enthused it had been “our first conviction for trafficking for the purposes of organ removal in England and Wales.”

She said it highlighted an important legal principle which made it irrelevant whether the trafficking victim knew he was coming to the UK to provide a kidney.

“With all trafficking offences,” Ms Woodrow said, “the consent of the person trafficked is no defence. The law is clear; you cannot consent to your own exploitation”. It is thus a strict liability offence.

HOW THE TWISTS FAVOURED DAVID

The story in David’s favour suggests that the doctors who had examined David did not know whether a crime had been committed. But, they were obviously not comfortable with the yawning discrepancies in David’s dozier. Was David sure he wanted to donate his kidney? Everything appeared smooth. The bubble however burst when Ekweremadu and Dr. Obinna attempted to dispatch David back to Nigeria. David who had neither been given a job, nor sent to school as he said he was promised, was not prepared to return to Nigeria. So, he bolted from his kernel and ran to a Police Station to save himself from starvation. He lied he was only 15 to curry sympathy. He was asked if he was paid money, and he said he was paid only N270, 000. But, the Police upon scrutiny of the Whatsapp chats between Ekweremadu and Dr. Obeta discovered that Ekweremadu had actually given N4.5 Million to Obeta to be delivered to David. But, a greedy Obeta only gave David a miserly N270, 000 and pocketed the balance. The shame of a merchantilistic medical doctor who may never practise medicine again!

Because Ekweremadu kept away from dealing directly with David, it was easy for Obeta (the middle man) to fleece him. This was why he was unaware and kept in the dark of Obeta’s so glaring a scam. But, Judge Jeremy saw through this façade and simulation. He pierced it. He believed Ekweremadu’s indirect involvement with David highlighted the well-worn style of Aristocrats, who play fast and smart by keeping far away from crime scenes, so as to avoid direct involvement in the crime. They usually maintain some cold distance between themselves and the crime, so as to plead alibi. May our children bury, not kill us.

WHAT MULTIPLIED EKWEREMADU’S WOES

One major factor that was highly detrimental to Ekweremadu’s greatest undoing was Obeta’s lying on Oath. Three official documents he signed stated that David was Sonia’s cousin (thus, Ekweremadu’s nephew). However, all the WhatsApp chats between Dr Obeta and his own brother clearly showed Ekweremadu constantly referring to David as “that guy”. Indeed Obeta was to admit in open court that he had lied. He apologized profusely. The sentiments obviously played out against a “big man” (Ekweremadu) who was ready to pluck out a peasant’s kidney to save his own daughter, by paying £7000 to the donor; and further ready to pay for the surgery with a whopping £80, 000 at the Royal Free Hospital, London. This is one of the most expensive in the UK. May our children bury, not kill us.

No doubt, Ekweremadu’s ignoble fate reminds me of Lord Denning, who was once stated in the case of Gouriet v. Union of Post Office Workers & Ors (1977) 3 All ER 70; (1978) AC 435: “Be you ever so high, yet the law is above you.” Ekweremadu was lucky even escaping life imprisonment, as the Judge reckoned with the 51 page pleas for allocutus by World leaders, civil societies, parliamentarians, International Human Rights Commission (IHRC), ECOWAS, ethnic Nationalities, Nigeria’s own highly lettered former Head of State and President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR, Ph.D. That was why he got a term less than the life imprisonment provided for by section 5(1) of the Modern Slavery Act, 2015. The offence is more of strict liability. Although it is legal to donate kidney, but such donations must not be paid for. However, evidence showed that Ekweremadu had doled out a whopping £7000 through Dr Obeta, with a new life in Britain promised David. This was the crux of the matter. Judge Jeremy noted all the pleas. But, he was obviously not impressed. He appeared to have seen the pleas as aggravating, rather than extenuating. They demonstrated oppression of the poor by the rich.

Prosecution Counsel Hugh Davies KC, had argued that the behavior of Ekweremadu showed entitlement, dishonesty and hypocrisy. Ekweremedu on the other hand said he was a victim of a scam. Doctor Obeta said the boy was not offered any reward; rather, he acted altruistically. Lies! Ekweremadu’s wife was not privy to the conspiracy hence the lesser service.

Many have wondered aloud (and I tend to agree), how come the English was so quick to enforce the Modern Slave Act, when they never punished those English men who enslaved Africans and Nigerians for centuries. May our children bury, but not kill us.

WAS JUDGE JEREMY JOHNSON TOO HARSH?

In arriving at his decision, Judge Johnson gave reasons and made copious references to sentencing guidelines, mitigating and aggravating factors, including the very real impact on the victim’s life and his well considered rejection of any compensation in respect of which an order could have been made. David had said he did not want money from the bad people. Judge Johnson repeatedly referred to David’s age and ethnicity as factors that put him at greater risk if the donation had gone ahead successfully.

Although Ekweremadu’s sentence was 9 years, 6 months, he is to serve 2/3 before he can be released on licence. His wife was given 4 years 6 months out of which she must serve half before she can be released on licence. The doctor got full 10 years the mitigating and aggravating factors were considered to be at par. May our children bury, not kill us.

THE SOCIETY AND IMPACT OF ORGAN TRAFICKING ON THE VICTIMS

An alarming scarcity of human organs available for transplantation has reached a critical level in our new world. This is marked by a stark contrast between the ever-increasing demand for organ transplants and the severely limited supply. This has led to a very disturbing trend of the escalation of abuses within the organ transplant system. Notably, as noted by WHO-ONT (Global Observation on Donation And Transplantation), one of the most egregious consequences of this scarcity is the illicit practice of trafficking in persons for the unlawful acquisition of organs. There is an acute global shortage of human organs for transplantation. To accurately determine the extent of trafficking for organ removal has remained a difficult task. The Global Reports on Trafficking in Persons by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) indicates that between 2010 and 2018, approximately 300 cases of individuals being trafficked for organ removal were identified across various countries. Unlike other types of human trafficking, this particular phenomenon is relatively uncommon.

This is attributed primarily to the exceptional level of medical expertise which necessary to carry out organ removal procedures. It is crucial to acknowledge that the official statistics on the prevalence of this phenomenon do not fully capture its true scale. The complexities involved in detecting and prosecuting this crime contribute to the under representation of its magnitude. One notable challenge is the occurrence of organ trafficking within legitimate medical facilities, making it difficult to identify and expose. The failure to detect and report such cases, along with the geographical dispersion of trafficking in persons for organ removal, are increasingly worrisome for the global community.

Public discourse often confuses organ trafficking with trafficking in persons for organ removal. This leads to their interchangeable use in the media and even within the medical field. But, they are distinct crimes governed by separate, yet complementary legal frameworks.

Despite the legal distinctions, as noted by Human Rights Council, (Report of the Special Rapporteur on sale and sexual Exploitation of children, including Child prostitution, pornography and other child sexual Abuse Material), complications may arise in correctly adjudicating cases where an organ is illicitly obtained from a living organ donor, as both legal frameworks can potentially apply. Such challenges in proper legal handling could have grave consequences for the victims involved.

Furthermore, it is worth noting that discussions surrounding trafficking in persons for organ removal extend beyond organs alone. Related topics such as surrogacy and trafficking in tissues and cells, have also been part of this larger discourse. May our children bury, not kill us.

THE LEGAL FRAMEWORKS TO ADDRESS TRAFFICKING FOR ORGAN REMOVAL

The UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children (Trafficking in Persons Protocol) criminalizes the act of trafficking individuals for the purpose of organ removal. Article 3 of the protocol explicitly identifies "organ removal" as a form of exploitation that should be prohibited by national laws. The offence, as defined by the Trafficking in Persons Protocol, involves:

  • Recruiting, transporting, transferring, harboring, or receiving individuals;
  • Using threats, force, coercion, abduction, fraud, deception, abuse of power or vulnerability, or providing/receiving payments or benefits to obtain consent from a person in control of another person.

At the regional level, Article 4(a) of the Council of Europe (CoE) Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings, the European Union (EU) Directive 36/2011 of the European Parliament, and of the Council on Preventing and Combating Trafficking in Human Beings and Protecting its Victims, and the ASEAN Convention Against Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children acknowledge the significance of organ removal as a form of exploitation related to trafficking.

WHAT EKWEREMADU WAS PROSECUTED FOR

In the case of Ekweremadu, he was prosecuted for organ trafficking under the domestic legislation of the United Kingdom's Modern Slavery Act of 2015. This legislation, which is relatively recent, is believed to have been applied for the first time to the Ekweremadus, in a case of this nature.

The UK’s Modern Slavery Act 2015, frowns at human trafficking under which organ harvesting falls and is punishable with maximum sentence of life imprisonment upon conviction. May our children bury, not kill us.

CHARTING THE WAY FORWARD: SOME RECOMMENDATIONS

The following recommendations should be taken as general guidance; and not necessary specific to the Ekweremadus case.

Preventing organ trafficking is a complex and sensitive issue that requires a multi-faceted approach. It involves various stakeholders, including governments, international organizations, healthcare professionals, law enforcement agencies, faith-based organizations and civil society organizations. Because I do not wail and moan over spilled milk, or dwell in damage assessment alone, I always write and proffer solutions. So, here are some recommendations on the way forward, to prevent organ trafficking, and save others from the fate of the Ekweremadus.

  1. Strengthen Legislative Frameworks: Governments should enact and enforce comprehensive legislation that specifically addresses organ trafficking. These laws should criminalize all aspects of organ trafficking, including recruitment, transportation, transplantation, and the involvement of medical and health professionals. Penalties should be severe enough to act as a deterrence.
  2. International Cooperation:Encourage international cooperation and collaboration among countries to combat organ trafficking. This includes sharing information, intelligence, and best practices, as well as coordinating efforts to investigate and prosecute offenders across borders.
  3. Raising Public Awareness:Conducting public awareness campaigns to educate people about the dangers and ethical implications of organ trafficking. Focus on informing potential organ donors and recipients about legal and ethical alternatives, emphasizing the importance of voluntary, altruistic donation.
  4. Ethical Organ Transplantation Practices:Promote ethical practices in organ transplantation; ensuring transparency, accountability, and adherence to established guidelines and protocols. Encourage healthcare professionals and transplant centre to adopt stringent standards and regularly evaluate their practices.
  5. Donor Protection:Establish mechanisms to protect living organ donors, such as ensuring informed consent, providing comprehensive pre and post operative care, and prohibiting the coercion or exploitation of vulnerable individuals.
  6. Strengthen Regulation and Oversight:Strengthen oversight and regulation of organ transplantation by establishing independent regulatory bodies. These bodies should monitor transplant activities, enforce compliance, and investigate any suspected cases of organ trafficking.
  7. International Organ Exchange Programs:Encourage the development of international organ exchange programs to facilitate legal and ethical organ transplantation across borders. These programs should operate within a transparent and regulated framework to prevent abuse and exploitation.
  8. Collaboration with Law Enforcement agencies:Foster collaboration between healthcare professionals and law enforcement agencies to identify and investigate cases of organ trafficking. Enhance training programs for law enforcement personnel to enable them to effectively detect and combat organ trafficking networks.
  9. Support for Victim Rehabilitation:Provide support and rehabilitation services for victims of organ trafficking, including medical care, psychological counseling, and social reintegration programs. Collaborate with NGOs and support organizations to ensure comprehensive care for victims.
  10. Research and Data Collection:Promote research and data collection on organ trafficking to better understand its scope, trends, and underlying causes. This information can help policymakers develop evidence-based strategies and interventions.
  11. May our children bury, not kill us.

CONCLUSION

The Ekweremadu organ trafficking saga serves as a harrowing reminder of the cruel and exploitative trade in human organs.

The sacrifice of a parent in the Ekweremadu case highlights the immense pressures and vulnerabilities that can be exploited by those involved in illicit organ trade. It emphasizes the need for comprehensive efforts to alleviate poverty, improve healthcare systems, and create opportunities for socio-economic advancement, ultimately reducing the vulnerability of individuals and families to exploitation.

Ultimately, the Ekweremadu case should serve as a catalyst for addressing the underlying socio-economic factors that drive individuals to engage in organ trafficking. It calls for strengthened legal frameworks and international cooperation to combat organ trafficking effectively, advocating for the protection of human rights, and supporting initiatives that combat organ trafficking. It is only through concerted international efforts that we can hope to put an end to the horrific practice of organ trafficking and provide justice for the victims involved. May our children bury, not kill us.

 

WHAT NEXT?

Some Nigerians had taken to the media, asking President Buhari to beg for pardon from King Charles III, during his attendance at the coronation of the king.

I was surprised. Would you have seriously thought Buhari would ask for clemency for the Ekweremadus? Would ethnic and political considerations not have stopped this, with Ekweremadu being an Igbo?, Or, was it really expected that nepotic Buhari, who had granted clemency to convicts of more grievous offences in Nigeria, would ask for same for Ekweremadu?, I do not know. Or, do you? May our children bury, not kill us.

Modern Slavery is a heinous international crime, it is treated with seriousness considering its negative effect and far-reaching impact on human rights and the brutal history of slavery. The Ekweremadus only tried to save their daughter's life. But, that may not have necessarily been done in the most desperate manner he did, resulting in public disgrace. While the law has taken its course, there remains a window for the Ekweremadus to appeal, get royal pardon; or make a plea bargain. The entire adventure tells us this: ignorantia juris non excusat (ignorance of the law is not an excuse). We must, as parents, always try to consider the pros and cons of any intended action before embarking on same on behalf of our children. Considering the influence and reach of Ike Ekweremadu, many wondered whether if he publicly asked, he would not have got over 20 Nigerians stepping forward to donate kidney to his daughter. I do not know. Or, do you? Finally, may our children bury, not kill us.

 

Plenty of authors have written about how they believe a possible robot apocalypse would happen and how our chances would be. Usually, it has to do with a new advancement in robotics that led to it getting sentience. Or sometimes a rogue A.I. Despite this, we continue to further our knowledge and dependence on artificial intelligence. While I’m not here to say whether it’s right or wrong for us to continue along this path, I am a mere messenger and informer to our current accomplishments in the field of Artificial intelligence this year.

In the past year, natural language processing has experienced one of AI’s most significant advancements (NLP). For example, the language model GPT-3 created by OpenAI has demonstrated impressive talents in producing text that resembles that of humans. GPT-3 is capable of understanding and producing language at a level previously thought to be unattainable thanks to its 175 billion parameters. In a recent study, GPT-3 was found to perform at the cutting edge in numerous NLP tasks, including translation, summarisation, and question-answering (Brown et al., 2020).

 

Computer vision is another field where AI has made considerable strides in the last year. Very impressive powers in producing realistic images have been demonstrated by GANs (Generative Adversarial Networks). In a recent study, GANs were found to perform at the cutting edge in several computer vision tasks, such as image synthesis and picture in-painting (Karras et al., 2020). In layman’s terms, they can generate images from a prompt.

Throughout the past year, AI has also advanced significantly in the healthcare sector. The use of AI to gauge the severity of COVID-19 is one example. An AI-based model has demonstrated good results in predicting the severity of COVID-19 in patients, according to a study (Jiang et al., 2021).  Another illustration is the application of AI to foretell the risk of developing heart disease. Another study found that AI-based models outperformed conventional risk calculators in terms of accuracy when estimating the risk of heart disease (Khera et al., 2021).

Lastly, over the past year, AI has made major advancements in the realm of autonomous vehicles.  Very impressive abilities in traversing challenging environments have been demonstrated by self-driving cars. A study found that self-driving cars have made substantial advancements in terms of performance and safety, with some businesses claiming to have attained level 4 autonomy (Gopalan, 2021). This means that A.I will be able to take you anywhere that has a location without needing to request you to take over at any given period.

To be honest at the rate that A.I is experiencing growth, we humans will most likely not have to lift a finger to do anything. We will be able to sit down on our chairs, and just watch silently as all our needs and responsibilities are cared for by artificial intelligence. That could sound like a dream or a nightmare.

THE United States of America, US, this Monday placed visa restrictions on some Nigerians who allegedly undermined the February and March 2023 general elections. The US in a statement by its Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, said it took the decision as part of its commitment to supporting and advancing democracy in Nigeria and around the world.

 

The restrictions, he said, affect those “believed to be responsible for, or complicit in, undermining democracy. These individuals have been involved in intimidation of voters through threats and physical violence, the manipulation of vote results, and other activity that undermines Nigeria’s democratic process”.

A number of issues arise from this decision. When the US claimed that those affected were involved in “the manipulation of vote results”, how did it know when the election petition tribunals and courts are still sitting and have not reached or given verdicts in any of the cases? Did the Americans constitute their own secret courts and found the said persons guilty? Were those the Americans want to ban, taken to any court? Were they given any hearing; whether fair or not before being found guilty?

Is the ban a result of a conclusive American investigation? If results were manipulated as the Americans claim, then they must have the true results. If they do, why have they not published it? Can the Americans usurp the powers of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, which is empowered to conduct and announce election results? Do they have the powers to sit over election petitions and deliver judgement?

If the American conclusion is based on its opinion, can it oblige us how it came to such conclusion? Was it its security agents that compiled the ‘authentic’ results, reported back to the American government on which basis such opinion was formed? Can justice be served based on opinions or perceptions rather than verifiable facts? Will those affected be told the reason why their visa application is rejected? If not, how do they seek a review, including applying for a judicial reappraisal to determine if the restriction is lawful, rational or legal?

I am not saying the US or any country for that matter does not have a right to give or deny visa. If anything, every sovereign state, except on humanitarian grounds, has the right to stop any non-citizen stepping foot on its territory if it thinks the presence of such a person can be injurious to its interests. However, such action should be based on verifiable facts not assumptions or opinions which may end up punishing the innocent.

Also, the American decision is supposed to serve as a warning to other people who may want to short-circuit the democratic process; but how can these ends be served when there are no names released and the process is likely to be secret? Yes, the Americans may want to avoid stigmatising people, but if it has verifiable facts, why not?

In past elections in Nigeria such as the 2019 ones, there were claims in the media that particular persons were under visa ban by the US which turned out to be untrue.

We may never know whether the American visa restriction is a reality or a farce; whatever it is, the US has to be careful not to strut the universe as the self-appointed policeman of democracy.

Yet a second matter we may never know is why the Generals in Sudan are at war. A war which, by May 16, had claimed over 1,000 lives, with 4,500 injured.

It is virtually impossible to have a country where the armed forces and the militia seem equally matched on the battle field without foreign assistance. My conclusion is that both sides in the Sudanese war have foreign backers.

The reports that the Rapid Support Forces, RSF, sent 40,000 of its members as Saudi Arabia mercenaries to fight in the Yemeni civil war, has not been denied. Also not refuted is the European Union’s conscious but indirect funding of the RSF. It is estimated that the EU paid between 200 -600 million Euro to the Sudanese government to detain and prevent migrants from reaching Europe. The Sudanese leader, Hassan al-Bashir, outsourced this job to the RSF and paid it using the EU funds. Far back in 2017, the ‘Enough Project’ wrote a report warning that with such payments, the EU was strengthening the RSF militia which was notorious for massacres and crimes against humanity in the Darfur region. It is this militia, known as the Janjaweed, that was re-branded as the RSF.

 Both the Sudan Armed Forces, SAF, and the RSF were under the joint command of President al-Bashir. They accepted his leadership. But when the civil populace in 2019 rose and were on the verge of removing him, both the SAF and the RSF conspired to overthrow al-Bashir and subvert the mass revolution. In doing so, both forces might not have realised that they were snapping the rope that bonded them. At first, they remained united in their plans to subvert the popular revolt. In the interim government, SAF’s General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan was Head of State and RSF’s General Mohamed Hamdan ‘Hemetti’ Dagalo, was Deputy.

While the former was meeting foreign leaders and sourcing for funds, the latter remained in Sudan massacring the Sudanese masses who insisted that both forces hand over power to the civil populace and subject themselves to civil control. Both forces again conspired in 2021 to remove the interim civilian administration. However, after a transition programme was sketched out in 2022, the SAF and RSF were required to merge. The question of who leads between the two Generals cropped up. This blew into open combat on April 17.

It is not known if all there is to the conflict is who leads, or the fact that both forces control the resources of the country with the RSF being in charge of the minerals. There is also the ethnic issue, with al-Burhan being Arab and Hemetti from the Mahariya Rizengat herders tribe in Darfur. There is also the issue of al-Burhan supporting the Russians building a military base in the area and the West rejecting it. We may never know the real reasons for the fall-out but what is clear is that both the SAF and RSF are a danger to Sudan and Africa.

Any defeated side will spill into other African countries, bringing trained men and arms. This was what happened in Libya and countries like Mali, Burkina Faso and Nigeria were saturated with defeated fighters who turned into ethnic militia and bandits. It is better for Africa to bring these rogue forces together and let them hand over power to the pro-democracy forces in Sudan, than allow one army to take out the other.

TWO presidents in the last 24 years provide interesting examples of how to relate with the National Assembly. And between the two, the President-elect, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, can decide how to model his relationship with the 10th National Assembly. The first example is President Olusegun Obasanjo.

 

He was not only head of the executive branch, he was leader of his party, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, and the de facto head of its Board of Trustees. But it didn’t end there. Obasanjo was also, in a manner of speaking, head of the legislature. That may sound like a misnomer in a presidential system of government. But that misnomer was the norm. 

Among his lesser misdemeanours, Obasanjo orchestrated the removal of three Senate presidents in four years and used five in his eight-year tenure. In the famous case of the rather fiercely independent Chuba Okadigbo in 2000, for example, the former president executed his removal, in typical Tom-and-Jerry fashion, by literally swallowing Okadigbo whole the day after he ate a meal of pounded yam at the opening of the new Abuja home of the former Senate president.

Whether it was the Senate or the House of Representatives, Obasanjo kept real or potential adversaries on a leash by lining their path with banana peels, the euphemism for a web of corrupt enticements which they often overcame by yielding to. A decade and a half after he left office as president, the hallways of the National Assembly still echo with the voices of Obasanjo’s fallen political adversaries. A number of them retaliated by pocketing bribes and still denying the former president his third term ambition.

Buhari’s Path 

The second example, President Muhammadu Buhari, is on the other extreme of Executive-Legislature relationship. As soon as he assumed office, Buhari barricaded himself in the Villa. He assured those who had worked for his electoral success that he was for everyone and for no one, leaving them feeling duped.

The consequence of his curious ambivalence was a National Assembly where the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC, got in bed with the defeated PDP and became both the ruling party and the opposition party at the same time. The question of which option worked better is hardly meaningful without considering the context of each dispensation.

The dominant party in the Obasanjo years was the PDP, which controlled 21 states in the first four years, with 59 of 109 seats in the Senate and 206 of 360 in the House of Representatives, closely followed by the All Nigeria Peoples Party, ANPP, and the Alliance for Democracy, AD. Also, after decades of military rule, the system was still evolving and largely in its experimental phase. Politicians were relatively new and inexperienced. There was no liaison between the executive and legislative arms.

Obasanjo, a former military head of state with a pretty long list of enemies after his imprisonment, could not resist the temptation of behaving like a petty village headmaster. A desire to avenge and vindicate himself believing that it was his patriotic duty to do so, made him wield powers for which he would be bitterly criticised as lacking in democratic temperament. 

 

Iron Hand 

But Obasanjo being Obasanjo, he did not mind imitating a low-grade version of Otto von Bismarck’s philosophy, that the business of Nigeria’s redemption at the time – restructuring, corruption and a pariah economy – required bloody noses and a hand of iron. By the time Buhari was elected eight years later, the landscape had changed somewhat.

Yet, Buhari’s hands-off approach was dictated just as much by the relatively mature political landscape as by his complicatedly insular, almost abdicatory political style. Tinubu is a different matter altogether. A former senator and state governor, he would be the only president in four since 1999 that combines legislative and executive experiences. His deputy, Kashim Shettima, also has the same credentials, as does party chairman Abdullahi Adamu.

On paper, therefore, a decision about how to define the incoming government’s relationship with the legislature shouldn’t be too difficult. But as we have seen in the last few weeks, it is easier said than done. The conflicting statements between Shettima on the one hand, and Governor Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo, along with Adamu and the rank-and-file on the other, show that the ruling party is split right down the middle on how to fill the positions of presiding officers.

Divided House 

The highly fragmented composition of the legislature which does not give the ruling party a comfortable majority, feeding off the bitterly contested elections, has put Tinubu in a tight spot. But an even bigger headache for him is that the problem is being fomented from close quarters inside his own party. Both arms of the National Assembly – the Senate and House of Representatives – are engulfed in leadership crisis, but the lower house is in the eye of the storm.

The real battle is not only being fought here, it’s here, also, that the trade-offs could be made. Tinubu confidant and outgoing Speaker, Femi Gbajabiamila, does not want his deputy, Idris Wase, to succeed him. On the other side is another Tinubu confidant and three-time Rep, Abiodun James Faleke, who is not only pro-Wase but also locked in a battle with Gbajabiamila to become chief of staff.

The pro-Wase group, which also includes Akeredolu, argue that it is unfair and unjust to give nothing to the North Central, which accounted for the third largest block vote, while handing the North-West two presiding posts in the National Assembly. 

If the current arrangement stands – and it’s improbable – then it would be the first time in 24 years when one zone would have two presiding officers. Aminu Waziri Tambuwal defied his party to emerge Speaker in 2011, upsetting the PDP’s zoning arrangement. In the wider zoning of party offices, the same tardiness dogged the APC with the current Speaker, and the Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, coming from the same zone.

Yet, neither VP Namadi Sambo (who is from the same zone with Tambuwal) nor Osinbajo (from the same zone as Gbajabiamila) was a presiding officer of the National Assembly. It’s a danger that a party which has barely recovered from the Muslim-Muslim ticket controversy can barely afford: the prospects of two presiding officers from the same zone sitting over a joint session of the National Assembly. 

Who bells the cat?

But who will bell the cat? Party chairman Adamu is in a weak position, further weakened by his love of his own position. His cautious response that his party didn’t consult widely enough before the NWC’s announcement was a token of self-preservation. He spoke through zipped lips. The truth, which he lacked the courage to say, regardless of the fact that he is also from the North- Central, was that the lopsidedness was ill-advised and ought to be reviewed.

Saying it as it is might have once again brought him in the firing line of North-West hawks in his party who want him removed. But after a successful election, what else does he have to lose? The North-West which played a significant role in the emergence of a Southern presidential candidate in the APC because it was the fair and right thing to do, cannot hold the same party at gunpoint for a reward that is both unfair and wrong.  

It doesn’t make sense and certainly can’t be on the basis that it gave the president-elect the highest vote, when the region has remained the country’s largest vote bank in the last six major electoral cycles, irrespective of who was elected president. With seven states, unlike other zones with an average of six states each, the North-West enjoys numerical advantage.

It does seem like after overcoming multiple and multi-faceted ambushes to emerge president-elect, the trap by members of Tinubu’s inner circle – often the most problematic – may yet again require careful and considered attention. As it was with Obasanjo and Buhari, how he handles this moment could significantly define his years in office.

 

The Economic Intelligence Unit (EIU) of the London-based ‘The Economist’ has just published “assessing the best countries for doing business”, in order to “discover which countries have climbed or fallen in our ranking.” Unsurprisingly, no African country featured among the “Top 10 geographies by business environment score” that is topped by Singapore (with a score of 8.70 out of 10), followed by Canada (8.45), Denmark (8.45) and USA (8.37). Switzerland, Sweden, Hong Kong, Germany, New Zealand and Finland followed in that order respectively, among the top ten.

According to the EIU report, “Middle East and Africa (MEA) is the lowest-ranking region.” It said the ranking for the MEA region continues to be weight down by poor governance and endemic insecurity, including the spill-over from the conflicts in Syria, Yemen and Libya, alongside political unrest in a number of countries, including Iraq and Lebanon. The EIU further said that cuts in capital spending in the context of post-pandemic fiscal tightening have constrained the region’s macroeconomic score, adding “but on the positive side, this has pushed countries to support business-friendly reforms, such as improved frameworks for public-private partnerships and foreign investment.”

The EIU noted that “Israel and Gulf states are the highest-ranked countries in the region, with the latter’s scores improving in recent years in line with rising oil prices and growing absorptive capacity for new investments.” The EIU went further to say that “Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE will improve further in 2023-2027,” adding that “both the Middle East and Africa typically suffer from weak corporate governance and regulation as well as poorly trained labour forces and, in countries such as Angola, Nigeria and Gulf states, and overreliance on hydrocarbons.” Overall, the EIU declared that: “no countries in MEA saw improvements in our ranking of the scale recorded in order regions in the world.”

Notwithstanding whatever biases went into the EIU’s assessment and ranking of the global ease of doing business, the verdict or placement of Nigeria and the rest of African countries is not far from reality. The world is a ‘global village’ and whatever is going on within the domestic economy of any nation is ‘open’ to the rest of the world. Propaganda apart, astute investors (local and foreign) see through the veil of ‘marketing gimmicks’ to know where and when to invest, safely and profitably. And as the EIU pointed out, most swathes of African countries (and the Middle East) are either directly immersed in interminable internecine wars or are neighbours to many warring nations—and bear the spill-over effects of these conflicts.

In Nigeria in the past one decade or so, insecurity in the land has assumed an existential threat, so much so that many notable multinational organizations have had to relocate to the country’s more serene neighbouring nations. As EIU put it: “poor governance and endemic insecurity, including the spill-over from the conflicts in Syria, Yemen and Libya” all foul up business environments. Specifically, in the past couple of months, Nigeria and other African countries have been pre-occupied with ways and means of evacuating hundreds of thousands of their citizens that got ‘trapped’ in the civil war-torn Libya. When all diplomatic entreaties and manoeuvres failed, it cost Nigeria enormously to fly home all its nationals via airports in Egypt and other neighbouring nations.

In point of fact the number of internally displaced persons (IDP) camps in Nigeria today is very widespread and harbour millions of ‘homeless’ citizens. These IDP residents were chased out of their ancestral homes by marauders: gun-wielding herdsmen, ISWAP warlords, terrorists (in various guises), kidnappers for ransom, armed bandits, ‘unknown’ gunmen, ritualists, name them. Teams of peace missions from WHO, the UN, EU and other humanitarian organizations have either been scared away or had some of their key personnel killed by the marauders. Even with all these, the legal environment of business in Nigeria is also nothing to write home about; our judicial system and its processes are a nightmare to foreign investors. Terms of (contractual) agreements are usually observed more in breach, even when so-called top public officials are party to the deals.

This habit of reneging on original contractual agreements had in the past got the fingers of well-meaning and reputable investors burnt. The case of Virgin Atlantic Airlines comes to mind: when, against the original intendments of the Airline to become Nigeria’s National Carrier, the officialdom in Nigeria at every step of the way frustrated the deal and rendered it ‘stillborn.’ Other major global investors have been similarly frustrated out of the country—and they relocated their investments to calmer and more rewarding jurisdictions. The ‘trapped’ revenues of many foreign airlines in Nigeria in the past couple of years does not augur well in attracting investment to Nigeria. Millions of dollars of these airlines have since been due for repatriation to their (home) headquarters, but Nigeria’s foreign exchange shortage and its management could not meet the needs of the airlines. Indeed, many of those airlines have since ceased flights to Nigeria—and shot down their businesses here!

It is pertinent to reckon that the EIU’s ranking criteria are not outlandish; but are based on indices that any disciplined polity can apply and the world will certainly reckon with it. For instance, the EIU considers political environment; but unfortunately, in the past two years or so, Nigeria’s political atmosphere has remained palpably charged and turbulent due to planned elections. Unsurprisingly, the elections came and turned out very controversial, and the outcome now riddled with petitions and lawsuits across the land. Another criterion considered by the EIU is the macroeconomic environment. In truth, Nigeria’s macro-economy had been practically in tatters in recent years: virtually every indicator is moving in reverse direction.

Specifically, inflation had gone haywire—standing at a 17-year high of 22.22 per cent at end-April 2023; exchange rate of the Naira against the dollar has gotten to a pitiable state that (in the parallel market) one thousand Naira can only get one dollar. Public debt (outstanding) is conservatively put at about N77 trillion; while almost 100 per cent of Government revenue now goes to servicing the loans. Unemployment (especially of youths) is in the region of 45 per cent—and now stoking all manner of social ills and upheavals. EIU also considers policy towards private enterprise and competition in its rankings; but neither does Nigeria fair better in these regards. The multiplicity of taxes and policy summersaults in Nigeria are a dread to most private sector operators. Indeed, at the very local level, many companies have had to flee from Lago to Ogun and other states because of these anti-business policies in the metropolitan state of Lagos.

It must also be said that the state of infrastructure (which the EIU also considered) in Nigeria is not in the best shape to be an attraction to serious investors—local or foreign. If anything, they have for years been in very dilapidated shape. Investors normally have to build their roads, dig their ‘bore holes’ for water supply, buy and install generators as their power source, arrange and maintain private security outfits, etc. Red tapes at the sea-, airports and land borders (routes) are points of frustration for importers and exporters. The situation has since been such that most genuine importers now route their cargoes through the ports of Nigeria’s neighbouring countries.

So, whither Nigeria in this 21st century business environment scale? As it is, a number of internal and external factors have conspired to de-industrialize the country; it is becoming increasingly difficult for existing businesses to thrive and too harsh and unsafe for potential ones to establish. Nigeria really needs to be pulled out of the woods!

  • Mr. Okeke, an economist, sustainability expert and consultant on business strategy is a National Daily Columnist and lives in Lagos. He can be reached at: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

 

After failing to stop him from emerging as APC’s flag bearer in 2022 and mounting steep hurdles for him in the 2023 election, Muhammadu Buhari increasingly comes across as intentionally charting courses of action designed to provoke pre-inauguration confrontation with Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Or am I missing something?

Take, for example, Buhari’s request to the National Assembly, just days to the end of his term, to approve an $800 million loan for the purpose of distributing “N5,000 per month to 10.2 million, poor and low-income households for a period of six months with a multiplier effect on about 60 million individuals.” This would have been comedic if it weren’t for the tragic, broad daylight official theft that it is.

 Even Senate President Ahmed Lawan whose notoriety for pliancy to the presidency is unmatched in Nigeria’s democratic history couldn’t suppress a hearty burst of laughter when he read Buhari’s request in the Senate. Lawan was particularly tickled by Buhari’s assurance that the dispensation of the money to the poor and the vulnerable in the country would be above board. 

 

“In order to guarantee the credibility of the process, digital transfers will be made directly to beneficiaries’ account [sic] and mobile wallets,” Lawan quoted Buhari to have said in the letter, which inspired bouts of scornful laughter not just from Lawan but also from other senators. The disdainful giggles suggest that senators knew this was an audacious, unsophisticated, tragicomic attempt at last-minute pillaging of the public till.

Most Nigerians who are so poor that a monthly N5,000 welfare gift will make a difference in their lives have no bank accounts or digital wallets. That was precisely why Buhari’s politically motivated and ill-conceived naira recoloring policy was harder on the desperately poor, particularly in rural areas, than it was on the middle and upper classes. They couldn’t partake in electronic transfers of funds because they had no bank accounts.

According to the Guardian of January 28, 2022, “Nigeria is one of the top three unbanked countries in the world, with 40 per cent of its population without a bank account and out of the 59 million unbanked adults, 73 per cent do not have the requisite documents to open a tier-three bank account.”

This realization must have been why Lawan and his colleagues snickered at Buhari’s assurance that “digital transfers will be made directly to beneficiaries’ account [sic] and mobile wallets.” They know the game because they play it, too. They know where the money will end up and wonder why Buhari is gratuitously transparent about his own fraud.

This is unlikely to be funny to Bola Tinubu and Kashim Shettima, though. If I were them, I would see this as a two-way ambush. The loan compels them to honor a six-month commitment to remit funds to dubious bank accounts and digital wallets, which could stymie their take off. But resistance to it risks touching off a confrontation at a time when they can’t afford to add an extra enemy to an already long list of fierce opponents. 

While he is using the instrument of his lame-duck incumbency to legally steal public funds under the pretext of caring for the poor, Buhari is, as usual, shifting the burden of governance and tough decisions to the incoming government. He is throwing a rash of policy booby traps for his successors.

For instance, although he has said he would remove so-called fuel subsidies (which he once said didn’t exist), he never did in the eight years he has been in power. Now that his tenure is ending, he said he had resolved to dispense with fuel subsidies by June 2023, a month after he would have left office. In the aftermath of the confusion and outrage that the decision generated, Yemi Osinbajo stepped in to save face and said the implementation of subsidy removal had been suspended entirely and left to the next government. Duh!

But that wasn’t the end of the matter. Buhari’s finance minister countered Osinbajo a day later and said there was “no change in the overall policy direction regarding the petrol subsidy envisaged by June 2023.” In a press statement, her media aide said the Buhari regime “has not suspended the removal of fuel subsidy, but has rather expanded the subsidy removal committee to include teams from the incoming administration and the state governors.”

I am sincerely curious to see the magic by which Buhari and his team will implement fuel subsidy removal a month after they are out of government—or force their successors to do it on their behalf. 

Similarly, Buhari, who never had a real economic adviser, much less an economic blueprint, throughout his presidency, suddenly signed a national development plan on May 3, which he called “the Nigeria Agenda 2050 (NA 2050).” His media aide quoted him as saying that the plan “aims to ensure that the country attains a Per Capita GDP of $33,328 per annum, placing her [sic] among the top middle-income economies in the world by 2050.”

Again, this comes across as a stealthy ground-emplaced mine for his successor to step on and burn. Even previously Buhari-loving Daily Trust columnist Jibrin “Jibo” Ibrahim who once called me a “PDP intellectual” (which I am not and have never been) for consistently calling out Buhari’s incompetence isn’t amused by Buhari’s chutzpah in crafting an economic blueprint for the incoming government, which he himself never had.

“I wonder how deeply insulted the incoming president will feel, that a man who could not implement a plan for himself, offers one to somebody who actually listens to experts and advisers,” Ibrahim wrote in his May 5, 2023, column. “I am more concerned about the reality of someone who has been both a military and civilian president and has no notion of a mandate being tied to the period served in office, and not beyond this.”

It's truly befuddling why Buhari is engaging in this sort of shameless last-minute looting spree and planting policy landmines for his successor. For one, it’s obvious that if Tinubu and Shettima hope to succeed, they would have no option but to reverse several of the provocations that Buhari has initiated. This would necessarily inaugurate a frosty relationship between the two administrations, and Buhari would be the loser.

For another, Buhari appears gripped by a paralyzing fear of being investigated for the unprecedentedly stratospheric corruption his regime has perpetrated and is perpetrating. He obliquely betrayed this fear during his last interview with Channels TV—as he has done many times before and after the interview.

“Nobody should ask me to come and give any evidence in any court,” he said. “Otherwise, whoever it is, he will be in trouble because all important things are on record.” Buhari obviously fears being asked to come back to defend the corruption he is supervising. Pissing off your successor is hardly a smart way to avoid this. 

Well, in states, governors-elect are openly fighting lame-duck governors who are getting fresh loans from banks and engaging in last-minute looting of resources. Buhari is doing precisely what several departing state governors are doing. Is he intentionally courting Tinubu’s anger? Or is he merely being manipulated by his much smarter cabal?

 Of course, Tinubu and Shettima are wise enough not to take the bait. But it would be interesting to see how Tinubu and Shettima will respond after their inauguration about a week from today.

 

The Nigerian Police Force is partly responsible for Nigerians’ disrespect for the institution and the law it enforces.

There could be no excuse for citizens’ lawlessness, but when an organisation set up to defend the laws of a country tramples the same, it renders the law helpless and susceptible to abuse.

 The conduct of some men of Nigeria’s police leaves much to be desired. It ridicules the law and strips it of the supremacy given to it by the people. I will return to the conduct of some police officers but let us consider some ways these law enforcers break the law.

Early on Monday morning, Afrobeat artiste, Seun Kuti, alleged to have assaulted a policeman over the weekend, walked into the hands of the police of his own volition. The police immediately arrested him and put him in handcuffs. The latter action was unwarranted and illegal.

 

Section 7 of the Administration of the Criminal Justice Act (2015) provides that suspects can only be handcuffed or subjected to any form of restraint under three circumstances. These include when:

“(a) there is reasonable apprehension of violence or an attempt to escape.

“(b) the restraint is considered necessary for the safety of the suspect or defendant, or

 

“(c) by order of a court.”

None of these situations existed in this case, yet the police flouted the fundamentals of arrests. They also ran afoul of S. 34, Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999, as amended), which guarantees the rights of citizens to personal dignity.

The same disregard for processes causes police prosecutors to seek the detention of suspects pending “investigations,” or advice from the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP).

But for the vigilance of the magistrate court where Kuti was arraigned on Tuesday, the suspect would have been dumped in detention for 21 days. In that time, the police would pretend to investigate a case whose details are obvious.

 

First off, the arrest of the musician should not have happened until the conclusion of the investigation. Under normal circumstances, he would be invited to give a statement and granted administrative bail until the police complete investigations. But as stated in this column last week, the Nigerian police start by arresting suspects, putting them in jail, and then investigating for as long as it takes.

The point here is the Nigeria police’s infidelity to the very law it should maintain. Even when on the receiving end, this institution should be professional and maintain the dignity of the law. However, Nigeria has an emotional police force, which panders to public sentiments and engages in the media trial of suspects.

The police do more damage to their reputation through the conduct of their personnel, even at the highest levels. They forget that perception is reality and that citizens form opinions by what they see police officers say and do.

It is for instance, ludicrous that the inspector-general of police, Usman Alkali Baba, directly gave orders for Kuti’s arrest.

 

In Lagos state where the incident happened, there are two assistant inspectors-general (AIG). There is a commissioner for the Lagos state command, and God knows how many other police commissioners. The police also have zonal commanders, many divisional heads, and so on, all of whom would have seen the same video Alkali Baba saw. Yet, the IGP had to “order” a suspect’s arrest in a matter that should be mere procedure. Such events, which happen now and then, show that the police force is a dysfunctional body where the number one man micromanages instead of concentrating on the administration and reformation of this force.

That is not all! There is a penchant for the police to deceive courts into keeping suspects in detention for longer than usual.

 

In doing this, prosecutors come up with various justifications. In the Seun Kuti case, unconfirmed reports suggest that the prosecutor claimed that the policeman was in a coma. We cannot authenticate this story even though the police have not refuted it.

However, The PUNCH reported that the victim was receiving treatment at some medical facility. This is despite an earlier statement where the Lagos police command claimed that the man trailed Kuti to his Ikeja home, collected some money from him, and drove to a police station to report the incident. So, at what point did he fall into a coma or become so sick as to be admitted to hospital? Did he run into another accident, or was it Kuti’s slap that sent him into this state? Issues that breed distrust like these diminish the force and affect the people’s estimation of them and their duties.

 

This is not to talk about the public conduct of some personnel who serve government officials. Some behave like minions, carrying the bags and briefcases of their principals. Most policemen on the streets leave their homes calculating how much they will extort from Nigerians, rather than preventing crime. In wringing money from people, some would do anything and everything, including shooting and sometimes killing the innocent. How does a society respect such people?

So, government must pay attention to the Nigerian Police Force. Right from the recruitment process to the training, equipping, psychology, and presentation of personnel.

 

The appearance of policemen, the environment they work in, and the equipment with which they work, including vehicles, and computers, affect their image. We cannot continue to display a police force that relies on citizens to fuel their operational vehicles and expect public respect.

Police personnel must also realise that they represent the law and that their conduct in uniform can incentivise or dis-incentivise the average citizen. They must know that their duty is to protect and defend the law. Even when they become victims, they must find the grace to focus on maintaining the sanctity of the law, shunning abuse, and emotionalism.

None of the above, however, excuses Mr Kuti’s reckless and irresponsible behaviour. His conduct on Saturday is hypocritical, arrogant, and lawless. This is a disgraceful combination that rubbishes his usual attempt to pontificate on Nigeria’s problems.

Kuti pretends to understand the requirements for the emancipation of Nigeria. Assaulting a policeman, who is the people’s agent, however, puts him in the same league as the oppressors that he criticises. 

The slap on a police officer is a metaphorical expression of the disdain that privileged Nigerians, including those who break the national purse to maintain pretentious lifestyles, have for all our national institutions. His empty and arrogant boasts remind us of the urgent need to rebuild our country. 

There are frailties that influencers like Seun Kuti must tame. One is a lack of capacity for self-control, as exhibited in his unbridled anger. Not only did he slap the policeman, but he shouted down his wife when she tried to intervene. One thing that is worse than anger is the dismissal of close people’s requests for a cessation of this temperament. He showed disrespect for his wife whom he commanded to go back into the car. The poor woman walked away humbly.

 Kuti also lost the opportunity to apologise to Nigerians before he turned himself in. He probably does not realise that his conduct was a letdown for many of those young Nigerians who see him as a role model.

Sometimes, our humanity overtakes us, and we bear ourselves in untoward ways. The humility to assess our behaviours, take responsibility, and apologise, restores us to the place of dignity where people place us. It conveys our mortality to our followers and makes them realise the importance of conforming to the laws. Anything otherwise suggests an overestimation of our importance, an ill-advised trip in narcissism.

This is why justice must be served in this matter. We should avoid that tradition wherein condemnations greet the advent of matters like this only to be followed by a graveyard silence that is only broken by another incident.  Whatever followed the storm created by Senator Elisha Abbo’s alleged assault on a lady in a sex toy shop in 2019? A nation that rewards bad behaviour with silence will surely progress into infamy. So, a diligent prosecution of this case should serve as deterrence.

As we expect performance from the Nigerian police and its men, those who have influence cannot behave like they are above the law. We must all reflect on the way we treat the law and those who enforce it. Police officers are a symbol of governmental and citizen authority. Mistreating them is disrespecting the country and its people.