Geoffrey Ogunlesi, 33, the son of the United States-based Nigerian billionaire, Adebayo Ogunlesi, has bought a diamond engagement ring worth $500,000 for an American jewelry designer, Jennifer Meyer.

According to Daily Mail, Meyer, who divorced American actor and film producer Tobey Maguire in 2020, proudly showed off the ring on Saturday.

The duo were at the Baby2Baby gala in Los Angeles at the event, which also had American female celebrities like Jessica Alba, Nicole Richie, and Paris Hilton in attendance.

The two were seen cuddling up at the event to the admiration of famous personalities present.

“The ring looks to be in the $500,000 range,” Daily Mail quoted The Diamond Bank.

Ben Affleck’s ex-wife Jennifer Garner wrote, “Congratulations!!!!” to join numerous stars who showered Meyer with congratulatory messages.

“This makes us all so happy. I love you!!!” Actress Goldie Hawn wrote.

Also, news anchor, Allison Wise, said, “So happy for this angel queen – my everything BEST friend who is marrying the greatest man and her should mate! I love you and can’t wait to keep celebrating you both!”

Geoffrey is an entrepreneur and investor, recognised for his contributions to infrastructure and investment.

His father, Adebayo, 70, is a renowned investment banker and the founder of Global Infrastructure Partners.

Geoffrey and Meyer became engaged in September.

[Punch]

Born in 1960, Nuhu Ribadu, perhaps, had independence in his genes. Son of a first republic parliamentarian from Yola, Nuhu came with a good  spoon in his mouth. After he studied law, he  joined the police,  climbing  the career ladder of a corrupt and disoriented institution. Young  Ribadu, it appeared, resisted the mind bending culture and stored a grudge for filth. But cynics saw a temperamental, conceited, attention-seeking, power-hungry, and callow fellow.  In 2003, after glimpses of promise at the department of prosecution, Nuhu arrived on the national stage. 

It was 2003. President Obasanjo created the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and picked Nuhu Ribaduto clean the Augean Stable. Many said courage that was not stained with rabid materialism recommended  Ribadu. On the saddle, Nuhu Ribadu  approached his task  with fanatical zeal. He went after sacred cows, taking them by the horns and with glee. His ethic was rambunctious crime control rather than due process. Ribadu, it seemed, wanted to change Nigeria in a hurry. He stepped on Babangida, he bruised   Adenuga and he had to flee, he dragged Tafa Balogun the Inspector General in chains through the mud to jail. Ever since nobody has matched his daringness.

 Ribadu was far from a saint. His excesses were as telling as his passion. His EFCC instigated the impeachment of many thieving governors by hounding members of state legislatures. Critics said arbitrariness and abuse of power were as sinful as treasury looting. Opponents of the president’s suspected third term ambition said it was roguish selective justice. The flagrant disregard for due process in order to land a punch on corruption  didn’t  attract public opprobrium. Critics feared Ribadu would become a monster. In some cases, brazenly, a minority of the house of assembly was used to impeach sitting governors. Processes the courts later voided and described as kangaroo. One of Ribadu’s Achilles heels was the character of his loyalty to the appointing authority. Some said its ‘eye-service’ or ‘lickspittle’  content was a bit too much. 

Despite the excesses and signs of vacuousness, the masses celebrated Ribadu. Since Idiagbon, they hadn’t seen any Nigeria land a blow and make impunity stagger. Ribadu rejected a 15 million dollar bribe and returned it to the CBN. Ribadu brought down 419 cartels and chased others into oblivion. He rejected a hefty bribe from Nwude of the Nwude and Anajemba intercontinental notoriety. The people had found their hero. The world was fascinated. Politicians and government officials fretted.  Being a maverick, who appeared interested in hugging  the limelight as much as fighting financial crimes, corrupt  politicians couldn’t count on him.  But soon he slid into the slippery grounds of politics. 

Ribadu understood his environment. To succeed, he had to break rules. The state had been captured. The arms of the law were short and weak. He tried to get corruption courts to quicken the pace of justice. He couldn’t. He sought to build a professional fraternity of a few judges. With them, he could circumvent tardiness and rituals to secure convictions. Yet, sometimes, the only viable option was a media trial. Many arrests happened before investigations. So indefinite detentions without trial were commonplace. Ribadu had earned the trust of the public. At his peak, Ribadu was a tenacious watchdog barking at and biting  politicians who were stealing the country blind and fraudsters, who were damaging our reputation. 

At some point, he must have reflected upon his work and thought it would all come to nothing if our elections, which were incurably dubious, remained just a conveyor belt for the recycling of corrupt politicians. In 2007, Ribadu tried to influence the outcome of the political process. Some politicians were unconstitutionally banned because they were blacklisted by the EFCC. Others were pencilled down to be inhibited. Critics said that was the confirmation that Ribadu was a political wolf in a prosecutorial sheep’s clothing. For the public, Ribadu was the incorruptible conqueror of looters of the public treasury, his farts and misdemeanours were only  the confirmation he wasn’t a spirit. 

By 2007, Ribadu was at the peak of his glory. Outgoing Obasanjo promoted him and renewed his tenure at the EFCC. But Yaradua became president and Mike Okiro,  the new  Inspector General of Police, transferred Ribadu away from the EFCC to Kuru. That was the watershed. Soyinka wasn’t  silent those days. He protested the attempt to castrate Ribadu and the EFCC. Chief Umezoke, the chairman  of the main opposition party, ANPP, said the country was returning to infamy. This general sentiment was that Ribadu, a ray of hope, was  on the verge being dimmed out by the agents of darkness. After two assassination  attempts, Ribadu fled into exile. 

The return of Ribadu in 2010 was followed by his immersion in the putrid waters of partisan politics. An unholy baptism. On joining Tinubu’s  party, Tinubu handed him the presidential ticket but continued to flirt with President Jonathan. Ribadu’s dalliance  with Tinubu, whom many considered the archetypal politician, was the begining of the  demystification of Ribadu in the eyes of many. However, pragmatic were more forgiving. They said Ribadu needed a godfather to reach the power pinnacle after which he would resume the crusade. Predictably, Ribadu failed to make any impact at the elections. Those who thought he was an overambitious  and callow pawn sneered at him. 

If his sojourn in the ACN had a veneer of respectability, his defection to the ruling PDP to run for the 2015 Adamawa governorship seemed the stuff of sheer desperation. Ribadu had disdained the PDP and its leaders. Now he prostrated before them to be anointed.  Ribadu’s moral compass seemed utterly broken. Many who had adored him from a distance started to mourn. Mallam Ribadu had become another peripatetic politician scavenging for relevance without principles. When he was schemed out, he looked like an Esau after the porridge had finished. 

Buhari became president in 2015. Ribadu defected once again to the ruling APC. Again, he defected in time to seek again  the Adamawa governorship ticket in 2019. At this point, Ribadu was a confirmed ‘AGIP’ ( in love with Any Government In Power.) The grudge against corruption had vanished. The man had become the very thing he had for  so long  despised. Yet some sympathized with him and justified his apparent political promiscuousness as stooping to conquer to save the people. Because without power, ill-gotten or not, he could not resume the sanitization exercise. Ribadu was the sort of character Buhari would have loved. But Buhari didn’t use him. And that in itself was a sign of telling depreciation. 

As the 2023 elections drew near, Ribadu, after suffering another defeat in Adamawa, pitched his tent in Bourdillon.  Fortunately, Ribadu was not forgotten like Fani Kayode. Tinubu, who had handed him a presidential ticket in what was once termed as the marriage of the Beauty and the Beast, was still enamoured of him. Many of us, who retained vestiges of political lust for Ribadu, quietly hoped he would be the NSA. Because, we hoped for someone who had at some point in life had championed a small scale  revolution. The reformation of the nation’s security architecture was a priority. Meanwhile, Ribadu’s men began a whispering campaign, hinting that he had a novel security strategy. Many, propelled by nostalgia, fell headlong for it. 

Ribadu became the NSA. And started following Tinubu everywhere he went like an ADC. A powerful NSA, because of his closeness to the president, but with no powerful ideas. Days, weeks and months passed. Only photo ops with new service chiefs. Those who had  said he would establish a homeland security outfit to contain rampaging banditry and kidnapping and save the military that has been spread too thin from burnout  went  mute. Ribadu looked swallowed in oversized shoes. Our security architecture remained terribly unimaginative and constipated. A lot of motion but no new purposeful direction. The raw energy Ribadu had brought to the infant EFCC and restored the faith of many in government was nowhere. 

The president can’t  fashion new military strategies. Local mercenaries are performing military duties, protecting the country’s economic lifelines. Senior political  figures are now asking for foreign mercenaries. The president can’t fashion any political strategies to douse tensions and quench fires.  He hasn’t even bothered to tour the regions. He seems too arrogant to be sober. The Chief of Defence Staff spoke about Finland with visible frustration. Nothing tangible followed. The smarter youths are fleeting. A broke country that lacks urgency and imagination at the helm seems too bleak for them. The government, it seems, doesn’t know that slowing the brain drain is of national security importance.  

But that’s not the most worrying bit. In the last few weeks, Mallam Ribadu has been on television pushing alternative facts. It’s been  a most  difficult watch. Some are now calling him Comical Nuhu. Ribadu, with a straight face, told Nigerians  that insecurity had been significantly contained, and they could travel wherever they liked whenever they liked. Many laughed. But many of us, who love him,  mourned. Ribadu was the hero.  Now, he is the cheery sycophant. 

 If that outing was hilarious, the next at the Customs Conference was truly heart rending. After showering effulgent praises on  Customs Service, Ribadu he switched to talk about  Lakurawa, a new insurgency that has been claiming lives of innocent citizens and collecting taxes in Sokoto  and Kebbi. He couldn’t find sobriety. He wallowed in flippancy and frivolity. He said the insurgency had come at the wrong time. Because this was Tinubu’s time. And since  Tinubu had never lost to anyone, the insurgency was doomed. That bombastic Ribadu would have been unrecognizable to anyone who saw him last in 2007. The self-abasing praise-singer bruising sensibilities of his admirers with hymns of messianism for Tinubu can’t be Nuhu Ribadu. Ribadu, the famed  critic of politicians, now says Tinubu’s critics will be put to shame in a country where corruption and insecurity and hardship are at an all time high.  Not even the fact that many EFCC-indicted crooks now share Tinubu’s cabinet table with Ribadu has touched Ribadu’s conscience. 

The debate is now raging. Is Ribadu now a shadow of himself and was he always an impostor? May God reverse the metamorphosis of the great Mallam Ribadu. He can’t become fact-bending otimkpu for a political godfather, no matter the motivation. The Igbo say the mad man roams around, his mind with him. But God knows that while it’s smart to stoop to conquer,  sinking to  depths of sycophancy in search of power could be a political and moral  journey of no return. 

 My tears are not for Ribadu.  Ribadu’s metamorphosis is the story of Nigerian politics. My tears  are for Nigeria, my beloved country with a decadent political culture that sabotages promise and talent, and distributes poverty.

I attended for the first time, the Day of the Dead festival. It was at the Mexican Embassy in Abuja. The stairs leading from the embassy gates down to the swimming pool reception area was lit with over 70 candles.

There were photos of the dead. In the reception hall were two prominent photographs. To the left was that of Mrs Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, Nigerian nationalist and women leader who passed away in 1978.

The photograph on the right was that of Ifigenia Martínez y Hernández credited with transforming Mexico’s political and economic landscape. She passed away on October 5, 2024. Mexicans place photographs of those whose memory they want to honour at the altar.

Actually, it is more a Western concept to wish that the dead rest in peace. In some religions, it is said that the dead remain dead until they awaken on judgement day. But for many in Africa, the dead are much part of the living. They merely become ancestors watching over the living. In such traditions, the dead are told not to sleep, but to remain awake and watchful.

If the dead are living, it means they are part of the household and partake in daily activities. Amongst the Ijaws of the Niger Delta and their neighbours, when alcoholic drink is to be taken, a little is first poured on the ground for the ancestors before the living commence drinking. It is also not uncommon for some food to be deliberately thrown on the ground for the ancestors. During festivals, the food and drinks of the ancestors are served specially so they can be part of the festivities.

But many indigenous peoples, especially in the Americas, Caribbean and Asia, specifically set aside days of festivity to celebrate the dead and the living. Often marked on the first two days of November, some people actually hold the festival for weeks. For instance, Cambodia holds a 15-day festival with the last day called the Pchum Ben, or “ball of food”.

Caribbean countries like Jamaica, Haiti, Antigua and Grenada hold the day with a blend of African funeral tradition.

The 2024 festival I attended, was a blend of Mexican culture, indigenous beliefs and Catholic traditions.

Mexican Ambassador Alfredo Miranda said Mexicans believe that life and death are a natural cycle, with death being a continuation of life in a spiritual world.

In the embassy reception hall was a beautiful seven-stage altar. The ambassador explained: “An altar is a spiritual offering, a way to communicate with the world of the dead, inviting the souls of loved ones to return for a moment to enjoy the things they loved in life… The levels of the altar, which can range from two to seven, represent different dimensions of existence. Typically, the upper levels symbolise the sky, the underworld, or the spiritual resting place, while the lower levels represent the earthly realm.”

On the numerous candles, Ambassador Miranda said: “The light from the candles symbolises hope and faith, illuminating the path for the souls, ensuring they find their way back.” He invited the gathering to light candles in dedication to their dearly beloved that had passed.

Marigold flowers, called cempasúchil, were also on display. The envoy said they are “believed to have a scent and colour so strong that they help guide the souls of the deceased back to their homes (and are) often laid from the doorway to the altar, symbolically leading the way for the spirits to return.”

Also, the favourite foods and drinks of the departed are placed in the altar.

Water is placed on the altar as a purifier and refreshment for the souls journeying from the spirit world. So also is salt which is believed to protect them from earthly contamination.

Incense is burnt to purify the environment and guide the spirits and, colourful paper cut-outs are made, symbolising the wind and the fragility of life.

Catrinas- elegant, finely dressed skeletal figures which are the Mexican ladies of death- were also placed on the altar. They remind people to enjoy life and laugh at death. Equally, they are supposed to encourage people to embrace death at it spares no social class.

Ambassador Miranda told the guests that: “In addition to the altars, many families visit cemeteries to clean and decorate graves, lighting candles and spending the night with their deceased loved ones, telling stories, playing music, and sometimes even dancing.”

As the night wore on, guests began to depart. I am also sure the visiting spirits also departed.

Dove-tailing into the Day of the Dead festival, was the first Mexican Food Festival in Nigeria called the ‘Mexican Gastronomic Week’. It held from October 1 – November 3, 2024.

Eduardo Perez Romero, the guest chef who flew into Nigeria for the festival, told me: “We (Mexicans) love to eat so much that even our dead come back to eat with us.” He said Mexican foods avoid preservatives and that they have strong African, Spanish and Arab influences.

Mrs Maria Gudelia Salinas Pulido de Adegoroye, who is married to a Nigerian, said when she arrived in the country, she was surprised that many stew varieties she found were like those of her native Mexico. She mentioned a number of pepper varieties common to both countries and said the popular Nigeria pepper soup also has its Mexican equivalent. However, she said, while Mexicans concentrate on the soup, Nigerians focus more on the meat and fish. Mrs Adegoroye said her experience on food in both countries led her to establish the Casa Mexicana.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, UNESCO has listed the traditional cuisine of Mexico as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.

Maize is a central element of that Mexican cuisine. The food has led to a dispute with its neighbour, the United States, US. Mexico imposed restrictions on genetically modified, GM, corn. It said this is to protect public health and the corn biodiversity that has been Mexican tradition for 10, 000 years.

But the US holds that the ban is not in consonance with the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement, USMCA, trade agreements. US Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack filed a complaint that: “Mexico’s approach to biotechnology is not based on science and runs counter to decades’ worth of evidence demonstrating its safety and the rigorous, science-based regulatory review system that ensures it poses no harm to human health and the environment.”

But the Mexicans countered in a 200-page response that: “Far from there being a consensus on the safety of GMOs, scientific evidence points to various negative effects on health, on native corn and on the environment, derived from the cultivation and consumption of GM corn.”

For the Mexicans, maize, life and the Day of the Dead are an inseparable trinity.

Jake Paul, a former child star and social media influencer who began his professional boxing career in 2020, on Saturday secured a victory against former heavyweight champion Mike Tyson in a boxing bout.

The fight was livestreamed worldwide on Netflix, and Paul won by unanimous decision.

While the outcome surprised some, the financial stakes were just as intense as the match itself, with both fighters set to earn huge sums for their efforts. 

How much is Mike Tyson being paid for the fight?

Mike Tyson, widely regarded as one of the greatest boxers in history, is 58 years old and has an estimated net worth of $10 million, according to Celebrity Net Worth.

While this figure is modest compared to the hundreds of millions Tyson earned during his career, including $400 million in fight purses according to Forbes, he’s also made a remarkable comeback after declaring bankruptcy in 2013 at age 37.

Although promoters did not disclose Tyson’s exact earnings from the fight, reports from sources like DraftKings Network estimate he will earn around $20 million.

This figure is comparable to the amount Tyson earned for his 1988 match against Michael Spinks, which had a record purse at the time (worth approximately $53 million today when adjusted for inflation). That fight ended in just 91 seconds, with Tyson knocking out the previously undefeated Spinks.

How much is Jake Paul being paid for the fight?

Jake Paul, 27, is expected to earn approximately $40 million, according to estimates from DraftKings Network and other sources. This is double the amount Tyson is projected to make. One reason for this disparity may be Paul’s status as a top social media influencer, with 27 million followers on Instagram alone. Additionally, Paul is the co-founder of Most Valuable Promotions (MVP), the company promoting the fight in partnership with Netflix.

Paul’s net worth is estimated at $80 million, according to Celebrity Net Worth.

Vanguard News

The concept of democracy is grounded in fairness, transparency, and the power of the people to decide their leaders. However, the practice of democracy in Nigeria, particularly at the local government level, is increasingly becoming a farce. The recent conduct of local government elections across various states in the country reveals a troubling trend, state governors manipulating the process to secure predetermined outcomes. This betrayal of democratic principles is what can best be described as “Ojorocracy,” a system where cheating, trickery, and unfair practices prevail.

Local government elections are supposed to be the cornerstone of grassroots democracy, enabling citizens to have direct influence over the leaders who administer their immediate communities. In theory, these elections are meant to provide a platform for the people’s voices to be heard. Unfortunately, the reality in Nigeria tells a different story.

Time and again, state governors have hijacked the process, using their influence to ensure that candidates from their own political party dominate the polls. Reports abound of election results being rigged, ballot boxes being snatched, and voter intimidation becoming the norm. These actions make a mockery of the democratic process, transforming what should be free and fair elections into orchestrated charades that serve only the interests of the ruling elites.

Governors across Nigeria have been accused of turning local government elections into a game of “ojoro” manipulating electoral commissions to ensure their preferred candidates emerge victorious. The tactics are well-known.

For instance, loyalists are handpicked to fill key positions in the State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs), ensuring the entire election process is skewed in their favor.

More often than not elections at the local government level is usually characterized by late night election results that overwhelmingly favor the ruling party, sometimes with near-100% voter turnout in areas notorious for voter apathy.

In a similar vein, elections are the local government level is usually characterized by suppression of opposition parties, where candidates from other parties are disqualified or intimidated to withdraw from the race.

As if the foregoing are not enough, it is also characterized by deployment of state resources and security forces to harass political opponents and disenfranchise voters.

These manipulations are not just mere allegations; they are an open secret. In many states, it is taken for granted that local government elections are mere formalities with predetermined outcomes. This blatant disregard for democratic principles is disheartening and calls into question the sincerity of those in power when they claim to champion democracy.

In fact, when state governors subvert local government elections, they undermine the very foundation of democracy. This erosion of trust in the electoral system has far-reaching consequences:

For instance, when citizens perceive elections as nothing more than a “rigging festival,” they lose faith in the system. This disillusionment leads to voter apathy, reducing citizen participation in the democratic process.

Without a doubt, unfairly organized elections at the local government level stifles development at the grassroots: Local governments, if properly empowered, are crucial to delivering essential services and driving development. However, when the leadership is not truly representative, they are often unaccountable to the people and fail to prioritize local needs.

Poorly conducted local government election also entrenches a culture of corruption as handpicked local government officials often owe their allegiance not to the people but to the governors who installed them. This breeds a culture of patronage, where officials focus on enriching themselves and their political godfathers rather than serving the public.

In fact, Nigeria’s democracy cannot thrive if the local government level remains a bastion of electoral malpractice. State governors must be reminded that democracy is not about “ojoro” but about the will of the people. It is time for them to stop turning elections into a game of deceit and manipulation.

The federal government, civil society organizations, and the media have a crucial role to play in holding these governors accountable. Electoral reforms that ensure true independence of State Independent Electoral Commissions are urgently needed. Furthermore, there must be consequences for those who subvert the democratic process. Only by restoring integrity to local government elections can we begin to rebuild trust in Nigeria’s democracy.

Democracy thrives on the principles of fairness, transparency, and accountability. If state governors continue to turn local government elections into “Ojorocracy,” they are not just cheating the system, they are cheating the people they swore to serve. For Nigeria to achieve the democratic ideals it claims to uphold, it is imperative that elections, especially at the grassroots level, are conducted with integrity.

As local government election has come to stay in this part of the world, Nigerians must demand more from their leaders. Let us reject “ojoro” and embrace true democracy, where the voice of the people is not just heard but respected.

In recent years, patronage appointments have steadily become a defining characteristic of Nigeria’s political landscape, casting a shadow over good governance and sustainable development. The prevalence of this practice, where political allies, loyalists, or ethnic affiliates are rewarded with government positions based on personal allegiance rather than merit, is not just an old, familiar tale but one that perpetuates a cycle of mediocrity, inefficiency, and national regression.

As Nigeria grapples with multiple crises, from a dwindling economy to alarming levels of unemployment and insecurity, the question must be asked: Can we afford to keep mortgaging our nation’s future on the altar of patronage appointments?

Patronage appointments are not unique to Nigeria; they exist in various forms around the world. However, the impact is particularly damaging in the Nigerian context, where political offices are seen as avenues for personal enrichment rather than service to the people. The allure of patronage lies in its power to secure political loyalty. For many politicians, it is a quick and effective way to consolidate power, maintain control, and reward those who supported their electoral ambitions.

Patronage operates on the principle that “to the victor go the spoils.” This mindset is a relic of colonial rule and military regimes that fostered a culture where political office is synonymous with the distribution of wealth and influence. Once elected, Nigerian politicians often face intense pressure to compensate loyalists, party stalwarts, and influential backers who helped secure their victory, leading to the entrenchment of a patron-client relationship that takes precedence over national interests.

The impact of patronage on Nigeria’s governance structure is profound. When positions of authority are filled not on the basis of competence but on the strength of political connections, the result is predictable: inefficiency, corruption, and stagnation. Public institutions are flooded with unqualified personnel who lack the skills and expertise necessary to implement policies or deliver essential services.

The most glaring manifestation of this is in Nigeria’s public sector. Ministries, departments, and agencies are littered with appointees whose primary qualifications are their loyalty to the appointing authority. This has led to the erosion of meritocracy, a principle that should form the bedrock of any effective civil service. The ripple effects are felt across all sectors, education, healthcare, infrastructure, and security, where the lack of skilled professionals at the helm translates into poor service delivery and a decline in overall productivity.

Patronage appointments are not just a drain on Nigeria’s resources but also a breeding ground for corruption. Political appointees often see their positions as a reward for their loyalty and a chance to recoup their “investment” in the political process. This mindset drives a culture of rent-seeking, where officials use their offices to amass wealth through kickbacks, contracts awarded to cronies, and other forms of graft.

The unchecked spread of patronage has also contributed to the ballooning cost of governance in Nigeria. With every new administration comes an influx of political appointees, special advisers, and aides who serve more as political allies than effective policymakers. The result is an ever-growing payroll that drains public funds, leaving little for capital projects and social services that could improve the lives of ordinary Nigerians.

The implications of patronage appointments extend beyond governance; they also threaten Nigeria’s fragile unity. In a country already deeply divided along ethnic and regional lines, the practice of rewarding political allies from specific regions breeds resentment and a sense of exclusion among other groups. This deepens the already-existing fault lines in the nation, making it difficult to foster the sense of national unity needed for progress.

A case in point is the way federal appointments are often skewed in favor of individuals from the president’s ethnic group or geopolitical zone, contrary to the principles of federal character enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution. This selective approach to appointments not only undermines the federal character principle but also sends a dangerous message to citizens that their chances of benefiting from the nation’s resources are tied to their ethnic or regional affiliations.

The detrimental impact of patronage appointments is perhaps most evident in Nigeria’s inability to sustain meaningful reforms. Every administration comes into power with promises of transformation, but the reform agenda is often stymied by a bureaucracy filled with appointees who are more concerned with pleasing their patrons than implementing policies. The result is a cycle of failed reforms, abandoned projects, and policy inconsistencies that prevent Nigeria from reaching its potential.

Consider the healthcare sector, where successive administrations have failed to improve the system despite lofty promises. The issue is not a lack of resources but rather the inability to deploy those resources effectively due to incompetence and corruption driven by patronage. A similar story plays out in education, where political interference and patronage have led to poorly managed institutions, leaving students and educators to suffer the consequences.

With each new administration, Nigerians hold onto hope for change. However, it seems that patronage politics remains a persistent fixture in the political landscape. The current administration of President Bola Tinubu, for example, has been criticized for filling key positions with loyalists and political allies rather than competent technocrats who can tackle the country’s numerous challenges.

While every administration is entitled to appoint trusted individuals to key roles, the emphasis should be on appointing those who bring skills, experience, and a commitment to national service. Unfortunately, in the current climate, it appears that competence takes a backseat to loyalty. The effect of this is already being felt as the nation struggles to navigate economic turmoil, widespread poverty, and a spiraling debt crisis.

Nigeria is at a crossroads. The nation cannot afford to continue down the path of patronage-driven governance if it hopes to achieve sustainable development and improve the quality of life for its citizens. To move forward, the government must prioritize merit-based appointments. This would not only enhance the efficiency of public institutions but also build trust among the citizenry, who are increasingly disillusioned by the lack of progress.

However, not a few Nigerians have at different public events mentioned that several measures can be taken to curb the negative effects of patronage, In fact, they have being heard saying that strengthening Institutional frameworks would go a long way in bringing solution to the now already plague in governance. Anti-corruption agencies like the EFCC and ICPC should be empowered to investigate and prosecute cases of patronage-related corruption. This should include the appointment of officials based on transparency and accountability.

Close to the foregoing solution is that of promoting merit-based recruitment. They have insisted that the Nigerian government must revisit its recruitment policies to ensure that appointments are based on competence, qualifications, and proven track records. They are wont to add that Independent commissions can be set up to oversee appointments to public offices.

In a similar vein is the need for public awareness and advocacy. This is as civil society organizations and the media must continue to play a watchdog role in holding the government accountable for its appointments. In fact, public pressure can force the government to rethink its patronage practices.

Also is the need for legislative reforms. Nigeria’s lawmakers must enact laws that limit the number of political appointments that can be made by any administration. This will reduce the bloated payroll of political appointees and free up funds for developmental projects.

Without a doubt, the path forward is clear, but it requires political will and a collective effort from all Nigerians. Patronage appointments may provide short-term political gains, but they come at a long-term cost to the nation’s stability and progress. If Nigeria is to achieve its potential as Africa’s giant, it must break free from the shackles of patronage politics.

The time has come to place national interest above personal or party loyalty. Only by embracing meritocracy can Nigeria build a society where public offices serve the people, not the pockets of a privileged few. It is time to rethink patronage politics and choose a path that leads to genuine development and prosperity for all.

Today, as the Nigerian Tribune celebrates its 75th anniversary, it’s hard not to be pleasantly astonished by what it has accomplished. For three-quarters of a century, Nigeria’s oldest surviving privately owned English-language newspaper has withstood shifting national tides, weathered economic storms, thrived amid social upheavals, and survived cataclysmic political headwinds with praiseworthy aplomb. 

In the landscape of Nigerian journalism, the Tribune unquestionably stands as a towering and inspirational figure. It’s a paper that, like Nigeria itself, has journeyed through phases of optimism and hardship, growth and constraint, and renewal and resistance, which has earned it the fitting, well-deserved sobriquet of the “Great Survivor.”

Established on November 16, 1949, by the visionary Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his wife Chief HID (whom he memorably dubbed his “jewel of inestimable value”), the Tribune has never been a passive, diffident chronicler of history.

 Instead, as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu said in his tribute to the paper yesterday, it has been a staunch, unremorseful advocate for democratic principles, social justice, and journalistic excellence. It has championed press freedom not as a convenient catchphrase but as a creed and has emerged as one of Nigeria's most steadfast and most consequential defenders of truth.

For any newspaper, particularly in Nigeria where journalism can be a precarious profession and where economic and political pressures have killed many promising media outfits, 75 years is nothing short of extraordinary. 

For the last six years, Tribune has been my intellectual sanctuary and an unlikely but cherished home for my thoughts, provocations, and ideals.

My relationship with the Tribune began in October 2018 when Mr. Edward Dickson, the paper’s Managing Director and Editor-in-Chief, approached me with an intriguing request: to simultaneously publish my Daily Trust on Saturday column in the Saturday Tribune.

 I initially hesitated. To be honest, I don’t know why I did. Perhaps, it was because of my sense of the complexities of simultaneous publication. Well, I later embraced the opportunity, recognizing the Tribune's unique readership and its storied legacy.  

Then I approached Malam Mannir Dan-Ali, at the time Daily Trust’s Editor-in-Chief, for his blessings. He proposed a compromise. He said I should delay the publication of my column in the Tribune by a day to prevent fragmenting the Daily Trust’s readership. 

However, I countered with a pragmatic view. I pointed out the distinct audiences of the two papers. I even cited Malam Mohammed Haruna’s successful dual-column venture between the Daily Trust and The Nation at the time.

Agreement remained elusive, but I pressed on and started sending my column to the Tribune. My inaugural column appeared on the back page of Saturday Tribune on November 10, 2018.  To their credit, the management of the Daily Trust lodged no complaints—at least, not until December 2018, when my column was abruptly axed under the weight of pressure from President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration. 

My relentless critiques of the regime’s corruption, nepotism, and governance misadventures had evidently struck too many sensitive nerves. Thus, the Tribune became not merely my new home but my only discursive refuge for unfiltered truth-telling. Its storied pages began to shoulder the burden of my weekly angst and irreverent commentaries.

What stood out about this new relationship was its openness, call it originative openness, if you like. Despite my identity as a Muslim northerner — an unlikely recruit for a paper historically tied to the Awolowo legacy, which is rooted in Yoruba identity and Christian ethos — the Tribune sought me out. 

This act exemplified the paper’s ideological cosmopolitanism and commitment to robust, untrammeled discourse. Remarkably, by a twist of happenstance, all three editors of the paper’s flagship editions — Debo Abdulai of the daily, Sina Oladeinde of the Sunday Tribune, and Lasisi Olagunju of the Saturday Tribune — are Muslims. Such a convergence of diversity within a publication owned by a staunchly Christian family speaks volumes about its commitment to inclusivity and its transcendence of exclusivist affiliational politics.

This openness wasn’t merely symbolic. It was a lived reality. Months after I began my column, some voices from Yorubaland clamored for my removal, citing grievances over my columns that addressed what I have called the symbolic and material marginalization of Yoruba Muslims in Yorubaland and my forceful, searing critiques of former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, who is married into the Awolowo family. 

The management of Tribune stood resolutely by me. The Editor-in-Chief himself reached out through a phone call and assured me of the management’s unwavering support for me, not because they agreed with what I had written but because they recognized and respected my right to my thoughts. 

That moment, both touching and profound, encapsulated the editorial courage that has kept the Tribune alive for 75 years. It was, for me, a resounding affirmation of the paper’s editorial and professional integrity, which many publications sadly lack.

The Tribune’s history is one of intellectual bravery, of defying conventions to carve a path for Nigerian journalism that is inclusive, bold, and unapologetically inquisitive. Even when the paper could have comfortably catered only to a Yoruba Christian readership, it chose to embrace divergent voices.

 The 2018 hiring of Ja’afar Ja’afar, another northern Muslim journalist, to write for the Sunday edition of the paper was another admirable instantiation of its discursive inclusivity. Ja’afar, whose fierce independence eventually led him to establish his own online newspaper, which famously videographically exposed former Governor Abdullahi Ganduje’s dollar stuffing from contractors, had found a home in the Tribune, which shows yet another evidence of the paper’s unique ability to welcome diverse perspectives.

The Tribune’s remarkable longevity stems from its willingness to evolve without sacrificing its principles. In an era when media houses are struggling to remain independent, when they are capitulating to powerful interests and becoming watchdogs that neither bark nor bite, the Tribune has held firm. 

It has rejected the temptations of sensationalism and superficiality, opting instead to pursue depth, nuance, and moral clarity. Its editors understand that the role of the press is not merely to report but to illuminate, to provoke thought, to transcend the familiar and the predictable and, when necessary, to challenge the status quo.

 At the Tribune, the pen is never a weapon wielded out of spite but a tool for enlightenment, a platform to broaden horizons, and a deliberative arena to deepen discourse.

What is it about the Tribune that has allowed it to endure in a country where so many newspapers have come and gone? Perhaps it is the paper’s ability to navigate the complexities of identity, culture, and power.

 Nigeria is a nation of many religions, ethnicities, and ideological dispositions. The Tribune has thrived by engaging with these multiplicities rather than retreating into a narrow, self-affirming silo. Through a civil war, bloody communal upheavals, coups, and constitutional crises, the paper has remained resolute in its dedication to a better Nigeria, a Nigeria where people of all backgrounds can find a voice, where the exchange of ideas is cherished, and where the media’s role is seen as sacred.

As the Nigerian Tribune celebrates its 75th year, I feel immense pride to be part of its legacy, even if only for six of its 75 illustrious years of fearless journalism. For me, and for countless Nigerians, this paper is not just an institution; it is a beacon, a reminder of what journalism can and should be.

 It represents the best of Nigeria’s spirit, a spirit that refuses to be silenced, that champions diversity, that dares to hold the powerful accountable while giving voice to the voiceless.

Seventy-five years is a significant milestone, but it is only a prelude to what lies ahead. I have no doubt that the Tribune will continue to be Nigeria’s conscience, an unwavering light in times of darkness, and a trusted friend to those who seek truth.

 For as long as there are stories to be told, injustices to be exposed, and truths to be defended, the Nigerian Tribune will be there, steadfast and unswerving.

Long may it live.

He was a very simple man, who could easily be mistaken for a decent, peace-seeking and law abiding civilian. Even when fully kitted out in military gear, he still came across as a decent, self-effacing and unassuming man with a heart.  There was always a spirit of ‘live and let live’ about the man, according to those who knew him for decades.

Easygoing and without pretensions about personal or professional authority, the immediate past Chief of Army Staff (COAS), Lt. Gen. Taoreed Lagbaja, was never unduly obtrusive in any way. Yet he was also always conscious of his authority, but in such a way that he only exercised it in order to drive professionalism, efficiency and operational effectiveness.

The late Lagbaja was widely known for readily facilitating anything good that needed facilitation in the name of national security, and without putting on airs about it. Efficiency and professional effectiveness were his major focus, undergirded by knowledge and capacity for informed decisions that followed best practices.

I first encountered him at a public event, not too long after his appointment as Chief of Army Staff (COAS). “Ah, Prof I am seeing you live today, instead of always reading your numerous articles, or watching you on television. I love the fact that you always endeavour to be objective and professional in your media interventions”. Then he mentioned something I had said on television in the past, or something I had written in the newspaper.

It struck me that his voice was soft, firm, very clear and rose above the din without being raised. He said everything he wanted to say within that very short encounter; and did not place, or use, one word amiss. His sense of propriety was also that of a man who appears indifferent to much of what is going on around him, but who was actually fully aware of it at the same time. All said, he was a professional soldier with much success casually tucked under his belt.

Gen Lagbaja’s understanding of the security challenges facing the nation is much deeper than many can imagine. Towards the end of August, at the Chief of Army Staff Combined Second and Third Quarter Conference in Uyo, he said that the recent protests at the time were primarily driven by discontent over economic issues. He also urged his colleagues not to forget that “… as an Armed Force, we must not only focus on physical security and defence of the nation, but note that food and social security issues can snowball into physical security challenges.”

Not quite done on that occasion, he went ahead to draw attention to the fact that the protests were “…largely driven by provocative and inciting social media traffic, although it was professionally managed by the Nigeria Police, supported by the military and other security agencies”.

While presenting the first strategic personality lecture at the Institute of Peace and Strategic Studies (IPSS), University of Ibadan, Lagbaja harped on the need for us to adopt and implement a Whole of Society Approach to national security problems. He fingered unemployment, poverty and youth bulge as the fertilizers nourishing some aspects of our security challenges. He pointed out that the unemployed and poor are susceptible to recruitment by criminals and violent non-state actors, as he urged all stakeholders to leverage the strengths of every demographic group for a cohesive and coordinated response to national security threats.

Consistent with his Command Philosophy, which emphasizes operational success “within a joint environment”, the late COAS always insisted that no single agency can solve the myriads of security challenges facing the country alone. For him: “The operating environment has evolved to a point where no single service or agency can effectively and independently tackle the threats to national security. Collaboration, communication, and cooperation are required for planning, sharing of intelligence, and the practical execution of all operations. Where synergy is lacking among security agencies, there can never be a coordinated approach to the prevailing security challenge”. 

While commissioning Civil Military Cooperation (CIMIC) projects in Okuku community in Odo-Otin Local Government Area of Osun State recently, he said: “Military action alone cannot overcome the security challenges confronting the nation. The nation’s security and progress depends on the synergy and cooperation of all stakeholders. And part of the reasons for COAS Special Civil Military Cooperation Intervention Projects in communities is …to promote cordial co-existence, galvanize support and give impetus to ongoing efforts at combating security threats and challenges across the country”.

But by far one of the most telling interventions with a wide stakeholder base was Lagbaja’s charge to the DG of the Nigerian Army Resource Centre (NARC), Maj. Gen. G A Wahab, alongside NARC’s Programmes Partner, Development Specs Academy (DSA), to organize a national RoundTable on “Asymmetrical National Security Challenges” and their effects on national development and the Nigerian Army.

The late COAS did not want a retreat, conference, or summit on national security that would deliver only lamentations and detailed descriptions of the problems, as well as their historical origins and their negative impact on our lives, without proposing solutions. He asked for specific solutions to specific problems.

Consistent with his aforementioned procliviity for measurable results, Lagbaja wanted a purely solutions-based engagement, driven by objective and clear-sighted third-Party narratives. That was his reason for endorsing the NARC/DSA RoundTable, as a way of further refocusing our conversations about national security. For him, the national roundtable titled “Asymmetrical National Security Challenges, the Army and National Development” must interrogate .the issues and come out with specific Implementable Action Points (IAPs) for execution.

He saw the value of involving DSA’s Strategic Partners such as the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR), the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), the Voice of Nigeria (VON), the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), the Institute for Strategic Development Communication (ISDEVCOM), Nnamdi Azikiwe Business School, and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), among others.

The point of securing the buy-in and deep commitment of these Strategic Partners was to make these credible and highly regarded professional bodies, institutes and institutions, as well as agencies of government that are headed by professionals in public communication, the dominant and credible voices to speak out on core issues of national security.

As was reported here on June 22, 2024, “The organizers of the Roundtable went round, consulted with Partners and other stakeholders, achieved some measure of consensus on the core issues and came out with a template for pragmatic and realistic solutions”.

The Roundtable thus stood out as a Third-Party initiative, designed to distil IAPs on pressing asymmetrical national security challenges in the country. This is with particular reference to “…security challenges that do not take the simple form of easily-identified, routinely compartmentalized, properly isolated and unilaterally targetable problems”. The challenges range from embedded targets, refusal to help the army and other security agencies with local intelligence, the targeting of military personnel for hostile civilian attention, unproductive community engagements, deliberate misrepresentation of the activities and achievements of the Nigerian Army through fake news, to deliberate misinformation and disinformation, among other disruptive environmental variables.

That gesture of endorsement from the former COAS gave rise to a people’s RoundTable, designed to drive non-partisan, and believable national interest narratives; anchored on the twin elements of objectivity and professionalism. The idea was to use it to promote public understanding of the roles, and achievements, of the nation’s military and security agencies, as well as the role of the citizens.

The task of “… creating a groundswell of that aspect of public communication that is usually best described as National Interest Communication without Propaganda (NIC–P) was thus given wider public ownership.

As things stand today, no one is exempt, or immune, from the clear and present dangers around us. And that roundtable, as approved by the late COAS, drove a new narrative, by getting Nigeria’s various publics to see and understand their roles, and the roles of other key actors, in the wider national ecosystem of synchronized security.

It re-emphasized the specific and general roles of the military, particularly the Nigerian army, in the cocktail of structures, activities and processes that constitute the national security architecture. It also addressed emerging challenges that derive more from deliberate misrepresentations of our men in uniform and showcased facts-based reviews of current asymmetrical national security challenges. This was done within a holistic perspective on the imperatives of a “whole of society approach” to national security challenges.

All said, that RoundTable established informed linkages between the negative fallouts of political decisions, overlooked multiplier effects of poor civilian political leadership and emerging national security challenges in different parts of the country. And it handed in a detailed set of recommendations, accompanied by implementation strategies to the former COAS.

As Nigerians mourn Lt Gen Lagbaja today, we all have a loss to feel sad about. There will always be the other Gen Lagbaja that you do not know, but whom somebody else knows and now misses. In whatever capacity that you may have known this man, chances are that you knew him as a good man. Miss him many will. All are joint losers and mourners at the funeral of a good man. Let us all pray for the soul of a man who is missed today as father, husband, brother, nephew, professional colleague, mentor, friend and much more.

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We all have a loss to feel sad about. There will always be the other Gen Lagbaja that you do not know, but whom somebody else knows and now misses. But in whatever capacity that might be, miss him many will. All are joint losers and mourners at the funeral of a good man. Let us all pray for the soul of a man who is missed today as father, husband, brother, nephew, professional colleague, mentor, friend and much more.

I applaud H.E. President Sassou Nguesso, the President of the Republic of Congo and President William Ruto of Kenya, the co-chairs, for their leadership on this agenda, and for joining with me in our collective drive to ensure that Africa’s vast natural resources are considered in the valuation of Africa’s wealth – what I call Green Gross Domestic Product (Green GDP).

Africa has some of the largest sources of natural capital in the world, including over 40% of the world’s clean energy potential; 65% of the world’s uncultivated arable land; 25% of global biodiversity; and 20% of the world’s tropical rainforest area.

The Congo Basin is the second largest carbon lung in the world after the Amazon forest. It stretches 314 million hectares with 1.2 million kilometers of primary forest.

The peatlands of the Congo Basin store 29 billion tons of carbon. That is equivalent to 3 years’ worth of global greenhouse gas emissions. The Congo basin also absorbs about 1.5 billion tons of carbon dioxide per year.

Africa’s forests account for 26% of all carbon sequestration in forests worldwide.

The continent also holds considerable non-renewable natural resources, accounting for 50% of the world’s reserves of cobalt (used for batteries), 40% of manganese reserves (used in solar and wind farms) and more than 80% of platinum reserves, complemented by rich endowments of nickel, copper, and rare earth minerals. These are crucial for global green energy transition with electric vehicles and battery energy storages systems, whose estimated value is expected to rise from $7.5 trillion to $59 trillion.

Africa is also endowed with abundant renewable energy: an almost unlimited potential of solar capacity (10 TW), hydro (350 GW), wind (110 GW), and geothermal energy sources (15 GW), all of which are the backbone of a less carbon-intensive and more sustainable energy system.

Therefore, while Africa contributes significantly to global public good for tackling climate change with its vast resources of natural capital, its vast natural capital has been undervalued.  This vast natural capital is not taken into consideration in valuing the GDP of African countries. For example, while the GDP of Africa was estimated at $2.5 trillion in 2018, this was 2.5 times lower than the estimated value of its natural capital, evaluated at $6.2 trillion, which partly includes some valuation of the ecosystem services.

This situation makes Africa to be “green endowed” but “cash poor”.

When the value of Africa’s vast forest and environmental services, and natural capital, are properly valued, the size of its rebased GDP taking this into account will be much higher.

The African Development Bank’s preliminary estimates, based on very conservative assumptions, show that Africa’s nominal GDP in 2022 could have increased by $66.1 billion when adjusted for carbon sequestration only.

That is more than the combined GDP of 42 African countries!

The proper valuation of Africa’s green GDP is where the trillions of dollars for the continent, based on proper valuation, will come from, to boost the wealth and financing of the continent.

The greening of the GDP will also have other benefits, including the development of carbon markets in Africa.

Unfortunately, today, several African countries are giving away their vast amounts of land to carbon credits. While this may generate some short-term financing, it needs to be understood that Africa is a carbon price taker and therefore is short-changed. While the price of carbon in Europe is high and could be as high as $200 per ton because of the strict EU Emission Trading Standards, carbon price in Africa could be as low as $3 to $10 per ton.

The widespread sales of vast areas of Africa’s lands rich in carbon, what I call “carbon grab”, has five consequences, which we must understand.

First, the countries are being underpaid for the carbon, due to the undervaluation of Africa’s carbon sinks.

Second, the sequestered carbon on the lands can no longer be used as part of the nation’s nationally determined contributions.

Third, the countries lose sovereignty over their lands.

Fourth, the carbon sequestered over these lands and forests cannot be used to rebase and revalue the green GDP of the countries.

Fifth, the ongoing carbon grab in Africa is a lose-lose proposition.

The proper valuation of Africa’s green wealth will increase access to financial flows, in part because credit ratings agencies will be able to incorporate the true value of overall asset class, which in turn could improve countries’ risk profile.

Therefore, it is time for Africa’s green environmental assets to be properly priced to allow the continent to turn its massive green assets into wealth, through their inclusion in “green’ GDP for Africa. This will raise massive financial resources for the continent, spur greater green investments and provide better policies for the greening of African economies for sustainable development. The significantly higher revenues that Africa will generate from the proper valuation of its carbon sinks and environmental services will also allow it to be able to service its debts, assuring debt sustainability.

It is time for Africa’s green wealth to be properly measured.

It is time to take Africa’s natural capital into consideration in its GDP.

It is time for Africa to be green rich and cash rich.

I am delighted to inform you that the African Development Bank has produced a report on “Measuring the Green Wealth of Nations: Natural Capital and Economic Productivity in Africa. You will find the report on your tables. This report sets out key actions to value and integrate natural capital in the measure of Africa’s GDP.

This is a defining moment for Africa.

We need you to succeed.

African Development Bank will work with you to seize this moment.

• Speech by Dr. Akinwumi A. Adesina, President and Chairman of the Board, African Development Bank Group, at the COP 29 High-Level Event on “Measuring the Green Wealth of Nations: Natural Capital and Economic Productivity in Africa”, 13 November 2024

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of three Nigerians as directors-general of various agencies and one special adviser on Public Communications and Media.

The new appointees are:

(1) Mr. Olawale Olopade -- Director-General, National Sports Commission

(2) Dr. Abisoye Fagade -- Director-General, National Institute for Hospitality and Tourism

(3) Dr. Adebowale Adedokun -- Director-General, Bureau of Public Procurement

(4) Daniel Bwala -- Special Adviser, Media and Public Communications (State House)

Olopade, the new Director-General of the National Sports Commission, is a sports administrator with many years of experience in the sector.

He served as commissioner of youth and sports in Ogun state and was chairman of the local organising committee of the 2024 National Sports Festival.

The new Director-General of the National Institute for Hospitality and Tourism, Dr. Abisoye Fagade is a marketing communication professional. He is the founder and managing director of Sodium Brand Solutions.

Adedokun, the new helmsman of the Bureau of Public Procurement, was the director of Research/Training and Strategic Planning at the bureau before his appointment.

The Special Adviser on Public Communications and Media, Mr. Daniel Bwala is a lawyer and notable public affairs analyst.

The President enjoins the newly appointed officers to discharge their duties with dedication, patriotism, and excellence.

Bayo Onanuga

Special Adviser to the President

(Information & Strategy)

November 14, 2024