If the Nobel Peace Prize were less political, more objective and based on direct efforts to achieve peace,  Professor Ibrahim Agboola Gambari should have been an awardee long ago.   

One of the lows in human history was the refusal to prevent or stop the 1994 Rwanda Genocide even when humanity was in a very good position to do so.  There were international forces on ground, especially from France and Belgium.  The greatest crime of all was that the world  had   a peacekeeping force in Rwanda called the  United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda, UNAMIR.   It was aware of the plans for the massacre and applied to the UN to be permitted to nip it in the bud. But permission was denied. When the genocide  began, the UNAMIR sought permission to stop it, but the Security Council did not give the needed permission. Gambari was one of the few courageous persons in the UN Security Council who insisted the world body must intervene. The refusal of the UN cost over 850,000 lives. In 2010, a grateful Rwanda awarded Gambari its National Honour of  ‘Umurinzi’ for fighting to stop the genocide. 

Gambari  from the 1970s, with some intellectuals across the country’s tertiary  institutions, mobilised Nigerian youths against Apartheid in South Africa.  When Nelson Mandela travelled to the UN after his 27-year incarceration, it was Gambari as the Chairman of the UN Special Committee Against Apartheid  (1990-1994) who received him on behalf of humanity.  On  October 26, 2011, a grateful South Africa conferred  its highest national honour,  the Companion of the Order  of  Oliver R. Thambo, on Gambari.

He was involved in the peace  process that led to the separation of Sudan and South Sudan and the rise of the latter as an independent state.

  One of the most brutal wars in Africa was fought in Darfur, Sudan. To bring that war to an end, the UN and the African Union jointly appointed Gambari as their Special Representative. He had the  peacekeeping Africa Union-United Nations  Hybrid Operation in Darfur, UNAMID,  force of 19,248 personnel. Gambari’s mission in Darfur was  to protect civilians, facilitate humanitarian aid and assist an inclusive political process that addressed the root causes of the crises.

Gambari became the “Mr Fix-it”  of the UN as he was tasked to resolve  tough issues around  the world. He was sent to Europe as Special Envoy to untangle the Cyprus Conflict  between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities.

He was also sent to Asia  because  the UN had a strongly worded resolution telling  the Stone Age military dictatorship in  Myanmar to end its violation of fundamental human rights and,  begin a democratic transition process.  Gambari’s duty included going to that country, looking  the stone-faced Generals in the eye and telling them the resolve of the world body.

In 2007, he was appointed the  UN Special Adviser on the International Compact with Iraq and Other  Political Issues. His duties included empowering that country’s political and constitutional processes to strengthen  democracy and  rule of law, tackling  security  challenges  while respecting fundamental human rights and addressing  the issues of  refugees and the internally displaced persons.

He  was also the UN’s Special Envoy to Zimbabwe and Head of the UN Mission to Angola from 2002-2003.  

Gambari commenced  his journey in the world of diplomacy when President Shehu Shagari appointed him the Director General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, NIIA.

 When that government was overthrown, he was appointed the Minister of Foreign Affairs under the Buhari regime.  This was where, in combining his commitment to a better world and  his intellectual prowess, he helped to formulate some outstanding foreign policies and actions that came to define Nigeria’s foreign policy on some contentious issues.

He reached the conclusion and, persuaded the government that the solution to the Middle East crisis was the two-state solution in which the Israelis and Palestinians would live in two separate states within secured, internationally recognised borders. Nigeria then moved to recognise a Palestinian State. The Palestinian Liberation Organisation, PLO,  under Yasser Arafat, was granted diplomatic status and provided an embassy in Nigeria.

Tragically, the Nigeria position has until now, been resisted by powerful   countries leading to continuous and avoidable  bloodbath in the region.  

 The latest round of that conflict which began on October 7, 2023, has taken the dimension of  a genocide.  In Gaza alone,  43,764  Palestinians, including 16,765 children,  have been  killed in the last thirteen months. In the same period, 784 Palestinians, including 167 children, were killed in the West Bank while 1,139 Israelis were killed. These are apart from the devastation and, the victims of the spill-over of the current conflict into Lebanon, Yemen and Syria.  

Another far-sighted vision championed by Gambari is the need for the complete de-colonization of the African continent. In 1984, Nigeria took the bold move to tell the Kingdom of Morocco off by recognising the independence of Western Sahara under the uncontested leadership of the POLISARIO Movement.  As it did with the PLO, Nigeria invited the POLISARIO to open its embassy in the country with full diplomatic powers and privileges.  Unfortunately, Western powers  resisted these moves, and today, 40 years later, Africa is still saddled with the colonial question  and an  avoidable  bloodshed in the continent.

A point to be made on his tenure as Foreign Minister, 1984-85. The Buhari regime decided to abduct a fugitive, Umaru Dikko from Britain. British security services found Dikko in a crate ready to be flown to Nigeria. The crate was addressed to Foreign Minister, Prof Ibrahim Gambari.

He later served as Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the UN under four other Heads of State: Generals Ibrahim Babangida and  Sani Abacha, Chief Ernest Shonekan and General Abdulsalam Abubakar.

Interestingly, although Gambari  became one of the best known diplomats in contemporary times, he was an ‘accidental diplomat’. His profession is academics in which he is also a colossus and, author of a number of  books including on the UN, Africa, Nigeria, Regional Integration and the Theory and Reality in Foreign Policy Making.

He continues to make waves. In   August 2024 ,  he was Chair of the International Conference to Eradicate Colonialism in the World.  The following month, he was at the UN General Assembly where at ‘The Summit of the Future’ he said the Security Council  must be reformed to  “reflect today’s geopolitical realities and the multi-lateral principle of inclusive  and collective action…”

This Sunday, November 24,   2024, Professor Ibrahim Gambari turns 80. I am sure he is only waiting for the drums of celebration to be played before catching the next flight because he is not slowing down.   Wishing him more years of good health and service to humanity. 

Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Mr Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, has expressed his love for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, FBI, method of corruption investigation and recommended that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, and or the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, ICPC, should conclude investigations before arrest.

Speaking weekend at the Food and Energy Security in Africa Conference held in Lagos  on ‘the Rule of Law and attracting International Investment towards Food and Energy Security in Africa’ , Fagbemi said the FBI would have done diligently investigation before going after the suspects.

“My attitude has always been that when the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC,  or  the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, ICPC,  is investigating anybody, I prefer the FBI model of the institution. “

The Attorney General of the Federation said while FBI is conducting investigations that nobody hears anything, “but when they call at your doorstep, you have to open the door. Your rights are there. You call your, like they say in America, your attorney.

“You call your attorney, but I bet you what you will ask your attorney to do is to reduce your sentence, to negotiate how your sentence will be reduced.  When they are doing it, nobody hears anything.”

He said the attitude of fighting corruption by saying a big fish has been caught without proper investigation should be discouraged.

Fagbemi said proper investigation before media trial is a more civilized way of fighting corruption.

 “So if you don’t hear that anybody has been arrested, if you don’t hear that anybody has been invited, it is not because actions are negative and not going on. It’s just that I believe that that is a more civilized approach of waging war against corruption.”

“And that will also significantly reduce the impression even outside the country. I have made this point that I don’t believe that the situation is as bad as people are painting it.  This issue of social media, they would have bastardized and abused the suspects before the truth came out.

“So it is important to say this. If you get one, if you want to crush the corrupt official, please do so, but ensure that he does not get off the shackles of the law.

“It is by so doing that we can help ourselves and help the country. We all have a duty; a civic responsibility to report incidents of corruption, and it is also the statutory duty of the anti-corruption agencies to ensure thorough investigation.”

While noting that corruption is everywhere in the world, he said the government is doing enough to curtail it

“First, I start with an opening statement. Corruption is everywhere in the world. So when I hear people talk of corruption, corruption, as it exists in Africa, it exists in Europe, in Asia, but I will limit my question to this one now.

“In matters of corruption in the energy sector,  we know the effect is like a cancer. Unless you are very careful, you may not be able to stop it. But we are doing our utmost to ensure that this is nipped in the bud, or at least reduced to the bare minimum.”

Fagbemi disclosed that laws have been enacted in the fight against corruption.

“For instance, we have witnessed the promulgation into law of critical legislations like the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act 2022 and Corruption Act also in 2022.”

He added that the “work of the various anti-corruption agencies, particularly the IPCC and EFCC are also things that we feel, if properly and effectively pursued, will also reduce corruption significantly and to ensure the process is respected, protected, and corruption is deterred.

“it’s not everything that IPCC or EFCC is doing that will be advertised. I am aware that they are more involved now in prevention while not abandoning corruption.”

The Minister of Justice noted that the EFCC and IPCC, in collaboration with other agencies, have investigated corruption allegations, and they have performed well.

“For example, in 2022, a total of 3,700, almost 4,000 convictions were secured. This evidence is efficient on the part of these institutions to address the current corruption.

“Combating corruption is one of government’s priorities, and that’s why government has been doing it.”

Fagbemi added, “I believe, so concerted efforts of government against corruption will continue for months in terms of stealing, executive interference. This will continue to signal foreign investors that Nigeria is serious about combating corruption.”

The Attorney General of the Federation also disclosed that the government will be tackling the issues of conflicting judicial decisions with technology.

“I cannot run away from the fact that we have had conflicting decisions. But I want to assure you that that was in the past. You will not hear of any conflicting decisions these days. And, you know, certainty and predictability are the two pillars upon which judicial decisions stand.

“It must be predictable. It must be certain. So when there is conflict, then there is a problem.”That is now being addressed.”

He added that conflicting decisions are mostly in political decisions.

“When cases are filed, numerous cases are filed almost simultaneously across all the divisions of the court.

“This one does not know what is going on there. So that accounts for that. But with technology that is being put in place, if any decision has been rendered along a particular area of the law, then it is easy to detect.”

[Vanguard]

Seasons of politicking have always excited me through the ages. They come with multidimensional appeal and inspiration for both the creative writer and the recorder of history in motion, the journalist. They are characterised by sights and sounds, specific to the season. They throw up slogans and soundbites, rhymes and rhythms, frills and thrills, which ring and re-echo in our consciousness beyond the period. Can I for instance ever forget a 2011 incident during which my SUV, an Infinity QX 56 was transported by a wooden ferry across the River Niger from Lokoja the Kogi State capital to Gboloko in Bassa local government area in Kogi State? It was during the off-cycle election which produced the Emeritus aviator, Idris Wada, as governor of Kogi State. My heart was effectively in my mouth for the duration of that trip. I opted to return to the Kogi State capital through a longer land route, rather than repeat that experiment.

Campaigns could turn boisterous and carnivalesque, generating a tapestry of tongues, a cacophony of colours, in the frenzied ambience of festivity. Afrobeats which has hoisted Nigerian music unto the global spotlight, has become sine qua non on Nigeria’s political trail. This is the trend in the liberal north central and global south of Nigeria, typically enlivening open air campaigns and concurrent roadshows. Most unfortunately, the “do or die” desperation which has blighted contemporary electioneering in parts, has impacted the characteristic blitz and glitz of electioneering in instances. My involvement in quite a few such exercises over several decades, at various levels, has privileged me with “seven-figure gigabytes” of on-field experience such that one can speak about these issues from an informed perspective.

Nigeria’s political discourse was noticeably enriched with new rhetoric in the run-up to the 2023 presidential polls. Incumbent President Bola Tinubu, Nigeria’s former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar and a former governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, were the flagbearers of the three foremost political parties. These were the All Progressives Congress (APC); the Peoples Democratic Party ( PDP) and the Labour Party (LP). Tinubu encountered storms and tempests, en route securing the prized ticket. There was obvious conspiracy to deny him the ticket with over a dozen aspirants contesting against him for the flag, many candidate riding on the phantom endorsement of former President Muhammadu Buhari.

In obvious allusion to the overt plots against him at the time, an exasperated Tinubu told a crowd of supporters in Ogun State, that it was his turn to be President. He captured this in Yoruba as emi lokan. Tinubu has been largely credited with the coronation of Buhari as President in 2015. The “gentlemanly” agreement between both parties was that Buhari will reciprocate the good turn, come 2023. The expression emi lokan spontaneously became an Afrobeat song. The National Association of Seadogs (NAS), better known as the Pyrates Confraternity, made the expression into a song which was further discofied by the Afrobeat artist, Dede Mabiaku. Trust Nigerians to make capital of almost anything and everything. Before that, there was Tinubu’s slip when he advocated the recruitment of “50 million youths” to fight ravaging insurgency and banditry across the land. They would be fed with garri, ewa, agbado, (cassava grains, beans and maize), was his prescription at the time.

Not too long after the “Abeokuta Declaration,” Tinubu at an event in Owerri in the South East as part of his campaigns, trailed off his script. He spoke about a townhall different from balablu blublu bulaba, which was not captured in his prepared text. The expression caught like wildfire and assumed a life of its own. Skit makers spontaneously feasted on it and came up with ingenious, hilarious copies of versions, calculated to throw barbs in the direction of APC presidential frontman. The phrase was adopted in Nigeria’s ever evolving specie of the English language to describe anything bewildering, confusing, fuzzy, perplexing.

The frontline media aides to President Tinubu are very well established professionals. Bayo Onanuga (Special Adviser, Information and Strategy); Tunde Rahman (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Media), and more recently Sunday Dare (Special Adviser, Public Communication and Orientation), come to their schedules with lorry loads of cognate newsroom experience at the highest levels. Onanuga and friends founded the irrepressible TheNews magazine and PM News, which gave the administration of General Sani Abacha a good run in the mid-1990s by the way. He went all the way to serve as Managing Director of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), under the Buhari government.

Rahman worked at different times in the Daily Times, The Punch and Thisday. He indeed floated a private enterprise, Western Post, which he conceived to fill the lacuna created by the liquidation of Daily Sketch, a quasi-rival to the Nigerian Tribune, in the once-upon-a-time Ibadan media space. I was a gratis contributing editor to the venture. Dare, who is multilingual having been raised in the north of Nigeria, once headed the Hausa service of the Voice of America, (VOA). He cut his professional teeth under Onanuga and the co-founders of TheNews magazine. Such is the quality of media specialists in this tripod, available to support President Tinubu.

In the aftermath of the appointment of Daniel Bwala as Special Adviser to the President on Public Communications and Media, a list of over one dozen appointees has been making the rounds. It features the names and designations of these many aides whose functions devolve around communicating the President and boosting his corporate profile. For the avoidance of doubt, with the exclusion of Onanuga, Rahman, Dare and Bwala,
the list reads thus: Abdulaziz Abdulaziz (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Print Media); O’tega Ogra (Senior Special Assistant (Digital/New Media) and Tope Ajayi, Senior Special Assistant (Media and Public Affairs).

There are also Segun Dada (Special Assistant, Social Media); Nosa Asemota (Special Assistant, Visual Communication); Fela Durotoye (Senior Special Assistant to the President, National Values and Social Justice) and Fredrick Nwabufo (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Public Engagement). Also on the list are Linda Nwabuwa Akhigbe (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Strategic Communications) and Aliyu Audu (Special Assistant to the President, Public Affairs). The last time I checked, there still is a civil service component to the media office in the State House, who are restricted to drafting press releases to be signed by the bigger bosses, eternally relegating them to anonymity. The list above does not include the nation’s Number One “salesman,” the Minister for Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris Malagi. It also does not feature the media operatives in the wing of the Vice President, Kashim Shettima.

You go through this list and your mind exhumes scenes from the very engaging sitcom, Fuji House of Commotion, hitherto aired regularly on national television. At its very centre was Chief Fuji, very ably acted by the renowned thespian, Kunle Bamtefa. Chief Fuji was married to four wives, some from sociocultural backgrounds different from his. Children filled the home, generating sustained intra-family bedlam. Not forgetting members of the extended family as well as family friends who stopped by on visits, contributing to the subsisting confusion. It was sure to be inevitable cacophony every single day with such a family configuration.

This subsisting presidential apparachik for public communication is a potential babel, the way it is. It is indeed a subtle prescription for possible dysfunction especially if the appointees work at cross purposes. True, there is an attempt at streamlining specialties in the present order, with novel creations like “visual communication,” “digital/new media,” “strategic communication,” “national values and social justice,” among others. Truth, however, is that this skinning and shredding of the flesh of the overarching schedule of presidential communication is susceptible to being counter-productive. There are glaring titular duplications and inevitable overlaps which could be latently combustible. Have we forgotten the proverb about “too many cooks spoiling the broth?”

Back in May, I wrote an essay titled: Wanted: A State of Emergency on the Cost of Governance. Therein, I canvassed moderation in the open-ended spree of political appointments, and the freestyle expansion of ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs). All of these overburden the aggregate cost of governance, with specific regards to emoluments and overheads, to the detriment of tangible investment in infrastructures and services to drive socio-economic development. This is even as the federal government once committed to the implementation of the decade old “Stephen Oronsaye Report on the Reorganisation of Agencies and Parastatals,” which is yet to be implemented. We cannot continue to canvas foreign aid and loans, while mortgaging the futures of our children, without rethinking our penchant for rabid, voluptuous consumptiveness. Not forgetting our penchant for living large, living grand, as we would have seen in one video post which trended weeks ago, highlighting the bourgeois arrival of Senate President Godswill Akpabio to a routine session of the national assembly.

And why wouldn’t the President trust the tested Onanuga-Rahman-Dare triumvirate to headline his media marketing? True, Onanuga can contribute equally meaningfully to Tinubu’s government elsewhere having been on the media beat for over four decades now. He could as well be cooling off in the padded ambience of an ambassadorial role. This, however, does not detract from his proven capacities and qualities. About time for the President to rethink and reconfigure his media and communications ecosystem, en route to repositioning his administration for less wastage, and more impactful service delivery to his primary constituents. Every new appointment exacerbates our subsisting nightmarish indebtedness to shylocks across the world, and further pauperises our people.

Olusunle, PhD, a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja

Rabiu Kwankwaso, former governor of Kano, has asked the national assembly to reject any attempts to “cheat” the north with the proposed tax reform bills.

Kwankwaso spoke on Sunday at the convocation ceremony of Skyline University held at the Ammani Centre, Nassarawa GRA, Kano state.

Kwankwaso alleged that Lagos is “making a lot of efforts” to colonise the north.

The former governor accused the president, who hails from Lagos, of interfering in the emirship tussle in Kano.

“The Emir has just been installed at this difficult time in our country, especially in this part of the country, northern Nigeria,” he said.

“Today, we can see very clearly that there is a lot of effort from the Lagos axis to colonise this part of the country.

“Today, Lagos wouldn’t allow us to choose our Emir. Lagos has to come to the centre of Kano to put their own Emir.

“Today, we are aware that the Lagos young men are working so hard to impose and take away our taxes from Kano and this part of the country to Lagos.”

The Kano emirship is a subject of litigation.

Muhammadu Sanusi was reinstated as the Emir of Kano in May.

However, Aminu Bayero, who was removed to make way for Sanusi, has refused to step aside.

TAX REFORM BILLS 

The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) presidential candidate in the 2023 elections said many factory owners have been “forced” to relocate their headquarters to Lagos to make the south-west state claim “all the taxes”.

“We have seen the effort of some people to make the poor poorer and the rich richer. And I believe this is very dangerous for us,” Kwankwaso said.

“This part of the country today is suffering from a serious economic crunch, insecurity, poverty, hunger, and diseases.

“I believe this is not good for the cordial existence of our country. At this moment, I would like to call on all our national assembly members to keep their eyes open so that they don’t do anything that will cheat the people of northern Nigeria, especially here in Kano.

“We are witnesses to what happened during the first term of Olusegun Obasanjo from 1999 to 2003, where our members of the national assembly were bribed into collecting a huge sum of money to support onshore/offshore in the country.

“That law put a huge blow on our economy in northern Nigeria and all other states.”

BACKGROUND

On October 3, Tinubu asked the national assembly to consider and pass four tax reform bills.

The proposed legislations, which have sparked intense debate, include the Nigeria tax bill, the tax administration bill, and the joint revenue board establishment bill.

The president also asked the parliament to repeal the law establishing the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) and replace it with the Nigeria Revenue Service.

On October 28, the Northern States Governors Forum (NSGF) opposed the bills, arguing that the proposed legislation would harm the region’s interests.

The governors asked the national assembly to reject the bills, demanding equitable and fair implementation of national policies and programmes across all regions.

The national economic council (NEC) also asked Tinubu to withdraw the bills to give room for consultations.

On November 1, Tinubu said the bills would not be withdrawn from the national assembly, noting that the proposed laws are designed to improve the lives of Nigerians and optimise existing tax frameworks.

[TheCable]

Nigeria’s economy is charting a course from the tempestuous waters of the “Red Zone,” a realm of acute instability filled with uncertainty and wavering hope. Now, it navigates the “Amber Zone,” a twilight of cautious recovery, where the faint glow of progress meets the shadows of persistent challenges. Yet, the horizon beckons with the promise of the “Green Zone,” a sanctuary of enduring stability and prosperity. The path forward, however, is a rugged ascent, demanding resolve, innovation, and unity to transform into reality.

 While macroeconomic indicators point toward progress, such as a GDP growth rate of 3.19% in Q2 2024, primarily driven by a 3.79% growth in the services sector, contributing 58.76% to the GDP, the lived realities of the average Nigerian tell a different story. Local and foreign investor confidence is dwindling, and living conditions for the majority remain stagnant or deteriorate. The World Bank, in its 2023 publication, estimates that 104 million Nigerians are living below the poverty line. Unemployment remains high, with youth unemployment exceeding 42.5%, reflecting a deep disconnect between economic data and societal realities. Most Nigerians are disillusioned regarding the economy, which is not a good place to be.

Economic statistics churned out by the government through her agencies often seem irrelevant to many Nigerians due to a disconnect between reported improvement of the economy and lived experiences. This glaring disconnect calls for an urgent and deeper analysis of structural challenges and a recalibration of policies to foster inclusive and sustainable growth. Paradoxically, it raises fundamental concerns about the structure and management of the Nigerian economy and calls for a more inclusive, innovative, and transformative approach to economic growth.

The pervasive mistrust of Nigeria’s economic data, policies, and management is a fundamental issue. Citizens increasingly view government-released statistics as detached from reality, more reflective of political posturing than actual economic conditions.

This scepticism is fuelled by persistent inequality and perceived poor leadership. In Nigeria, extreme wealth concentration is evident, according to a 2023 Oxfam international publication, with the wealthiest 0.003% (approximately 6,355 individuals) possessing four times more wealth than 107 million Nigerians combined. Such disparities question the utility of economic policies that ostensibly promote growth but fail to address the systemic exclusion of millions from its benefits. Besides, many Nigerians view government economic policies with suspicion, often associating them with inefficiency, corruption, and a lack of transparency. For instance, reports from the Auditor-General consistently reveal irregularities in public spending, reinforcing public perceptions of mismanagement. This erosion of trust undermines the government’s ability to mobilise support for economic reforms. 

Foreign and local investors’ confidence, a critical indicator of economic growth, has been significantly eroded. This decline is symptomatic of deeper issues, including weak property rights, weak enforcement of contracts, policy inconsistencies, judicial inefficiencies and deep-rooted corruption. The absence of a robust local investment climate is evident, and local investor confidence is waning. We cannot look far into why foreign investors are foot-dragging to where local investors do not have faith. In Q1 2024, Nigeria’s foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows, according to NBS, grew to $3.4 billion, an increase from the previous quarter, indicating improved investor confidence. However, FDI contribution to capital importation remains very low, indicating that few investors are ready to bring new funds to the economy, primarily due to economic instability. The World Bank’s 2023 Ease of Doing Business report ranked Nigeria 131 out of 190 countries, highlighting the structural barriers to investment. However, the potential of entrepreneurship, if supported, can be a beacon of hope for Nigeria’s economic future. 

Critically, the government’s efforts to improve the ease of doing business have yielded limited results. While initiatives like the Presidential Enabling Business Environment Council (PEBEC) have streamlined some processes, significant bottlenecks persist. These bureaucratic hurdles deter foreign investors and local entrepreneurs, undermining job creation and economic resilience. 

Currency instability compounds the challenges of economic mismanagement. The Naira’s value has declined precipitously, losing over 200% against the dollar since the central bank unified exchange rates in 2023. The Naira’s recent depreciation—exceeding ₦1,700 to the dollar in parallel markets—has far-reaching implications, eroding purchasing power and deterring investment. This volatility undermines business planning and household budgets, exacerbating inflation at a staggering 33.88% as of October 2024. Such instability erodes trust not only in the economy but also in the institutions tasked with managing it. The inability of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to stabilise the Naira raises critical questions about the competence and independence of fundamental economic institutions.

A significant part of the problem lies in Nigeria’s over-reliance on oil exports, which account for over 90% of foreign exchange earnings. Diversification is not just a buzzword; it is a necessity. Nigeria’s agriculture sector, for instance, employs about 36% of the workforce but contributes less than 5% to exports, compared to Kenya’s 18%. By investing in agro-processing industries and modernising supply chains, Nigeria can increase export revenues, reduce dependency on oil, and stabilise the currency. Furthermore, if implemented well, the current policy to mop up the USD outside the banking sector and bring it into the system will help improve USD liquidity.

Policy inconsistency further compounds these challenges. The government’s perceived poor handling of fuel subsidies typifies the unpredictability of Nigeria’s policy environment. Such shifts create uncertainty that stifles long-term investment and undermines public confidence in governance. Investors and citizens alike are left to navigate a chaotic economic landscape where policies often appear reactive rather than strategic. This underscores the critical need for transparency in economic policies to restore and maintain public trust in governance.

Infrastructure deficits remain one of the most significant obstacles to Nigeria’s economic advancement. Despite being Africa’s largest economy, Nigeria generates and distributes less electricity for a population of over 200 million, forcing businesses and households to rely on expensive and polluting alternatives like diesel generators. This shortfall inflates production costs and renders Nigerian goods less competitive locally and internationally. The World Bank estimates Nigeria loses approximately $29 billion annually due to unreliable electricity supply. Addressing this requires innovative solutions such as decentralised renewable energy systems. 

Transportation infrastructure is equally critical, especially rail. Poor transport networks exacerbate these challenges, increasing the cost of moving goods and services and hindering economic diversification. Expanding rail networks like the Lagos-Ibadan railway, which recorded over one million passengers in its first year of operation, could reduce logistical costs and promote regional trade. Furthermore, investing in smart city projects and integrating high-speed internet with efficient transportation systems could position Nigeria as a hub for innovation and commerce, much like Singapore.

Perhaps the most damning indictment of Nigeria’s economic progress is the persistent and widening income inequality. While GDP growth benefits the wealthiest segments of society, most Nigerians see no improvement in their quality of life. Policies such as the Value Added Tax (VAT), which disproportionately impacts low-income households, further entrench this inequity. VAT on all essential goods and services should be reconsidered and recalibrated.

However, economic growth that disproportionately benefits the elite exacerbates income inequality, fuelling social unrest and stifling overall development. The top 1% controls about 25.2% of the national income, while the bottom 50% contributes only 15%. Addressing this disparity requires policies that prioritise inclusive growth. A Universal Basic Income (UBI) pilot programme targeting Nigeria’s most vulnerable populations could provide a safety net, stimulating local economies and reducing poverty. In Kenya, a similar program run by GiveDirectly significantly improved recipients’ financial stability and productivity, demonstrating its potential effectiveness in Nigeria.

Nigeria’s youth population represents a demographic dividend that, if harnessed, could drive economic transformation. With a median age of 18, the nation has a significant opportunity to capitalise on its youthful workforce. However, youth unemployment remains alarmingly high, requiring immediate action. Initiatives like the Andela Fellowship, which trains young Nigerians in software development, have demonstrated the potential for skill development programmes to create pathways to global opportunities. Expanding such initiatives to include vocational training in renewable energy, agribusiness, and manufacturing could equip Nigeria’s youth with the skills to drive growth in high-potential industries.

Entrepreneurship must also be a cornerstone of Nigeria’s economic strategy. The tech ecosystem, already home to globally recognised startups like Flutterwave and Paystack, illustrates the nation’s potential. However, many aspiring entrepreneurs face insurmountable barriers, such as limited access to capital and cumbersome regulatory processes. Simplifying business registration, providing tax incentives for startups, and establishing incubators to nurture innovation could unlock the entrepreneurial potential of Nigeria’s youth.

Savings and investment culture is another area requiring attention. Currency instability discourages Nigerians from saving, undermining domestic investment and economic resilience. The economic hardship most experience means they only struggle for survival and have little or no savings. High inflation has eroded the purchasing power of the Naira, so nothing is left for savings for even most middle-class families. Working class and most rural dwellers cannot save even with the best financial literacy simply because they do not have enough.

Nigeria’s economic challenges are deeply interconnected, requiring a comprehensive and innovative approach. Restoring citizens’ trust in both economic policy and management of the economy is essential for sustainable growth. Policymakers must prioritise transparency, inclusivity, and resilience while embracing bold pro-people economic reforms and leveraging technology. These measures, combined with active engagement from citizens and stakeholders, can transform Nigeria’s economy, ensuring that growth is measurable and meaningful. Through such concerted efforts, Nigeria can move from the “Amber Zone” to the “Green Zone,” realising its potential as an economic powerhouse and a beacon of prosperity for its people.

Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, Chairman/CEO Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM) has congratulated 

Nigeria’s Chidimma Adetshina for emerging second at Miss Universe 2024, describing it as a reward for her doggedness and resilience.

In a congratulatory statement issued by Abdur-Rahman Balogun, Director of Media, Public Relations and Protocols of the Commission, the NIDCOM boss was excited that despite all odds, Chidimma remained focused and attained her goals.

Dabiri-Erewa said though Chidimma Adetshina as

Nigeria’s representative, finished as the first runner-up at the 73rd Miss Universe Competition held in Mexico, her courage, determination and support from Nigeria eventually paid off. She was also named Miss Africa and Oceania 2024.

Dabiri-Erewa recalled Adetshina’s controversial official withdrawal from the Miss South Africa 2024 contest, of which she had advanced to the final stage ,some few months back, noting that Nigeria warmly welcomed her, after being literally forced out of South Africa.

While in Nigeria, accompanied by President Silverbird group, Mr Guy Murray Bruce, Chidinma was warmly received at the NIDCOM Lagos office, and thereafter hosted to a grand reception at Idris Olorunnibe’s “The Temple,” Victoria Island, with music legend, Dbanj in attendance.

Describing her as brilliant, focussed and determined, she urged others to emulate the spirit of Nigerianess in Chidimma by being proud of the country and not run it down under whatever guise. 

The competition, described as one of the most thrilling in recent years, celebrated the talents, intelligence, and elegance of women from around the globe.

Nigeria came second behind Miss Denmark, Victoria Kjaer Theilvig, who won the keenly contested crown from Miss Universe 2023, Sheynnis Palacios of Nicaragua.

It will be recalled that Chidimma was rejected by South Africa who expressed worries and questioned her nationality.

Due to that, Adetshina came to Nigeria to represent Taraba State and won the title of Miss Universe Nigeria.organised by the Silverbird group 

E- signed.

Abdur-Rahman Balogun 

Director of Media, Public Relations and Protocols Unit, NiDCOM, Abuja.

The recent political statements made and circulated by Pastor Enoch Adeboye, the General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), have sparked widespread debate among Nigerians. Many are questioning whether his remarks are being misinterpreted or if they indeed reflect a deeper issue. This has prompted a revisitation of some of Pastor Adeboye’s past comments, which critics argue reveal a pattern of controversial, contradictory, and at times, hypocritical stances.

Pastor Adeboye is widely regarded as a spiritual optimist, often advocating for prayer as the primary tool for addressing Nigeria's challenges. However, this approach has drawn criticism from those who believe that his influence could be better utilized in actively advocating for systemic change. An exception to his perceived passivity was his support for the million-man march against the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan—a move many viewed as politically charged.

Despite being renowned for his prayers for national progress, some Nigerians have questioned their effectiveness. Many are particularly disheartened by what they perceive as Pastor Adeboye’s silence on critical issues such as the #EndSARS protests and the controversial 2023 election that brought President Bola Tinubu to power. His perceived alignment with a government accused of exacerbating economic hardships has left many Nigerians frustrated and disappointed.

Criticism of a religious leader of Pastor Adeboye’s stature is uncommon and often met with resistance, particularly within Christian circles. Nevertheless, his recent comments have begun to erode his reputation among his followers, as more Christians now actively evaluate and critique the statements of even revered leaders. Given these concerns, it may be time for Pastor Adeboye to consider stepping down to protect both his legacy and the integrity of the RCCG.

Some of Pastor Adeboye’s public remarks have further fueled skepticism. He was famously quoted claiming to have had tea with God, declaring that those who refuse to pay tithes will not enter heaven, and recently stating that his prayers prevented the Naira from crashing to ₦10,000 per dollar. Such declarations have drawn both ridicule and concern. At over 80 years old, Pastor Adeboye may be experiencing age-related cognitive decline, such as early-stage Alzheimer’s disease—a condition often dismissed in Nigeria due to the lack of emphasis on mental health awareness. For his well-being and to preserve his public image, stepping back from active leadership might be the most prudent course of action.

The RCCG leadership must also recognize the frustration of Nigerians, who are grappling with economic hardships and feeling betrayed by leaders who seem out of touch. For a figure of Pastor Adeboye’s stature to appear as a government apologist in these trying times undermines not only his credibility but also the trust placed in him by millions.

The rise of the internet and social media has amplified public scrutiny of leaders, including religious figures. Unlike in the past, many Nigerians are now critical thinkers who question the actions and statements of public figures. This shift makes it imperative for leaders like Pastor Adeboye to be mindful of the impact of their words. If he continues to make divisive or controversial statements, he risks damaging the RCCG’s reputation and tarnishing the broader image of Christianity in Nigeria.

It is indeed instructive to state that Pastor Adeboye’s immense contributions to faith and society are undeniable, but the current climate calls for introspection and change. Retirement would allow him to rest, preserve his legacy, and enable the RCCG to chart a course that aligns with the evolving expectations of its congregation and the Nigerian populace at large.

President Bola Tinubu felicitates with the winner of Saturday's Ondo State Governorship election, Mr. Lucky Aiyedatiwa of the All Progressives Congress, while also commending the peaceful conduct of the process.

The President congratulates Aiyedatiwa and other candidates of the 17 political parties for the maturity and sense of purpose demonstrated during the campaigns and the election, attributing the success of the polls to the civility in the state.

He enjoins the political actors to allow their orderly conduct to permeate the post-election activities and processes.

President Tinubu believes the Ondo State election was another litmus test of the capacity of the Independent National Electoral Commission, affirming that the electoral body justified the confidence of the people with early preparations, deployment of staff and materials, and handling of the electoral process.

The President also commends INEC for the efficiency of uploading more than 98 per cent of results on the same day of the elections.

President Tinubu extends his appreciation to the Nigerian Police Force, National Civil Defence Corps, Federal Road Safety Corps, National Youth Service Corps, the military and other security outfits for their professionalism in maintaining peace and order.

The President urges candidates dissatisfied with the outcome of the election to explore the opportunities provided by the judicial system to seek redress on areas of conflict.

Bayo Onanuga

Special Adviser to the President

(Information & Strategy)

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has declared Lucky Aiyedatiwa of the All Progressives Congress (APC) as the winner of the Ondo State governorship election held on Saturday.

Aiyedatiwa defeated his closest rival, Mr Agboola Ajayi of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), securing 366,781 votes to Ajayi’s 117,845. The APC clinched victory in all 18 local government areas of the state.

The Labour Party (LP) and the Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) polled 1,162 and 2,692 votes, respectively.

The results were announced by the collation officer, Prof Olayemi Akinwunmi, at INEC’s State Headquarters in Akure.

See full results: Ondo election live updates: INEC resumes collation of results

ONDO STATE GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION RESULTS (UPDATED)

1– Akure North

APC 14, 451

PDP 5, 787

2–Okitipupa

• APC 26, 811
• PDP 10, 233

3—Akoko Northeast

APC 25, 657

PDP 5, 072

4—Akure South

APC 32, 969

PDP 17, 926

5—Ose –

APC 16, 555

PDP 4, 472

6—Akoko Northwest

APC (25, 010)

PDP 5, 502

7—Akoko Southeast –

APC 12, 140

PDP 2, 692

8—Ondo West

APC 20, 755

PDP 6, 387

9—Owo

APC 31, 914

PDP 4, 740

10–-Akoko Southwest

APC 29, 700

PDP 5, 517

11—Irele

APC 17, 117

PDP 6, 601

12–-Ifedore

APC 14, 157

PDP 5, 897

13—Ondo East

APC 8, 163

PDP 2, 843

14 —Ile Oluji/Oke-Igbo

APC 16, 600

PDP 4, 442

15—–ldanre .

APC 9, 114

PDP 8, 940

16. Ilaje LG
    APC 24,474

PDP 3623

LP 176

17. Ese Odo LG

APC 14511

PDP 7814

18. Odigbo LG

APC 26683
PDP 9348

[Vanguard]

The Yoruba believe in the law of causation, a principle of philosophy which says that, every change in nature is produced by some cause. To buttress this, they posit authoritatively that a tree will never fall in the forest and kill peasants at home. Following this causative trail, they also say that rafters will never sink and kill a passerby (Igi kìí dá l’óko kó pa ará ilé; àjà kìí jìn k’ó pa èrò ònà). Sakara music lord, Yusuff Olatunji, appropriated an ancient Yoruba words of incantation while paying obeisance to the powers and principalities of this world, otherwise called coven initiates, the “àwòròsàsà”. By doing this, he also explored this principle of causation. The rafters can never collapse at the tender feet of a climbing cat – “Àjà kìí jìn m’ólógbò l’ésè, ó d’owó èyin àwòròsàsà,” he sang.

How true for all seasons are these aphorisms? For the recently deceased General Taoreed Abiodun Lagbaja, the trees in the forest of a soldier fell while he was fighting wars in reptiles-laden forest and several deadly operations in creeks. They didn’t kill him. Those same trees, in the form of a mere disease, fell and, like a hawk picks a chicken off existence, he is suddenly killed.

Danish philosopher, poet and social critic, Soren Kierkegaard, reminds us that death is the only finality and certainty. While every other thing about life is finite, with death, it is as sure as the sun will rise. Kierkegaard however said that death is an uncertain certainty because it is not constrained by time nor circumstance. It can strike at any time. Yoruba’s perception of death is not dissimilar to this. They see Death as one insufferable, ugly, wicked and charcoal-dark gnome whose sense of justice is zero. Kierkegaard is almost at one with this ancient Yoruba epistemology of dying and death. He said that, in death, the dead return to dust, to nothingness that they had always been. He proceeds to say that the dead’s efforts to leave any form of immortality of name behind them get frustrated by the hand of time.

Nigeria’s Chief of Army Staff, General Lagbaja died on November 5 at the age of 56, allegedly from the pangs of cancer. Last Friday, he was given his rites of passage into the bosom of Mother Earth, what humanity profoundly labeled “ashes to ashes, dust to dust.”

In its zero sense of justice, Death offers no explanation for the pain it brings when it perpetually annihilates persons whose births are celebrated. Every hour, humanity loses hundreds of its earthly migrants, reducing them to one unwanted mound flushed six feet beneath earthly surface. The finite nature of man and his perishability were espoused by late reggae musician, Majek Fashek, when he sang “heaven and earth will pass away…but my guitar will never pass away.” If the dead have the power of cognition at their departure, Majek must by now have realized that, against his musical submission of how finite every other thing but his guitar was, the totality of the human race is finite. This includes individuals and cultures which pass away. Everything, including everything about man, eventually passes away. Kiekergard espoused the above in his book entitled At a Graveside’: Three Discourses on Imagined Occasions.

From all the testimonials about him, Lagbaja was apparently a good man. His classmate at St. Charles Grammar School, Osogbo, 1984 set, Bimbo Kolade, in a moving tribute to a man he called by his acronym, TAL, fittingly described his passage as the calamity wreaked on a pod of kolanut by diseases and pests. A kolanut pod can be afflicted by a variety of fungi, one of which is called Penicillium. These fungi cause the nuts to discolor, shrink, or rot. Pests like Kola weevil, moth and worms can also attack kolanuts. When they do, they bore deep into its earthly existence, remove nourishment from it and ultimately take away its masculinity.  In his dirge to Lagbaja, Kolade seemed to have gone into the rafters where ancient Yoruba elders keep their possessions and philosophically explained the impact of Lagbaja’s passing. He had written, “Kòkòrò ‘ò jé a gbádùn obì t’ó gbó,” translated to mean, the kola weevil has delinked us from the benefit of chewing a rotund and mature-to-eat kolanut.

Another colleague of his’ in the military, General J.J. Ogunlade (rtd), former General Officer Commanding (GOC) 8 Division Sokoto and Force Commander, Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), in another moving tribute, said “Lagbasky,” the pet name he used to call him, was “one of the most seasoned field commanders in the Nigerian Army,” who he “had the honour of collaborating (with) on numerous operations,” while lauding his “exceptional skills as an infantry soldier and his remarkable prowess as a paratrooper” which “highlight a profound dedication to his responsibilities.”

Professor of anthropology at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Eyal Ben-Ari, in his Epilogue to Considering Casualties, a Special Issue of the Armed Forces & Society journal (2005, Vol. 31, No. 4) espoused the theory of “good death” in the military. According to him, “militaries around the world must deal with – handle, manage, or interpret – the casualties perpetrated by them and suffered by their own members.” In other words, the military not only manages violence, injury and demise of its members which include deaths in battles, skirmishes, or engagements, it must also manage the fatalities attracted from traffic accidents, sicknesses, suicide, or training. The military top echelon in virtually all countries prioritizes the welfare, death and remembrance of their compatriots. They get sunk into every aspect of their lives, as well as their deaths. The military, in other words, said Ben-Ari, is responsible for soldiers’ body-building, their bodies-in-use, their body-bags and their “body disposal.”

Taking its cue from a hunter’s traditional funeral rites for a departing hunter which the Yoruba call ìsípà ode, the Nigerian military, on Friday, saw off its late Olúóde (Head of hunters), Lieutenant General Lagbaja at the National Cemetery in Abuja. A solemn moment, the ìsípà was attended by top military brass, government officials and members of the diplomatic corps. If you have ever witnessed an Ìrèmòjé – a Yoruba chanting of poetry and rites of passage for a departing hunter – what the military did in Abuja on Friday was a fitting mimicry. Tributes, similar to chants of a deceased hunter’s cognomen and family poetry, marked the rites for Lagbaja with the Olori Olúóde, the Head hunter, or the Ológbojò, head of the masquerades, Nigeria’s Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, President Bola Tinubu, not only attending the burial of his leading war chief, but handing him a posthumous national honour. While conferring the Commander of the Federal Republic (COR) on Lagbaja, Tinubu said it was a mark of appreciation for his invaluable contributions to Nigeria’s security. Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, in his tribute, also described Lagbaja’s passing as a call to action for the military.

Perhaps out of esprit de corps, awareness of their own perishability as well or keeping with an ancient tradition they felt they were compelled to honour and reify, traditional Yoruba hunters also keep the memory of a deceased hunter alive. By the way, in traditional Africa, hunters were the soldiers who represented the military command. Warriors like Ogedengbe Agbogungboro of Ijesa land, Basorun Ogunmola and others were hunters and generalissimos. The ìsípà is thus, in a way, a celebration of the god, Ògún. This deity, who became an Alaafin of Oyo, in his early life, was said to have been a hunter. While deifying Ogun, he is memorialized as the controller of all human iron implements which ranged from cutlasses, guns, to swords. Bade Ajuwon, in his “The Preservation of Yoruba Tradition through Hunters’ Funeral Dirges,” published in the Journal of the International African Institute, (Vol. 50, No. 1, 1980), delved into the intricacies of the funeral for the hunter. The Ìrèmòjé, a performance of Yoruba hunters’ funeral dirges, according to him, “is of great human interest because it is an indispensable rite at all the major crises that may affect members of the hunters’ guild.” He said it is evidently a means of emotional outlet for the hunters left behind by the deceased and his family.

Yoruba mythology believes that Iremoje was a coinage by Ifa, who is known as “the god of wisdom and of divination.” Ìrèmòjé is actually a lamentation personally demanded by the Ogun as a performance by his followers “as part of a rite of passage for deceased hunters from earth to heaven.” Ogun was said to have decreed the model of the performance of Ìrèmòjé for the emulation of his followers. Its observance is a ritual used to propitiate their god, a means of communicating with a deceased hunter, and also used to make a thorough appraisal of, in the words of Ajuwon “the successes and failures of deceased hunters in their professional career on earth.” While the Ìrèmòjé is being chanted, a significant historical connection is made with the ancestors of the deceased hunter, emphasizing the hunting victories and heroic deeds of the late hunter. “They praise (the late hunter’s) fine character, his kind heart, his professional skills and techniques, commend his memorable deeds as a hunter, or at least the courage with which he faced ordeals in life,” said Ajuwon. In another journal article, Àjùwòṇ said the Ìsípà Ode rites represent “to the Yoruba hunters a final separation of the deceased hunter from the earthly hunters’ guild. It is the hunters’ belief that once the deceased hunter finally loses his membership in the hunters’ earthly guild, he shall no longer hunt with the living hunters.”

Two Yoruba Ìjálá and Ìrèmòjé chanters who represent the finest art of and who were the most popular ìjálá artists are/were Ògúndáre Fọ́yánmu and Àlàbí Ògúndépò who incidentally hail from Ogbomoso, Oyo State. While Fọ́yánmu’s poetry was a popular brand in the 1970s/80s/90s in Yorubaland, and sold in vinyl, I saw an old but agile Ògúndépò the other day at the burial rites for late ex-Secretary to the Oyo State Government, Adeniyi Koleosho doing what he has almost a global renown for.

The way militaries all over the world deal with the casualties they suffer, the ways in which they deal with their own fatalities are not dissimilar from the way traditional hunters deal with their own dead, too. The question has always been why the military command and the Nigerian state, had to do what they did for Lagbaja on Friday, spending humongous resources and time? Ayo Adeduntan, in his What the forest told me: Yoruba hunter, culture and narrative performance, (2019) citing an earlier Ajuwon submission, gave an explanation. According to him, it was an act of “terminating interaction with the dead.” He justified the Ìsípà ode for hunters thus: “Since all hunters straddle the spiritual and the physical realms… Considering that the hunter’s encounter with spirits, sometimes of the dead, is often anything but friendly, he finds it more agreeable to redefine relations with one’s own dead so that they find their rightful place as ancestors to whom the living hunters must relate as superiors instead of joining the sundry footloose spirits that trouble earthly hunters.”

As myths most times surround passages of the Olúóde, myths also surround the passage of Lagbaja. The late Chief of Army Staff hailed from Ilobu, in Irepodun Local Government of Osun State, a town which straddles two others, Erin Osun and Ifon who are constantly warring with one another. At his death, some traditionalists and the people of his hometown alleged that Lagbaja’s death was unnatural. The spiritualists also declared that Lagbaja’s spirit could be invoked for vengeance on those connected with his early passing. A traditionalist, Awopegba Ifagbemi pleaded with the Federal Government to release Lagbaja’s corpse to them for a spiritual exercise that would fight his perceived killers. Another said his “killers would not go scot-free.” Lagbaja was said to have begun the building of a hospital for the people of his Ilobu town but the adjoining town claimed the land belonged to it, necessitating the late General building same hospital in the three warring communities. Some people were said to have believed that the people who killed him were the “kòkòrò ‘ò jé a gbádùn obì t’ó gbó”-the kola weevil which transformed into the cancer that allegedly ate up Lagbaja.

Tinubu, the Chief Olúóde’s bestowal of a posthumous COR honour on Lagbaja may also have its roots in the totem of Yorubaland. In very many communities, Yoruba people honour fidelity agreement with even animals. Odidere, the parrot, for instance, is an iconic bird which is a symbol of the city of Iwo due to the significant role it played in the creation of the city.  Another case in point is the relationship of the snail to the people of Erin-Oke, located in same Osun State. A mythical accident of history in the 18^th century which involved King Akinla Aladekomo was the precursor of the remembrance of this fidelity. Akinla had a ravishingly beautiful wife called Omolere, who one day went to the farm with her maid. On getting to the farm, the Queen reportedly dropped her Iró, the cover-cloth, on a tree while she got embroiled in the task of pruning of weeds. As she did this, small snails which in Yorubaland are called Ìpére, crawled down to the Queen’s clothing and as they crawled, spat their traditional sticky saliva which, when dry, resembles a man’s semen, on it.

When the Queen got home and her husband the king saw the curious hieroglyphics which he took for a sign of sexual intercourse, suspecting adultery, he was furious. Though the Queen pleaded her innocence, the King disclaimed all entreaties and exploding in a fit of anger and impetuosity, ordered that the Queen be beheaded, alongside her maid, who he reasoned must have witnessed the adulterous session but failed to disclose it. Unfortunately, at the death of Queen Omolere, Erin-Oke began to witness the spiritual import of this tragic murder. A string of calamities began to happen in the entire sleepy town which included poor harvests, violent storms, pestilence, epidemics, sudden and premature deaths, among others. The town’s Ifa oracle diviner declared to the king that he was the harbinger of these calamities. As an appeasement of the warring spirit of the beheaded Queen, Ifa recommended deification and eternal remembrance of Queen Omolere. Her effigy was carved and painted in her favourite red colour while small snails, the Ipere, became a taboo for Erin natives which they must never touch nor eat.

Another totem eternally venerated in Yorubaland in the mould of Lagbaja’s COR is the monkey. This is done by the people of Owo in Ondo State. Town remembrancers say that, on their journey from Ile-Ife, the progenitors of Owo people enjoyed a special help from some monkeys who guided them through the forests to their present location. As fidelity with their benefactors, Owo kings, rulers and traditional priests decreed eating of monkeys a taboo among the town’s indigenes, whether they are within or outside the town, wherever they reside.

The death of General Lagbaja, as philosophers say, is a pointer to death as an individual experience. You will die your own death and I will, mine. German philosopher, Martin Heidegger, in his “Being and Time” postulations, has a response to those who lament that Lagbaja died in his plumule, even before he flowered. Heidegger said, “As soon as we are born, we are old enough to die.”

Sleep well, the Olúóde of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.