With the conclusion last Wednesday, June 5, 2024, of the first-ever South Korea-Africa summit attended by no fewer than 30 African heads of state and South Korea’s President Yoon Suk Yeol, the big question on the lips of many analysts is whether a new chapter has been opened in the relations between the Republic of Korea and Africa, which began in the 1950s. This question has become pertinent because, though the relationship between the two has always been cordial, it has not been impressive enough in terms of economic cooperation, particularly in the areas of trade and investment.

Africa is a huge consumer market with a population of 1.4 billion and a GDP of $3.4 trillion and currently, South Korea’s trade with Africa accounts for only 1.9% of total trade, according to statistics gleaned on Wikipedia at the weekend.

In fact, the chairman of the Africa Union Commission Moussa Faki Mahamat lent credence to this when he declared that the trade volume between Africa and Korea remained insignificant. “In 2022 Africa accounted for 2% of Korea’s trade,” Mahamat said, while advocating the promotion of bilateral trade relations and more exchanges in the private sector and focusing on key value-added areas.

However, it would appear the situation is about to change. At last week’s two-day summit, held in Seoul, South Korea’s capital, important agreements were signed between South Korea and Africa, and pledges of economic cooperation and assistance were made.

President Yeol and the leaders of African countries agreed to forge deeper trade and business cooperation. They also resolved to launch a “critical minerals dialogue,” which will be convened later this year. Indeed, given the desire of South Korea to tap into Africa’s mineral resources and potential as a huge export market, the summit expectedly had a heavy focus on critical minerals. Africa is estimated to be home to 30% of the world’s reserves of critical minerals, including lithium, chrome, cobalt, and manganese.

Apart from the minerals dialogue, a major highlight of the summit is the declaration by the Republic of Korea to commit $14 billion in export financing to support Korean companies investing in Africa, while also increasing its official development assistance (ODA) to $10 billion over the next six years.

In a joint resolution agreed to by South Korea, the African Union (AU), and its member nations, the leaders pledged to speed up talks about economic partnership agreements, trade and investment promotion frameworks. They called for advancing cooperation for Africa’s food security with South Korea’s support, harping on Korea’s agricultural technology and smart farming. African leaders also lauded South Korea’s “Tech4Africa” initiative aimed at supporting education and training of Africa’s young population.

President Yeol also promised that Korea would extend its Trade and Investment Promotion Frameworks, and Investment Protection Agreements to African countries.

On their part, the African leaders praised Korea for its open and mutual approach to strengthening cooperation with the continent based on shared prosperity. They highlighted investment opportunities in their own countries and across the continent. Speaking at a joint news conference with President Yeol, AU Chair and Mauritanian President Mohamed Ould Ghazouani said African countries were looking forward to learning from Korea’s experience in developing human resources, industrialisation and digital transformation.

South Korea has done excellently well for herself given that a couple of decades ago, it was a poor and aid-dependent country wracked by the Korean war. Today, South Korea is a developed economy and a superpower. Many African leaders turned up for the summit in their bid to draw from the impressive development trajectory of South Korea and her giant accomplishments as an economic power by strengthening economic cooperation with the Southeast Asian nation. This is perhaps why Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa said at the summit that, “the Journey travelled by Korea is a beacon and source of encouragement to Africa as it works to lift its people out of poverty.”

In total, up to 48 African countries either had their presidents or prime ministers in attendance at the summit or represented. Nigeria’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggah, represented President Bola Tinubu. The theme of the summit- “The Future We Make Together: Shared Growth, Sustainability, and Solidarity-” resonated well with Africa and its present challenges. It was the largest multilateral event organised by South Korea since President Yeol mounted the saddle in 2022. South Korea’s overture to Africa comes at a time its recalcitrant neighbour North Korea seeks to break out of diplomatic isolation.

It is important to highlight some of the speeches and other useful aspects of the summit. Ambassador Tuggah said Nigeria was at the event to further strengthen ties and explore new cooperation opportunities, emphasizing Nigeria’s commitment to bilateral relations and addressing shared global challenges.
He spoke of the country’s readiness to boost trade and commerce, saying under President Tinubu, the country has put in place the right policies to engender a favourable business environment for foreign investors.

African Development Bank Group President, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, who was also present at the summit, while referring to the theme of the summit said: “To show solidarity with Africa, for the ‘future we make together’, I wish to request that Korea solidify this Korea-Africa Summit by agreeing to re-channel SDRs (Special Drawing Rights) to the African Development Bank.”

“The approval by the IMF Board for use of SDRs of $20 billion for hybrid capital, as championed by our institutions, with immense advocacy of African heads of state and government, marks a new way to scale up development financing,” he said.

“The IMF-approved $20 billion limit for SDR re-channelling for hybrid capital, channelled through the African Development Bank and other multilateral development banks, will deliver $80 billion of new financial support.”

Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame said Korea’s experience had shown that a country could be radically transformed in the course of a generation. Then pricking the conscience of the African leaders on why the continent has remained poor and at the bottom of the global poverty ladder, he asked: “Is there any reason Africa hasn’t become a high-income region?”

President William Ruto publicly acknowledged the African Development Bank’s financial innovations. He told Korea to consider channelling some of the SDRs through the African Development Bank.

Mohamed Ould Ghazouani, the president of Mauritania and chairperson of the African Union, and co-chair of the summit alongside host President Yeol described the summit as an opportunity for both sides to renew their commitment to shared growth and partnership based on mutual respect and trust.

King Mswati III of Eswatini spoke like an African statesman, encouraging the Korean business community to invest in any part of the continent they like. “Choose a location to establish industries. Choose anywhere. We are no longer competing but collaborating.”

Has Nigeria benefited from the conference? I think so.

South Korea’s Ambassador to Nigeria, Kim pan Kyu, told this writer that the gains accruing to Nigeria from participating at the highest level of the summit were unquantifiable. Apart from providing opportunities to strengthen relations between South Korea and Nigeria, it has helped to boost business for Nigerian institutions on the basis of shared prosperity because Korea “is a genuine partner of Africa.”

Indeed and as if to confirm Kyu’s assertion, on the sidelines of the summit, the Korea Exim Bank, International Finance Corporation, AfDB, Afrexim Bank and KIND all declared their readiness to fund projects and programs in Nigeria including infrastructure projects, which cuts across the continent like the Mombassa-Lagos Corridor and the Lagos-Abidjan corridor.

Former secretary to Edo state government Taiwo Akerele who attended the summit said the country’s delegation also had high-level side events that featured Nigerian organisations such as the Nigerian Export Promotion Council (NEPC), Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), etc.

A non-governmental organisation from Nigeria, Policy House, among others, also participated in the green energy transition event- Accelerating Access to Green and Climate Finance for Africa- featuring former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon.

In the end, I cannot agree less with both President Yeol and Cote d’Ivoire’s President Alassane Ouattara who both described the summit as a turning point in the relationship between Korea and Africa.

Rahman is a senior presidential aide

The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) says it has secured a seven-year conviction for Quadri Adeyinka, a staff member of the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS).

The convict was said to have committed a travelling passport fraud.

In a statement on Monday, Demola Bakare, spokesperson for the ICPC, said the convict was arraigned before Jude Onwuegbuzie, a high court judge in Abuja, on a four-count charge bordering on gratification, conferment of corrupt advantage, and cheating.

Bakare said the offence contravened the provisions of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act of 2000 and the Penal Code Act.

The spokesperson said Osuobeni Akponimisingha, counsel to the ICPC, led evidence before the court on how Adeyinka defrauded Ovie Ojeffia under the pretence of regularising his international passport.

He said that the convict received the sum of ₦100,000 from Ojeffia to regularise her passport but reneged.

Bakare added that the victim later petitioned the ICPC, which led to the investigation and arraignment of the convict before the court.

Onwuegbuzie, who found Adeyinka guilty on all four counts, sentenced him to seven years imprisonment each for counts 1 and 2, five years for count 4, and two years for count 3.

The sentences are to run simultaneously.

[TheCable]

There is currently no evidence to support the claim that democracy is a perfect system of governance. However, humans still need to figure out a better means to guarantee the freedom and consent of the governed. Democracy remains the most practical choice available. We must keep working on it until it accurately reflects our goals because it’s an evolving idea even after many years. Because Nigeria, Africa’s largest democracy, is fashioned after the United States (US) model of liberal presidential democracy, whatever threatens democracy in that land becomes of interest to us. Recent unsavoury developments around the candidature of Donald Trump called for Nigeria to look inward and reflect on the ability of the institutions to prevail over considerations of status and sentiments. 

America, the flagship of democracy, may face its first real test of the elasticity of democracy and democratic institutions. For the first time in its history, there is a likelihood that Donald Trump may be campaigning from prison or as a convicted criminal to be elected as President of the US. A Manhattan Jury has convicted Donald Trump for falsifying business records to cover up a hush-money payment to a porn star. On July 11, a New York court will give him a sentence. This raises a moral conundrum, a constitutional issue, a dilemma for the party, electoral questions, and a logistics challenge.

Some pertinent rhetorical questions merit consideration: can Trump run for office, and what does the US Constitution say?  Can the Republican Party replace Trump, and is there a precedence? Can the party system survive a deadly jolt in the event that the law eventually disqualifies Trump? Mr Trump is registered to vote in Florida, and the law of that state bars convicted people; can Mr Trump vote? Can Mr Trump be elected while in prison, and is there a constitutional provision to guarantee this? What if Mr Trump is convicted in other states where he is facing more criminal proceedings? What are the implications? These questions will test the US Constitution and presidential transition tradition as it has never done before.

Although I will not attempt to answer most of these rhetorical questions, I boldly posit some facts that deserve attention. The US Constitution does not disqualify a person convicted from running for the office of President. Consequent to the preceding, a court’s conviction of Donald Trump will not prevent or disqualify him from running for the said office. In the case of Nigeria, Section 137 lists grounds for disqualifying a person standing for election to the office of President, and it includes a trial Court conviction that must have taken place within a period of less than ten years before the date of the election to the office of President,  and the said conviction must be in respect of an offence involving dishonesty or the person has been found guilty of the contravention of the Code of Conduct. In essence, not all court convictions apply in Nigeria. A sentence that does not border on fraud, financial crimes or forgery will not count or lead to the disqualification of a person running for President. We may recall that this issue arose at the last presidential election petition trial, and legal experts argued this point.

Besides, the US Constitution overrides any State law, particularly the Florida State law prohibiting a convict from voting. This Florida State Law will only apply if such a conviction occurred in Florida or was made by a Florida Court. In this way, Donald Trump has not been convicted by the State of Florida, and the said Florida State law will not apply or be enforced against him. However, while a convict can still run and win a presidential election in the US, the nature of the sentence may prevent him from occupying the office.

The implications of all of these are still on us. This marks the first-ever conviction of a sitting or former President in American history for a criminal offence. A triumph for accountability and the fundamental idea that no one in a democracy is above the law—not even the highest elected official—this momentous milestone is also a victory for soberness. Trump’s conviction shows how a working democratic system can achieve justice. It serves as a reminder that we cannot discuss democracy without bolstering the judiciary’s independence built on solid political culture and institutional resilience. This is a painful spot in Nigeria’s democratic journey right now. The only thing that can ensure the preservation of democracy and our freedom is an impartial, courageous, and independent judiciary.

The stress tests American democracy faces reveal the resilience and fragility of democratic systems, especially the institutions. Learning from these challenges allows Nigeria to build a more robust and responsive democracy. This stressor provides valuable insights into the strengths and vulnerabilities of democratic governance, which can be instructive for countries like Nigeria, which has a complex democratic landscape.

The first lesson is the supremacy of the rule of law. No one is above the law, and no matter how highly placed, they must be subjected to the accountabilities and dictates of the law. Reminding future generations that nobody is above the law in a democracy is essential, and we must strengthen our democratic institutions so they can withstand any bully. Creating strong institutional structures is vital to withstand the most heinous attacks on democracy. 

The second lesson is that we must fortify the other two arms of government – the legislature and judiciary against executive capture. Any attack on democracy from the executive arm, either still in power or out of power, must be resisted by the legislature and judiciary. The legislature must make clear laws that can easily overcome divisiveness, not opaque ones that become easy political tools. The judiciary must dispense justice equitably and responsibly. The weaker a legislature or the judiciary is, the easier it is for leaders from the executive arm to exploit the system, either to expand their power or to take down an opponent. Furthermore, weak institutions of democracy could manipulate facts like supple political stupidity.

The third lesson is that the Nigerian state must declare a war on corruption and hold all corrupt people accountable. The fight against corruption should not be limited to politicians and politically exposed people but must cover corrupt businesses, public servants, and civil society. Like the case of Trump, his first conviction was not based on his action while in office but based on his seemingly private affair that hovers around how he handled his books and hush money for the porn star he was accused of having sexual entanglement. The question we must ask ourselves is, can a seemingly innocuous thing, albeit a crime, force a former president in Nigeria to be convicted of a felony? We know of media sleaze of infractions and alleged corruption by high-powered politicians, but after a while, we hear nothing again about the prosecution of the case, and sometimes we hear of such people receiving national awards or portfolios of office without being acquitted by a court of law for the alleged crime.    

The fourth lesson is that no criminal should be allowed to become the President of Nigeria. Americans did not foresee a future where a strong candidate like Trump would emerge as a party frontrunner with convictions hanging on his neck, but now it has happened. The example of Eugene V. Debs, a socialist leader who appeared as a candidate from prison and ran for the presidency, should have guided their legal framework, but America has a way with a history that their democracy does not fall apart. That cannot be said of an emerging democracy like Nigeria. Just like it happened to us during the death of Umaru Yar’adua and for days, lawyers were struggling with the instrument to use until the “doctrine of necessity” was invoked, this is the best time to review the constitution to amend any ambiguity in our laws to protect our democracy. 

The fifth lesson is that Nigeria must tackle economic inequality, which creates a huge class divide that makes some feel above the law. Policies to reduce economic disparities through education, healthcare, and social welfare programmes can strengthen social cohesion and democratic stability. Developing strategies that promote inclusive economic growth and providing opportunities for all segments of society is critical for maintaining long-term democratic health. 

Nigeria must fortify its democratic foundations and ensure a stable and inclusive political future.

Building solid institutions and an excellent democratic political culture steeped in democratic principles and ethos deemphasizes the power of political agents, especially those so powerful that they exert a considerable influence on the entire political system. Everyone across the political divide must work collaboratively to defend our democracy. Encouraging dialogue across political divides and fostering a culture of bipartisan cooperation can mitigate polarization. Civic education that promotes understanding and respect for diverse viewpoints is essential.  We must protect our democracy at all costs!

Issues around climate change have dominated global conversations since the historic Paris Agreement reached by world leaders on December 12, 2015 at the UN Climate Change Conference (COP21) in Paris. The Agreement is an international treaty which became legally binding on November 4, 2016.

Since climate change poses a huge threat to our humanity, urgent action is required to mitigate its risks and negative impacts for a sustainable future. This perhaps explains why 195 Parties (194 States and the European Union) joined the Paris Agreement which set long-term goals to guide all nations as follows: reducing global greenhouse gas emissions, periodically assess the collective progress being made, and provide financing to developing countries to mitigate the impact of climate change, strengthen resilience and enhance abilities to adapt to climate impacts.

The United Nations and its agencies and partners (they include UNEP, UNFCCC, etc.), the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) are huge resources to guide any study on climate change.

Generally speaking, climate change refers to “long-terms shifts in temperatures and weather patterns,” according to information available on the UN website. “But such shifts can be natural due to changes in the sun’s activity or large volcanic eruptions,” the statement continued.

In Nigeria, we have experienced severe flooding, drought and extreme temperatures lately. These are the consequences of climate change. Other parts of the world are also experiencing the devastating impact of climate change in various dimensions.

The National Assembly passed the Climate Change Bill in 2021 and signed into law by former President Muhammadu Buhari. With this law, the expectation is that Nigeria will achieve net zero carbon emission between 2050 and 2070. To drive a coordinated action on climate change, the same act of parliament created the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC).

Last month, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu established a presidential committee on climate action and green economy. The initiative clearly underscores the need to strengthen our commitment to climate change, especially from the standpoint of accelerating the transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy that are derived from natural sources such as the sun and wind.

The beauty of renewable energy is that they are constantly being replenished which guarantees a sustainable future.

UN Reports indicate that human activities have been the main driver of climate change, primarily due to the burning of fossil fuels like coal, oil and gas. When fossil fuels burn, they generate greenhouse gas emissions that cast a blanket around the Earth, trapping the sun’s heat and raising temperatures.

The same Report says if we cannot keep global warming from rising above 1.5°C, then we are in real danger of being exposed to more heat from the sun. The solution is to reduce the dependence on fossil fuels, cutting it by half within the next six years and achieving net zero emission by 2050. Whether these goals would be achieved is a matter of conjecture.

Fossil fuels, as studies have shown, are the biggest contributors to the global climate change crisis, and poses severe risks to all forms of life. For the record, the main greenhouse gases are carbon dioxide and methane. For a moment, just imagine the volume of carbon emissions from the cars on our roads and electricity generators in Nigeria. The result is catastrophic air pollution that endangers our health.

Clearing land and cutting down forests can also release carbon dioxide, according to UNEP reports. Agriculture, oil and gas operations are major sources of methane emissions. Energy, industry, transport, buildings, agriculture and land use cause greenhouse gases.

Apart from the Paris Agreement, there are other global agreements such as the Sustainable Development Goals (to make the world a better place by 2030) and the UN Convention on Climate Change to guide progress. However, an SDG Report in 2022 revealed that about two billion people worldwide don’t have access to safe drinking water. If we consider the effects of climate change and a growing population, it means that number is likely go up.

We must understand that climate change hazards do not occur in isolation because the Earth is a system – just like the human body – where everything is connected. It means changes in one area, according to a report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), can influence changes in others.

It is why the consequences of climate change now include, among others, threats to our health, intense droughts, water scarcity, severe fires, rising sea levels, flooding, melting polar ice, catastrophic storms and declining biodiversity. The World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) set up the IPCC in 1988.

In a self-made climate change manual, you should include and learn about the effects of climate change which varies depending on your region. You should also add sustainable solutions that include reducing carbon emissions, slowing the pace of global warming, and transition from fossil fuels to clean energy sources.

The manual should note adaptation as a mitigation strategy that delivers economic benefits while also seeking climate justice in the sense that small island nations and developing countries must be supported financially. These countries have fewer resources to cope with the devastating effects of climate change.

When my associates at Climate Action Africa (CAA) decided to launch Climate Action Africa Forum (CAAF24), I took more than a passing interest in climate change and commenced a research on the intersection between climate action and sustainable development.

The executive director and co-founder of CAA, Grace Oluchi Mbah, is leading a team that is organising CAAF24 which is scheduled to hold from June 19 – 20, 2024 at Landmark Centre, Oniru, Lagos. Multi-stakeholder partnerships and collaborations are required to address pressing climate change challenges.

This was why CAA signed a partnership agreement with the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC) in Abuja about four months ago as part of a broader framework to catalyze the climate policy conference. This was followed by a world press conference in Abuja to announce CAAF24. Salisu Dahiru, the former director general of NCCC while speaking at the MoU signing ceremony, said the collaboration was a “pivotal step towards building a climate-resilient Nigeria.”

In her response, Mbah said Nigeria’s vulnerability to climate change necessitates immediate and collective action. “Through this partnership,” she said, “we aspire to harness the power of innovation, sustainable practices, policy dialogue, and community engagement to re-shape Nigeria’s future, and set a global example.”

Clearly, CAAF24 is a bold and innovative response to the climate change challenge in Africa. After the Abuja meeting, CAA received the backing of NCCC for the conference. CAAF24 will host a diverse group of influential thought leaders and environmental champions from the Africa Development Bank (Abidjan), Afrexim Bank (Cairo), World Bank (Washington DC), World Economic Forum (Geneva), and the Africa Enterprise Challenge Fund (Nairobi).

CAA’s mandate includes fostering climate-resilient communities, driving innovation and contributing to the expansion of Africa’s green economy.

The theme of the conference is, “Green Economy, Brighter Future: Innovating and Investing in Africa’s Climate Smart Development.” One of the keynote speakers is Ms. Ramatoulaye Diallo N’Diaye, a former minister of culture in Mali, and the founder/CEO of the Great Green Wall of Africa (GGWoA) Foundation with a mission and unwavering commitment to restoring African forests and reversing the ravaging effects of climate change in the continent.

The list of speakers also include Tokunbo Wahab, Honourable Commissioner for environment and water resources, Lagos State; Markus Wauschkuhn, Cluster Coordinator, Sustainable Economic Development Cluster of GIZ Nigeria and ECOWAS, and Gerald Esambe, Principal Officer, Climate and Green Growth Department at African Development Bank Group.

Others are Kingsley Uranta, General Manager at Channels TV; Bankole Michael from the Lagos State Climate Change department, Ms. Helen Brume, representing the President of Afrexim Bank; Edith Jibunoh, External and Corporate Relations (ECR) Manager for East and Southern Africa representing the World Bank; Olalekan Ogunleye, Executive Vice President, Gas, Power & New Energy, NNPC Ltd and others.

The organisers of the conference are worried about the impact of climate change in Africa. Mbah said the following themes would be explored with nuance by the speakers and facilitators: changing weather patterns, rising sea levels, air pollution, forced displacements, water scarcity, food insecurity, hunger and poor nutrition, desertification, declining GDP, and limited adaptive capacity.

According to her, CAAF is building a platform for Africa to lead the change in addressing global climate issues. With over 3,600 registered attendees, and more than 600 applications for its Deal Room and Workshops, CAAF24 is on track to be an unprecedented hub for climate action and sustainable energy transition in Africa.

 CAAF Deal Room is a ground-breaking idea and strategic initiative that aims to connect high impact climate innovators in Africa with potential investors seeking to accelerate sustainable solutions. The objective of the Deal Room is to select finalists who would have the opportunity to pitch their ideas and solutions during CAAF24.

The deals will include prize money, equity, debt financing, mergers and acquisitions as well as other investment options. Those eligible to apply include venture capitalists, impact investors, climate-tech startups, Green SMEs, and not-for-profit organisations. Applications for the Deal Room opened on April 22, and closed on May 17, 2024.

It would be nice for the organisers of CAAF24 to extend an invitation to the new director general of NCCC, Dr. Nkiruka Maduekwe, as a special guest of honour. I am using this opportunity to congratulate the DG on her well-deserved appointment announced last Sunday.

Braimah is a global public relations consultant and marketing strategist. He is also the publisher/editor-in-chief of Naija Times (https://ntm.ng) and Lagos Post (https://lagospost.ng), and can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..  

The Israeli Defence Force slaughtered 274 innocent & defenceless Palestinian civilians in Nuseirat on saturday just to rescue four Jewish hostages in what has been decribed by an eyewitness as a "callous massacre" & "hell on earth". 

How can anyone in his right senses justify this madness? How can any sane person rejoice in such mindless savagery & callousness. 

Would it not have been more humane to get them released through negotiation & a ceasefire? 

Would you not have got more hostages back that way without taking any innocent lives? 

Are the babies & infants that you butchered in Nuseirat also members of the Al Qassam Brigade? 

Did they also participate in the October 7th attack on Israel? 

Were the four hostages hidden in their baby cots, their prams or their diapers?

Did you have to murder them too? 

This degree of depravity beggars belief. 

It is utterly astounding & totally incomprehensible. It represents a new low in the long & horrific history of Zionist barbarity.   

Bibi Netanyahu & his supporters should clap for themselves! 

Yet as they rejoice in their butchery & carnage & their pyrrhic victory let them take note of the following: there is NO glory in murdering women & children. 

There is NO honor in slaughtering babies & infants & blowing up their little bodies with your sophisticated weapons & precision bombs! 

There is NO victory in snuffing out their precious young lives & blotting out their shining star!

There is NO joy in shattering their dreams & destroying their destinies. 

Your cruelty is greater than that of Herod, your soul is darker than that of Pharaoh, your boast is greater than that of Sennacherub, your arrogance is greater than that of Nebuchadnezzar, your heart is harder than that of Jezebel, your bloodlust is greater than that of Athalia and your end shall be worse than that of all of them put together. 

The Lord of Hosts, the Alpha & the Omega, the Ancient of Days, the Man of War, the Lily of the Valley, the Rose of Sharon, the El Shaddai, the Elohim, the Adonai, the Lord of the universe, the God of all flesh, the Avenger of our blood, the Lamb of God, the Blood of the sprinkling, the I AM THAT I AM, He who is high & lifted up whose train fills the Temple & He that they call Jesus Christ of Nazareth, whose name is above all names, who is the author & finisher of our faith & to whom every knee must bow, has seen your wickedness & stands against you. 

From generation to generation you shall be cursed, your suffering & sorrow shall have no end & a special place in hell has been reserved for you where you shall burn forever. 

The time for glorifying yourselves will soon be over for the God of the poor, the weak, the oppressed, the vulnerable & the persecuted shall rise up in defence of the women & children of Gaza & avenge them speedily! 

Even Benny Gantz, the leader of the opposition & an erstwhile member of your 'war cabinet', can no longer bare the stench of blood that trails you & has abandoned your rat-infested ship & sinking Zionist Government.

Woe unto you Netanyahu and unto Smotrich, Ben Givr, Eliyahu, Gotllieb, Herzog and all the other depraved, bloodthirsty, delusional & insane men & women in your crumbling cabinet & heartless Government.

Woe unto the people of Israel for choosing you as their leader. 

Woe unto America for arming, funding & supporting you in your bloody enterprise of mass murder & ethnic cleansing. 

Woe unto them for being complicit in war crimes, crimes against humanity & genocide.

Woe unto the rest of the world for refusing to stand up for truth & justice, for refusing to resist you & for refusing to find the courage to march on Tel Aviv & drag you off your blood-soaked throne.

(FFK)

In accordance with his commitment to actualize Nigeria's green industrial vision, boost investor confidence, and unlock sustainable economic value through various climate finance instruments, *President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of Dr. Nkiruka Maduekwe as the Director-General/Chief Executive Officer of the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC)* in interim capacity, pending the confirmation of her appointment by the NCCC Supervisory Council.

The President has also approved that Dr. Maduekwe, 39, who holds a Bachelor of Law degree; a Master’s degree in Environmental Law & Policy from the University of Dundee (UK), and a Doctorate degree in Law from the University of Hull (UK), is to serve as the Co-Chairperson of the Intergovernmental Committee on National Carbon Market Activation Plan (NCMAP).

Dr. Maduekwe has over 15 years of national and international experience in climate policy development and project implementation. She previously served as Nigeria National Coordinator, Climate Parliament. Climate Parliament is an international, multi-partisan network of legislators working worldwide to help solve the climate crisis and accelerate the transition to renewable energy. 

Dr. Maduekwe was also the legal adviser to the NCCC Director-General.

Furthermore, the President has approved the appointment of *Mr. Ibrahim Abdullahi Shelleng, 40, as the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Climate Finance & Stakeholder Engagement, Office of the President.* He is seconded to the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC) Secretariat, where he will handle all matters related to Climate Finance & Stakeholder/Donor Relations.

The President has also approved that *Mr. Shelleng is to assume the position of Secretary of the Intergovernmental Committee on National Carbon Market Activation Plan (NCMAP)* and serve as a member of the Presidential Committee on Climate Action and Green Economic Solutions, as well as the Presidential Steering Committee on Project Evergreen.

Mr. Shelleng, who holds a Master’s degree in Business Administration (MBA) from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, has served in leading roles across multiple financial institutions, and was Head of Business Development for the Nigeria Mortgage Refinance Company PLC (NMRC) before his appointment as Senior Special Assistant to the President.

The President has also approved the appointment of *Mr. Olamide Fagbuji, 44, as the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Climate Technology and Operations, Office of the President.* He is seconded to the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC) Secretariat, where he will oversee the digitalization of a new open procurement process and cross-departmental procedural optimization initiative.

Mr. Fagbuji served as Special Assistant to the President on Economic Matters under the previous administration, and was most recently the Technical Adviser to the Director-General of the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC) on Policy Research and Strategy. He is a policy analyst and computer scientist.

By the directive of the President, the aforementioned appointments take immediate effect.

The President expects the new appointees to bring their expertise and discipline to bear in these very important assignments in pursuance of the nation’s aspiration on green industrial development and climate action for sustainable growth and national prosperity.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

In furtherance of his establishment of the Office of the Special Presidential Envoy on Climate Action (SPEC) and to bring clarity to the functions of the office within the climate and green economy ecosystem, President Bola Tinubu has approved the terms of reference for the pioneering Office of SPEC.

By the President’s directive, the Office of the Special Presidential Envoy on Climate Action shall be:

(1) The lead negotiator on climate-related matters on behalf of the Federal Government of Nigeria, reporting directly to the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

(2) The lead negotiator on carbon market and management initiatives on behalf of the Federal Republic of Nigeria with a mandate to integrate the work of the Intergovernmental Committee on National Carbon Market Activation Plan (NCMAP) into the climate action plans of the Federal Government of Nigeria, reporting directly to the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

(3) The supervising interface between the Secretariat of the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC) and the NCCC Supervising Council, which is chaired by the President.

(4) Coordinator of all climate action-related activities across Federal Ministries, Departments, and Agencies, legislative, and subnational entities which directly impact the President's climate action and green economic agenda with a mandate to directly engage other nations, international organizations, and non-governmental entities to build coalitions and advance global climate goals in accordance with Nigeria's national interest.

(5) The focal point of the Federal Government of Nigeria's engagement with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), Conference of the Parties (COP) meetings, and other related international meetings on climate-related and green economic matters.

(6) The coordinator of activities of all relevant Federal Ministries, Departments, and Agencies towards the successful fulfilment of Nigeria's Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs).

(7) The secretary of the Presidential Committee on Climate Action and Green Economic Solutions, which is chaired by the President.

(8) The chief diplomat and lead representative of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on all climate-related engagements and negotiations while supervising the Energy Transition Office.

(9) The focal-point authority on all non-executive activities related to the operations of the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC) with delegated authority to oversee the activities and operations of the NCCC secretariat for frequent reporting to the President in between meetings of the NCCC Supervisory Council.

(10) The lead interface on engagements with the Central Bank of Nigeria, Federal Ministry of Finance, Federal Ministry of Power, Federal Ministry of Environment, other critical Federal Government of Nigeria institutions concerning the administration and coordination of climate-related donor finance, renewable energy finance and green industrial growth management.

(11) Chairman of the Presidential Steering Committee on Project Evergreen.

Furthermore, the President has approved the expansion of the membership of the Presidential Committee on Climate Action and Green Economic Solutions (P-CAGE).

The committee comprises the following additional members:

(1) Representative, Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning

(2) Representative, Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs

(3) Representative, Federal Ministry of Petroleum Resources (Gas)

(4) Representative, Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science & Technology

(5) Representative, NNPCL

(6) Special Assistant to the President on Energy Transition, Ms. Yasmin Mohammed

(7) Representative, Energy Transition Office, Mr. Somkele Awa-Kalu.

The Presidential Committee on Climate Action and Green Economic Solutions is set to be inaugurated in July.

The President emphasizes diligence, dedication, and patriotism in the execution of this critical national assignment with a view to realizing his administration’s agenda on climate action and green industrial growth for the long-term benefit of the Nigerian people and Africans at large.

Segun Imohiosen

Director, Information

Despite founding Nigeria’s most successful hydrocarbon geophysical consulting firm and contributing significantly to the development of the oil and gas sector, Boniface Madubunyi, who died at 90 on May 13th in London, was practically unknown to the Nigerian public. That’s the way he wanted it. Very few persons anywhere can be so successful and yet so self-effacing, almost monastic in their lifestyle. Madubunyi, an engineer trained at the University of Manchester in the early 1960s who was given the Member of the Federal Republic (MFR) national honour under the President Olusegun Obasanjo administration, set up a geophysical firm, Mabon Geophysical Surveys Ltd, that competes effectively with Western ones. Statoil of Norway, now Equinor, Shell, and Chevron to name and some others invested in Nigeria’s offshore in 1992 based on data and analyses from Mabon. Madubunyi was the first Nigerian person to own oil blocks in both the United States and Europe.

He invested across various sectors, from power generation to real estate to oil exploration and production, yet he shunned labels like a 'wealthy man' or 'entrepreneur.' He preferred to be seen as a professional consultant. He embodied humility and professionalism.

An indigene of Ihiala in Anambra State, Madubunyi was cosmopolitan through and through. He accepted the challenge from the Federal Government to build and operate a 40-megawatt hydropower plant in Gombe State in the most difficult period in the country’s history. Since January 2020, this plant has supplied uninterrupted electricity to the national grid, with six states benefitting directly from it.

Soft-spoken, strikingly good-looking, and reserved, Madubunyi worked extremely hard. Researchers in applied psychology and management science can use him as an example of success brought about by deliberate practice, or the 10,000 hours principle, the concept that most people who have attained global excellence, whether in sports, music, or business, have put in about 10,000 hours of practice. He was still working even in his last days, though his son, Richard Kenechukwu Madubunyi who trained at Imperial College in London and the University of Leeds, had assumed control of much of the Mabon group in the last couple of years. His style is reminiscent of that of Warren Buffet, founder of Berkshire Hathaway and one of the world’s richest investors who at 93 is still immersed in work. A devout Catholic and son of a catechist and teacher, Madubunyi would retort anytime I inquired when he would retire: “The pope, who has the world as his constituency, still works!” He and I would discuss at 2 am on the phone, say, on Sunday, and before 7 am he would call again even when he was in his 80s, dead busy at work

In Madubunyi I saw the personification of the elegant statement popularised by Steve Jobs, Apple co-founder and chairman: simplicity is the ultimate sophistication. There was nothing flamboyant or extravagant about him or his style, but his houses, and his dress sense, for instance, reveal a man imbued with taste, class, and sophistication.

His wife, Nkiru, though born into a wealthy family, is equally modest and adapts easily to any environment. She and the husband always felt at home in my regular Mercedes Benz cars in the 1990s and early 2000s even they had specially crafted vehicles. Mrs Madubunyi’s father, Chief GE Okeke, built the Abbott group of schools in the 1950s in Sapele in today’s Delta State and in Ihiala, Anambra State. He became the Minister of Education and later of Economic Planning in the old Eastern Nigerian Region. The Great Zik of Africa trusted him and gave him a free hand to lead the team that built the University of Nigeria at Nsukka. Chief Okeke later conceived and built the Enugu campus of the UNN as well as Alvan Ikoku Federal College of Education, Owerri, in Imo State. Proprietor of the Nigerian Starch Company who was to serve on a bank board, Okeke contributed to the development of Ihiala, his hometown, more than any other individual, dead or alive.

Though much of his life was spent abroad, Madubunyi was quite home-conscious. He was the first person to construct a major road in Ihiala, after Victor Okafor who built Ezego Road. Madubunyi singlehanded rebuilt the famous St Martin’s Catholic Church with strict instructions to the church authorities not to reveal the person behind it. He donated generously to the iconic Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital in Ihiala, also with an instruction to the owners and managers not to disclose his role. He bought a large swath of land to build an industry in Ihiala, but, owing to market headwinds, donated it to the Catholic Diocese of Nnewi. He also bought a large parcel of land to build a private university in Ihiala, but the project didn’t take off for some reason.

In appreciation of his generosity to the church, the ecclesiastical authorities offered to reward him with a knighthood, which he turned down with a customary smile. His Ihiala people did their best to bestow honorific traditional titles on him, but he rejected the offers politely; I used to call him Ugochinyere Ihiala, a “greeting” name given him informally by my cousin, Nick Mbaezue, on December 31, 2000, in the residence of Chief Charles Madubunyi, his lifelong friend who retired from the Customs Service as number three man without a house anywhere.

Unlike many men carried away by the riches of the world and pleasures of life and so became Epicureans, Madubunyi was ever conscious of what the English poet described as the inevitable hour. For about two decades, he prepared for the final hour, attending the mass daily and participating regularly in the Sacrament of Reconciliation. Days before his departure, priests were visiting him in the hospital to administer the viaticum, the Eucharist given to a person about to leave this world. Yet, we must pray for the repose of the noble soul of Boniface Madubunyi and the souls of all the faithful departed. To Boniface Madubunyi, MFR, a most uncommon Nigerian, we say Requiescat in pace.

Adinuba was Anambra State Commissioner for Information & Public Enlightenment (2018-22).

The quantum of reservations and growing public disapproval of the Tinubu government has little or nothing to do with ideology. I am pretty sure that if anyone ever accuses Mr. Tinubu of being anything resembling ideological, he could draw a pistol. Yet his unrelenting dismal job approval rating and increasing popularity deficit is the result of  a fundamental ideological mix up.

The president would like to be popular, admired by the masses and praised by the elite. But his policies keep grating on ideas that make a leader popular. People do not want to pay more for fuel, electricity, essential drugs or a myriad of taxes. Yet these are the basic essentials of the Tinubu presidency for which he and his team want us to clap and sing their praises. It works the other way round. The more you subject us to suffering and poverty, the less popular you are likely to get. Yet, the crisis is not only Tinubu’s. It is that of his party or rather the way we have come to run our politics of nativity.

As a growing tradition, Nigerian politics attaches little or no importance to ideologies. The hints of ideology that appear in our party acronyms and names say nothing tour politicians or the public . It says nothing about who qualifies to join or control each party. It says nothing about the programmes and policies of the party even when it does come to power. The acronyms are mere labels that distinguish one party from the other. And the parties themselves are merely vehicles on which politicians ride to fight for power at elections. The vast majority of party members know nothing about the ideological implications of the labels of the parties they join or run on.

With luck, there may be a handful of party elite who dream up party names and use the ideological implications to craft a manifesto or party agenda for purposes of registration by INEC. Once registered, our parties proceed like renegades to wrestle and battle for power at state and federal levels. Politicians make promises and articulate programmes that have little bearing to the names or ideological hints of their parties. Win the election first and be reminded of the name of the party and what its ideology, if any, means after inauguration day.

When it is time to take stock of party and government achievements at the end of a tenure, the Nigerian public, even the elite, hardly judge our parties and governments by the implications of their ideologies. It is the personal stamp of the individual incumbent that is judged. It is the Obasanjo government, the Buhari administration, the Tinubu presidency that are at issue etc. Our subsequent elections become merely referendums on the individual whose imprint the departing administration carried.

If it is a PDP government that is in question, no one cares how “democratic” it was or how much it cared about the “people” implicated in the party name. If it is an APC government, no one asks whether its achievements were “progressive” or not.

And yet, political parties remain the bedrock and cornerstones of every democracy. By their nature, they are carriers of ideological values by the very names they bear. These labels are carriers and embodiments of core beliefs and values. To that extent, a party ought to “answer” its true name by maintaining a certain fidelity to its names and distinguishing ideological implications.

If you insist on being a “national” party as with the defunct National Party of Nigeria, we expect you to leave a legacy coloured by nationalism (“One Nation , One Destiny”). If you were  the UPN of old, we expect you to be a beacon of “Unity” at least among your membership and the larger society if possible.  In these days of the APC, the PDP and the Labour Party, we expect “progressives”, “democrats” and “workers” interests to dominate our political discourse.

But sadly, the clashes among the three dominant parties for popular support is being waged about the credentials of Mr. Tinubu, Mr. Atiku and Mr. Obi. Our quarrels are not about how “progressive” the policies of Tinubu are or how democratic an Atiku presidency would have been or how much the interests of workers and youth would have been protected if Mr. Obi became president. Instead, we are embroiled in ugly street disputations about Mr. Tinubu’s controversial  certificates, Atiku’s many vacation homes in Dubai or Obi’s perennial black costume and Onitsha market wealth.

In the specific instance of the ruling APC, something curious and more far reaching seems to have happened. Mr. Tinubu has chased away all the progressive elements of the party either by confining them to the periphery or chasing them into political “exile” as it were. Many are now asking: where is Rotimi Amaechi in the present scheme of things in the party? Where is Yemi Osinbajo in all this? Where is Adams  Oshiomhole in his unfolding drama? Why is my friend Nasir El-Rufai being tormented for all the progressive policies he pursued in Kaduna? Where are all the progressive elements in the APC who fought to chase off Mr. Jonathan and enthrone Buhari?

In contrast with Tinubu, under Mr. Buhari, the APC managed to be an inclusive amalgam of an ultra conservative president and his tribal cohorts surrounded by a mixed bag of “progressive” thinking leading lights with some confused rabble of state  functionaries and party apparatchiks. Mr. Buhari could at least work with state progressive governors and party leaders like Rotimi Amaechi, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, party Chairman, Adams Oshiomhole and Governor Nasir El-Rufai.

These gentlemen were progressive in a loosely defined sense of advocating social democratic and modernist policies and programmes. They at least showing an abiding concern for the welfare of the ordinary citizen through broad based programmes. Osinbajo used his office as Vice President to administer  credible popular  empowerment programmes like Cash Transfers, Trader Money, Small Business Support Loan Scheme and instant relief for those in extreme vulnerability. Mr. Amaechi used his office as governor of Rivers State to build modern schools in which education up to secondary level was free. Children were supplied free school sandals and uniforms and primary health centres were multiplied and equipped with life saving devices and competent personnel. Oshiomhole pursued similar policies as governor of Edo State and constantly reminded APC members of their commitment to the elements of progressivism as party Chairman. His trade union background came in handy here.

Rightly defined, Progressivism as a political movement and idea is a left of centre movement. Its core is a certain commitment to social democratic principles. It is decidedly pro-common people and in the process advocates policies and programmes that enhance the welfare of the common folk. Access to the basic essentials of life is the corner stone of all progressive movements. Access to basic healthcare.  Access to affordable popular education. Access to employment. Access to food security and security of life and property.

These, as against the advocacy of the interests of the rich and big corporations, tax relief for the rich, the protection of big energy companies and massive taxation of basic goods and services, would distinguish a progressive government from either a conservative or neo liberal pro-capitalist party.

If indeed Buhari struggled with finding a middle path between these possibilities,  President Bola Tinubu has had no problem with such a mixture. From the outset, he indicated a definitive option for conservatism and neo liberal capitalist policies. He chose Mr. Ganduje of the million dollar fame as party chairman. He opted for the famous Mr. Godswill Akpabio as Senate President and some other anonymous gentleman as House Speaker. He has also chosen a mixed bag of Ministers with the imperial Nyesom Wike, David Umahi and his Lagos gang of World Bank and IMF friendly Cardoso and Yemi Edun to man the economy. Tinubu maneuvered the National Assembly to ensure that the likes of Nasir El Rufai never neared his cabinet. It is also rumored that a former ally and progressive, Adams Oshiomhole, now needs special clearance to get an audience with the President in the Villa.

Almost like a deliberate policy, Mr. Tinubu has kept the real progressives of the original party at bay. No one knows his exact relationship with  Rotimi Amaechi  who was a founding pillar of the APC and principal enabler of the Buhari presidency. Amaechi is by no means a small tangential fish in APC waters. He came second in the presidential primary congress that produced the Tinubu ticket. In spite of sharing a common South West roots with Osinbajo, Tinubu has kept the former brilliant progressive Vice President at a distance. Not even the token emissary errands for which former vice presidents are famous!

In order to situate these developments and perhaps project on the future of the APC, we need to understand the major currents that produced the APC.

The APC was birthed out of Mr. Buhari’s resilient appetite for presidential power. Its victory in the 2015 presidential election was a product of both his regional cultic followership and a nationwide rejection of Mr. Jonathan’s bumbling presidency. Seven years afterwards, Buhari’s appetite for apex power has been fulfilled and arguably squandered. His pet nativist hegemonic project has come full cycle and overreached itself. And as he begins to gather his belongings to return to the pastoral anonymity of Daura, his APC vehicle now has an existential challenge: how does it survive in and of itself as a political party? How will it persist as a strategic national institution of democratic stability?

Looking back, the coalition of parties that gave birth to the APC was an inconvenient marriage of political convenience. There was nothing in common between a pseudo social democratic ACN, an ultra conservative CPC, a nationalist right wing ANPP, an ethno nationalist APGA and a renegade opportunistic centrist NPDP. The cardinal objective was to cobble together a workable coalition to wrest power from the PDP after 16 monotonous years. The idea of a multiparty coalition eventually gave way to the even better idea of a single opposition party.

Mr. Buhari facilitated and galvanized the marriage. He provided the amalgamation with a presidential mascot albeit one with a national name recognition. He also came dressed in an untested mythic garb of leadership prowess, governance prudence, barrack discipline and a reasonable level of personal integrity. Above all, he had managed over the years to build up a huge cultic following among the northern mob of rough uneducated and unemployed youth and regional power fanatics. Part of the motor park fable around Mr. Buhari was the infantile notion that once elected president, he would jail all the corrupt former government officials, recover the ill- gotten wealth and redistribute same among the poor masses.

Thus was born a party tailored more towards wresting power from an effete incumbent than for the effective governance of a country in desperate need for responsible leadership.  Given the tenacity of African power incumbents, the APC was more honed for the task of contesting the outcome of the 2015 presidential election possibly up to the Supreme Court. But when the results tumbled in mostly in its favour and Mr. Jonathan conceded defeat to Mr. Buhari, it was an overrated and unprepared APC that had to set up a government and ascend the pinnacle of national power. Victory came as a rude surprise with power as an unanticipated burden. Time has passed. Buhari has fulfilled his long standing ambition of wearing the toga of President. It is now time for the party to take stock of its stewardship and contemplate its future.

With the benefit of hindsight, the emergence of the APC reinforced Nigeria’s historic tendency towards a credible two party architecture. To that extent, it was a positive political outcome, one which promised a great dividend for Nigeria’s democracy. The new party came to power on the wave of expectations greater than its capacity and preparedness.

However,  the APC’s electoral success and stature as the de facto dominant party in the land has raised far too many fundamental questions about the present state and future prospects of Nigerian democracy. The central curiosity remains that of how a party with a dismal record of governance in the last eight years can score such overwhelming electoral success. If democratic elections are indeed periodic tests of the popularity and acceptability of a party, the verdict of the Nigerian electorate in this last election deserves closer look. Questions indeed abound.

Do electorates punish non- performing parties by denying them victory at the next election? Or, in the alternative, can a party, in spite of a dismal performance in government, still coast to victory at the next election irrespective of a massive popularity deficit? Is the electorate of registered voters a true representation of the popular wish at elections? Does the electorate have a mind, a memory, like a person, that either punishes or rewards past experience in the hands of a political party and its elected officials? Finally, is the public of voters in a democracy an insensitive mob that returns a party to power even if its government has hurt the people badly and betrayed the public trust and devalued the good of the nation?

Mr. Tinubu may not choose a definite ideological label to find his way around the maze of Nigeria’s problems. But his outcomes sill be badged by ideology. Even in the absence of definable ideological differences in our politics, the challenges that define today’s Nigerian reality call for ideological clarity.

We are drifting towards clear policy options that are ultimately ideological. Should we insist on obeying the IMF and World Bank by sinking more and more into unpayable debts? Or should we reduce waste, curb ostentation and instead invest our scarce resources in social welfare and empowerment of the majority. Should we save the nation or save the few rich oligarchs that our prodigal past has created?

Sooner or later, President Tinubu will have to choose between a reversion to the original progressive template of the party that put him in power and a tragic betrayal of that foundation. Either option is fraught with consequences. Without a clear choice, the president will be stranded at a critical junction in our national history.

He had everything going for him. Deep knowledge of several subjects, from his core area of architecture to the most rarefied dimensions of Classical German idealism. He had incredible access and contacts, from the political, sociocultural and generational, to the profoundly academic and ethereal. I recall a conversation, during which I said, “Ferdinand, it is sometimes amusing how you go prancing about and calling yourself a mere architect. Yes, you belong to the physical and design sciences by training and academic learning, but you are a polymath with a deep sense of the present. So, in case you don’t know, and in case no one has ever told you this, you belong in the academia, but not as a conventional academic or scholar”.

He is no more today. He left the flesh yesterday, in a-yet-to-be-believed tale of departure without the slightest whimper of a warning sign. He was at a wine carrying event on Friday, which ended around 9pm. While at the event, he tried to speak with Victor Anoliefo; who called him from the US. They could not talk much because of the noise level in his wine carrying location. They agreed to continue, and conclude, their discussion some other time. Well, that conversation will not be concluded as planned.
This brings us all face to face with the hard reality of earthly existence. You either live for something, or die unsung; notwithstanding your wealth and other matters. Just think of the many people now in tears and deep mourning because of this sad incident. They are not saddened because Ferdinand is no longer there to give them money, contracts or political leverage, no. They are mourning a great man whose greatness lay in what he lived and stood for and what he is remembered for.

He roared with laughter again and then continued: “You obtained a Ph.D. in philosophy after your first degree, without a Masters Degree. You are at home with practically any subject I can think of; from nuclear physics to climate change, political economy and global economics. So, my dear brother, in case no one has also ever told you this before, hear it from me: It does not make sense to common sense to behold someone who studied philosophy writing and teaching the sort of things you teach and write with appalling, or even contemptuous, ease. Look, I gave up on you, that is on trying to compartmentalize your capacities and capabilities, when I learnt you had started teaching Cyber Security and Cloud Computing part-time at the Nigerian Defense Academy (NDA) a few years ago. Biko, your guilt in regard to what you are trying to accuse me of is known everywhere”. His renewed laughter rang out loud and long.

He was a great person to be with. Informed, poetic, self-sacrificing and self-effacing in so many ways. Many brilliant ideas he birthed exist in government and the public domain generally today; but without anyone knowing his involvement in it. He was exemplary as the Director General of the National Maritime Authority (NMA), now NIMASA. The reforms he introduced, the international linkages he established and his profile and reputation as one of the most forward looking.and most dependable Head of Parastatal in the then Federal Ministry of Transport put him in a class all by himself.
Sauve, politically savvy in a decent sort of way and a relationship lubricant for many public office holders who either boxed themselves into awkward corners, or needed extra policy or political leverage to achieve their goals or ambitions. Ferdinand was never demanding of extra attention, pecuniary rewards or demeaning encounters. He was always frank about matters he could deal with and those he could not.

The New, and Pleasant, Development at Customs:
The news out there is that the Nigerian Customs Service (NCS) is set to install scanners with 200 containers clearance/hour capacity. This will certainly address the problem of port congestion and drive efficiency, while putting an end to the nightmare (well, including daymare) of importers and clearing agents.
One thing is clear in this regard: The Custom’s Trade Facilitation Programme of the Comptroller-General of Customs, Mr. Adewale Adeniyi, is yielding something worth looking forward to.  Nigeria Customs is working in collaboration with Trade Modernisation Project Limited on this infrastructural intervention. This will involve the installation of Gantry Scanners with the capacity to scan 200 containers every hour.

We first visited the Port of Ashdod. A very tall office building overlooked the port. It was deserted, lifeless and very uninspiring, when compared to the Lagos experience we were all familiar with. On the assumption that the port had been shut down, we asked why there was no activity whatsoever going on in what is reputed to be an extremely busy port. That’s when we learnt that everything in the place was automated. As we looked more closely, it became clear that many containers were actually in motion, shifted and loaded into many moving things by towering stationary cranes with arms spanning scores of meters. It was an uncanny sight to behold.

Information Technology experts and software developers are working long hours daily to deliver a foolproof system that would make export and import businesses easy in the country. It is expected that the desired Unified Customs Management software, which would leverage on geospatial technology, will deliver a new business experience; especially with customers software experts infused into the team of experts from the TMP Project limited.
Finally, the supporting infrastructure that would further enhance the planned, and expected, efficiencies should not be hamstrung by an inefficient transportation system. It will always take a cocktail of well-coordinated policies, actions and needed infrastructure to deliver sustainable interventions in any regulatory, or business, environment. But, for the record, NCS is squarely on the right track on this one.