“I am ready to let go, let the NNPC buy me out, run the refinery. They have labeled me a monopolist. That’s an incorrect and unfair allegation, but it's okay. If they buy me out, at least their so-called monopolist would be out of the way.”

The statement of defiance above was made during the agitation for crude oil allocation by Aliko Dangote for his $20 billion ultra-modern refinery, with a capacity of 650,000 barrels per day, reputed to be the biggest of its kind in the world.

The false alarm and uproar that Dangote Refinery was aiming to be a monopoly fueled had escalated into a frenzy, prompting Alhaji Aliko Dangote, owner of the mega refinery, to respond in the manner captured in the opening quote of this piece. The allegation was triggered when the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of one of NNPC Ltd.'s subsidiaries, the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), Engr. Farouk Ahmed, reportedly repremanded Dangote for crying out for access to crude produced in Nigeria and alledged that he is angling to be a monopolist in the oil sector, thus he became a spokesperson of sorts for vested interests that seem to prefer Nigeria to continue importing refined petroleum products from abroad to the detriment of the economy and harm to Nigerians.

According to media reports, the CEO of NMDPRA, in response to Dangote's loudly expressed frustration over the non-allocation of crude oil to his refinery by International Oil Companies (IOCs) for local refining, had alleged that the diesel produced by Dangote Refinery had a higher sulfur content than the imported type and, therefore, was of lower quality. This claim was not proven scientifically, and to disprove it Dangote Refinery has produced Europe 5-quality fuel, an upgrade from the Euro 2 grade previously imported into Nigeria.

Therefore, the claim is being viewed as an unpatriotic attitude from the NMDPRA chief, as it contradicts the expected patriotic behavior of a public servant who should be encouraging local refining, which Dangote Refinery has now made a reality

After the tension, which was essentially a distraction, it was to the delight of the Nigerian masses when the good news arrived that the much-awaited flow of petrol from Dangote Refinery had finally materialized at the dawn of the 2nd day of September, 2024, when the announcement was made.

Although the refinery has been producing diesel, DPK, aviation fuel, and naphtha since January this year—nine months ago—there was a one-month delay in its originally scheduled August start date for petrol production, which was postponed but finally commenced at the beginning of September.

Given the bated breath of Nigerians in their expectation of constant supply of petrol described above, the realization of the dream of locally refined Premium Motor Spirit , PMS after an estimated 28 years of comatose local refineries can be compared to the excitement in the quote attributed to Mungo Park, the Scottish explorer, who, upon first seeing the River Niger, famously said in 1796:  

"Oh, that my dear friend Mr. Anderson could have been here to have seen this beautiful sight. The river is even more beautiful than I had imagined, and I can now account for the doubts of the ancients as to its existence."

The joy of Nigerians that Dangote Refinery has commenced refining Premium Motor Spirit (PMS)—so central to their lives—is significant, especially since the withdrawal of the subsidy on the commodity 15 months ago had reduced many to a severe state of hardship, with food inflation ballooning to around 40% and putting a vast majority of Nigerians in a state of penury.

Previously, PMS had been so elusive to the majority of Nigerians that their relief over its production at Dangote Refinery can be measured through the lens of a people spared from wasting precious time at petrol stations—time that could have been spent on productive activities.

It is worth pointing out that although the presence of Dangote Refinery may not necessarily lead to a significant reduction in the pump price of PMS, it is reassuring that the search for elusive petrol to power vehicles and light up homes—an activity that has cost many Nigerians their lives—will no longer be such an arduous and sometimes deadly task.

The constant availability of the commodity may also eliminate the crisis of crude oil theft driven by artisenal refineries in the Niger delta zone of Nigeria where crude oil is being ‘cooked’ in the name of refining with huge colateral damages including loss of lives and ruinous effects on the ecological landscape of the hydrocarbon bearing region reminscent of the damage done to the ecosystem of the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC by precious stone miners/minerals under the watch of Belgium, the former colonizer of the country . 

The epochal flow of petrol from Dangote’s mega refinery has an interesting twist: while former President Muhammadu Buhari commissioned the refinery at the twilight of his administration on May 15 last year (his presidency ended on May 29), it is under President Bola Tinubu’s watch that the products refined in the ultra-modern refinery became available on the market. 

This reminds one of the biblical narrative of Moses leading the Israelites to the Promised Land but not having the privilege of entering it, as punishment for disobedience to God’s instruction.

Without a doubt, Aliko Dangote is the richest African and the wealthiest black man, ranked the 132nd richest person in the world according to Bloomberg’s Billionaires Index. He is comparable to a Korean chaebol in the making, if the Nigerian government chooses to elevate Dangote Refinery to that level for the benefit of the country.

In the event that Dangote Refinery is elevated to the level of a chaebol—which is what this piece advocates and the strategy that South Korea applied in its developmental stage to make brands like Samsung, Daewoo, and LG global icons—it would serve as a counterforce to the IOCs’ efforts to maintain the status quo of exporting crude oil extracted from Nigerian soil to their home countries for refining. Dangote Refinery, by refining crude oil locally and exporting it overseas, is poised to reverse this trend and earn Nigeria higher income in foreign currency and save our country the huge amount of naira chasing the dollar which petrol importers use to import petroleum products from foreign markets.

Evidently and commendably, Dangote’s bold initiative is disrupting and thwarting the over half-a-century-old business model of the IOCs, which has kept Nigeria a net exporter of raw materials, including commodities like crude oil, cocoa, and precious gemstones or solid minerals like lithium, copper, gold, and many others, without adding value. This situation amounts to "Africa: Exporting Wealth, Importing Poverty," which is the title and focus of my forthcoming book aimed at changing the negative narrative about Africa—that it is merely a source of raw materials. It may shock some to learn that 

being relegated to being a mere source of raw materials is the reason that the trade balance between Africa and its industrialized partners has been consistently in deficit.

The situation of IOCs producing crude oil in Nigeria and resisting sales to local Nigerian refineries is akin to the African adage of someone living on the bank of a river but using spittle to wash their hands. 

The situation was so dire that Dangote Refinery had to resort to importing its feedstock from as far away as the USA and Brazil, leveraging the platforms of global oil traders, Trafigura and Vitol.

The disturbing and inconvenient truth about the situation, wherein imperialists have perpetuated the ideal of Africa as a primary source of raw materials, would have continued unchallenged if not for the resistance mounted by entities like Dangote Refinery.

Even more disturbing is that it is Nigerians in strategic government agencies—nefarious ambassadors, if you will—who are tasked with managing our oil assets but are alledged to be colluding with overseas oil/gas equipment manufacturers . What most Nigerians may not know is that these manufacturers that are contracted to carry out turnaround maintenance on our refineries are suspected to be the same that are part of an international syndicate determined to prevent the revival of Nigeria’s four ailing refineries. The conspiracy to undermine is so sophisticated that it is beyond being comprehended by ordinary observers. In a situation where there is no one advocating as Dangote, Tony Elumelu have done in the oil sector, Mike Adenuga and Allen Onyema have done in the telecommunications and aviations sectors respectively, the industry or organization can experience demise like the four NNPC ltd state owned refineries, Nigerian Telecommunication company, NITEL , and Nigeria Airways. It is the void left by the estwhile government owned corporations that the trio of Dangote Refinery, Globacom and Airpeace have stepped up to fill up. The process of subterfuge can be very complex and sophisticated such that it would escape suspicion. To debunk any suspicion that the view above may be mere conspiracy theory, we only need to think of what happens in the society when a very big and powerful pharmaceutical industry wants to have its way with respect to the introduction of new products that they wish to force down the throat of consumers. For further conviction, we can also focus our minds on business espionage often carried out by competitors in similar industries in the industrally advanced societies. 

One observation amongst many others that I can make is that the Nigerians colluding with foreign firms to sabotage Nigeria in industries such as oil/gas, telecommunications, and aviation are nothing more than "useful idiots."who as webstar dictionary puts it a useful idiot is: a naive or incredulous person who can be manipulated or exploited to advance a cause or political agenda.

The sad thing about these compromising individuals is that they may be accomplices in the perfidy without fully understanding the ramifications of their unwholesome actions.

What is even more concerning is that instead of spinning off the four state-owned refineries, which are in decrepit condition, to private sector investors, NNPCL is opting for the previously tested and failed path of concessioning government-owned assets. They are disguising this current plan to concession the Warri and Kaduna refineries as an Operation and Management (O&M) contract, much like they replaced the word “subsidy” with the term "under-recovery" to obfuscate the fact that the government has continued to pay subsidies on petrol, even after President Bola Tinubu declared, "petrol subsidy is gone" during his inaugural speech on May 29 last year.

One thing that seems to be eluding those applying the strategy of obfustication in managing the affairs of this government is that by concealing the fact of the matter, they are hurting instead of burnishing the Tinubu brand equity which they should be doing everything ligitimate to boost.

Now that the state-owned oil firm has been compelled to admit that it has been paying subsidies after its annual report revealed it was indebted to foreign PMS suppliers to the tune of $6.8 billion, Nigerians are suffering the fallout via the excruciating pains they endure at petrol stations while trying to get petrol.

The pursuit of this unwholesome practice by government officials some of who are not encouraging the refining of petrol locally instead ensuring that Nigeria continues to import petrol from refineries set up on the coasts of European countries and other locations, such as the island of Malta, recently revealed as the biggest source of refined petroleum imports into Nigeria (nearly $3 billion) over the past two years is unconscionable. This occurred because the NNPC Ltd., managers of the government-owned refinery, has been the sole importer of petrol into Nigeria, even though the sector was ostensibly deregulated by the passage of the PIA.

Even the channel of distribution for PMS from Dangote is currently caught up in miscommunication as multiple conflicting statements have emanated from the state owned oil company NNPCL, the petroleum ministry and Dangote Refinery. So, what should have been a positive asset for government, has already become a liability as a result of shambolic communication of an otherwise shinning moment . This is despite the fact that AGO (diesel) from Dangote Refinery and related products have , since January, been distributed through multiple Nigerian firms with established footprints in that function. Why is PMS distribution caught up in another maze? Is it to sell off the recently imported Euro 2 foreign PMS, which is inferior to Dangote’s Euro 5 quality?

The lesson to be learned by those managing the government’s image and its agencies is that when one lies by using woolly words to confuse stakeholders, they should keep in mind that as the conventional wisdom goes, "Lies travel fast, but truth soon catches up." 

The federal government and NNPC Ltd. have now lost credibility by finally admitting they had been paying subsidies.

At a time when the masses have lost confidence in the government, communicating false information has only further damaged its reputation. Nevertheless, if the new dawn of sourcing refined petroleum products locally and making it abundantly available is well managed, the government’s tarnished reputation can be redeemed through Dangote Refinery, which is poised to have an impact similar to that of Globacom, founded by indigenous multi-billionaire entrepreneur Chief Mike Adenuga in the GSM telephony space 21 years ago. Prior to the emergence of Globacom, the industry was dominated by foreign firms—MTN and Econet (now Airtel).

As may be recalled, the GSM telephony pioneers in Nigeria were offering per-minute billing, which Globacom changed to per-second billing, forcing MTN and Econet to follow suit. Today, Globacom is a leading service provider competing favorably with the foreign firms that commenced telephony business in Nigeria ahead of it, which some pundits have attributed to sabotage by foreign interests working in cahoots with local civil/public servants.

Just as Globacom shifted telephone billing to per-second instead of per-minute billing, to the discomfiture of foreign firms, Dangote Refinery is offering Nigerians Euro 5 top-quality petrol and diesel, which are as light in color as water and far superior to the previously imported Euro 2 quality.

Even more inspiring is that the high quality of Dangote’s output makes European markets potential destinations, and the existence of Dangote Refinery in Nigeria is already resulting in the imminent shutdown of refineries located on Europe’s coasts, which target African markets, including Nigeria, as the main dumping ground for their lower-quality petroleum products.

In a Reuters report from March 27 earlier this year, Ahmad Ghaddar and Robert Harvey highlighted in their report, Nigeria’s Dangote Oil Refinery Could Accelerate European Sectors’ Decline, that: “As much as 300-400,000 bpd of refining capacity in Europe is at risk of closure because of rising global gasoline production.”

So, Dangote Refinery had long been identified as a threat to European refineries.

It is because of its world wide acceptibility owing to its high quality that Dangote Refineries boss, Mr. Davekumar Edwin reminded the traducers of the firm that he would export his products if further stiffled by what he perceives as Nigerian hostile business environment.

In light of this, readers can imagine what the owners of the European refineries under threat of closure could have been doing to stop Dangote Refinery from being successfully established—by manipulating equipment suppliers, turnaround managers, and financial institutions with foreign origins. One can also imagine what they might have done to ensure that Nigeria's four nearly comatose government refineries remain dysfunctional, to retain the Nigerian market which is lucrative for their products.

A very jarring development to me in the course of the current hiatus in the oil/ gas industry is the statement by Dangote Refinery executive director, Mr. Davekumar Edwin:

“Well, I explained how there has been a kind of a blockade from lifting our products within the country. The traders have been trying to block (it), and so now we have been exporting our petroleum products. PMS, we are ready to pump in as much as possible to the country.

“But if the traders or NNPC are not buying the product, obviously, we will end up exporting the PMS as we are doing with the aviation jet and diesel,”

Perhaps a personal business experience with Dangote Group would better illustrate how professional and clinical chairman Aliko Dangote and his top executive Mr. Edwin can be.

About five (5) years ago SCOA plc a company where l serve as a non executive director and chairman of the audit committee since 2012 commenced the assemblage of M.A.N trucks in Nigeria.

We targeted selling our locally assembled trucks to Dangote Group which had about 5,000 trucks in its fleet to distribute the numerous products in which she is a market leader.

So l secured an appointment for SCOA Plc comprising of the GMD Dr. Massad Boulos and my self alongside three (3) executives from M.A.N trucks manufacturers from Germany to meet with Alh. Dangote in company of Mr. Edwin in Dangote corporate headquaters in ikoyi, Lagos. 

After the detailed presentation by the Germans, chairman Dangote asked them for the price of the truck. At that time it was twelve (N12m) million naira. He contrasted the cost of the Chinese alternative which was only three (N3m) million naira and which was already being successfully used to convey cement from her plant located in lbesse in Kogi state to Port Harcout and other locations in the south-east and south-south.

Being a pragmatic business man that Chairman Dangote is, although M.A.N truck , the European brand would last longer than the Chinese brand, his decision when it was enventually conveyed to me was that he would stick to his Chinese brand whose price was only a quarter of the price of the European brand.

I had to share my experience with the Chairman Dangote Group as detailed above in company of the vice president of the group, to illustrate how calculated Alh. Dangote and his executive, Mr. Edwin can be in decision making which underscores my concern that Dangote Refinery can actually carry out its alternative plan to export her refined petroleum products out of Nigeria if the need arises.

This clearly shows the difference between Dangote Group, the shroud business conglomerate and Dangote Foundation, the philantropic organization sharing one million bags of rice amongst indigent Nigerians nationwide. So if Nigerians are waiting for cheap petrol from Dangote Refinery, they may be waiting for the proverbial Goddot. 

That said, let's now focus on the telecommunications sector.

We are all familiar with the torturous path that Chief Adenuga navigated in founding Globacom. The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) failed to issue him a GSM license after he won the bid for one of the licenses, while two foreign-origin firms—MTN from South Africa and Econet from Zimbabwe—received theirs. The denial of a license to Globacom was based on the flimsy excuse that the investor failed to complete payment before the deadline, causing him a loss of a whopping $20 million that he had deposited.

Again, as with Dangote Refinery, where public servants tried to undermine the process, was it not unpatriotic civil servants who similarly failed to ensure that the GSM spectrum on sale to Globacom was unencumbered? Either by omission or commission, the bureaucrats failed to ensure that the spectrum offered was free of litigation. Upon discovery, Globacom withheld payment.

How could Chief Adenuga have paid for a spectrum that had a previous owner who was in court with the regulatory authority, NCC? If the Globacom founder had not been a tenacious fighter and had given up after losing his initial deposit of $20 million, perhaps we would not have an indigenous player in the GSM space, and per-second billing for services might have remained a mirage. It is also a testament to Chief Adenuga's perseverance that Nigeria has a multinational GSM service provider competing favorably in Nigeria and serving other African nations.

Presently, Glo, as it is commonly referred to, operates in four countries:  

(1) Nigeria  

(2) Ghana  

(3) Benin Republic  

(4) Senegal

Thus, it is effectively a West African telecommunications company providing mobile network services, including voice, data, and broadband solutions, to individuals and businesses in these countries.

Arising from the above, an industry that was previously a net exporter of wealth (with only foreign firms as service providers) now has Globacom as a contributor to Nigeria’s foreign exchange income, by virtue of being a recipient of foreign capital inflow through its African footprint.

In a similar vein, Air Peace, a local airline owned by Barrister Allen Onyema, is making waves in the aviation sector by operating under the Nigerian pact with other countries, including the United Kingdom (UK), through the Bilateral Air Service Agreement (BASA). This agreement, based on reciprocity, dictates the number of flights allowed into a partner's country. It was previously monopolized by UK airlines—British Airways and Virgin Atlantic—after the demise of Nigeria Airways. 

Commendably, Air Peace has recently stepped up to fill the void left by Nigeria Airways' shutdown. It is hypocritical, appalling, and oppressive that Air Peace was denied landing rights at London Heathrow Airport and confined to Gatwick Airport, despite the fact that British Airways and Virgin Atlantic land at multiple first-rate airports and cities in Nigeria—Lagos, Abuja, and Port Harcourt. They even park their aircrafts in prime positions usually reserved for the airline whose home base it is.

Even worse, British aviation authorities resorted to nitpicking by subjecting Air Peace to undue scrutiny. This underhanded tactic was cheered by some Nigerians, rather than demanding reciprocity in the same manner that British carriers fly into multiple airports in Nigeria. 

Despite these obstacles, and quite impressively, since Air Peace began operating flights into London, a route previously monopolized by UK airlines, the cost of fares has significantly decreased. The waiting list for travelers booked to fly with the airline to the UK can now be as long as three months (90 days). This bold initiative has not only been a game-changer but has also saved Nigeria foreign exchange (FX) that would have otherwise been sent to Europe (capital exportation)through the UK airlines' monopoly, which had arbitrarily charged Nigerian passengers higher fares. At one point, foreign airlines even compelled Nigerians to pay airfares in pounds sterling and dollars. 

As a result, undue pressure was mounted on the naira, contributing to the prevailing poor performance of the Nigerian currency against foreign currencies, as reflected in the current astronomical FX exchange rate, which is now in excess of N1600/$1.

It is not a mere coincidence that these three (3) indigenous firms, which are breaking the monopoly of foreign-owned corporations in the oil/gas, telephony, and aviation sectors, were singled out for recognition during the launch of my book: *Leading From The Streets: Media Interventions By A Public Intellectual 1999–2019, at Alliance Francaise/Mike Adenuga Centre in Ikoyi, Lagos, on May 8, just about five months ago. 

We did that after through research and we discovered that these iconic firms stood out as national brands driven by visionary entrepreneurs who are leading from the streets as they are people outside the orbit of government making positive impacts on society. 

Significantly, in a country plagued by ethnic nationalism that requires balancing opportunities among the three main tribes of Yoruba, Igbo, and Hausa/Fulani, the three firms identified are founded and driven by entrepreneurs from these respective ethnic groups-Hausa/fulani, Yoruba and lgbo. So, there would not be fear of favoritism of a member of one ethnic stock over the other.

What underscores the kernel of this essay is that since the entrepreneurs who founded these remarkable firms have succeeded in building and elevating them into national icons through sheer business acumen and entrepreneurial ingenuity, it behooves the federal government to give them the necessary support to transition from national brands into global icons. Doing so would not only create employment for Nigerians at home but also generate foreign exchange into our economy through patronage of the goods and services globally, using South Korean products -Samsung, LG, Daewoo etc as model.

We found a correlation between what had happened to hinder the growth and shackle the three (3) sectors, which the three (3) identified firms and individuals defied, hence we at Inspire Media Services ltd honored them. What may not be obvious not most Nigerians is that the challenges that they were confronted with are the driving force behind the lack of industrialization in our country and, by extension, our continent. 

These challenges are not obvious to a majority of us as they are often subtle and sometimes manifest as undiscernable sabotage by foreign firms in cahoots with local actors who seek to line their pockets with filty lucre at the expense of national interest. These local actors are embedded in strategic government agencies such as NNPC Ltd, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), and the Federal Aviation Authority of Nigeria (FAAN).

To drive home the point about how our country can adopt a different and proven industrialization paradigm, we need to examine the pathway adopted by South Korea, which enabled it to transition into the first world category. By comparing South Korea's economy, currently ranked 14th among the largest economies in the world in 2024, with a population of a mere 51 million in 2022, to Nigeria’s economy, with over 200 million people and ranked 53rd in the world, it becomes clear that we have much to learn from Korea. Especially because both countries were at the same development stage in the 1960s before South Korea surged ahead by thinking out- of-the-box and deviating from Western world development playbook.

The secret of South Korea's economic success cannot be told without emphasizing the role played by chaebols in elevating South Korean businesses to global status. Companies like Daewoo, Samsung, LG, and Hyundai would not have become household names worldwide if the chaebol concept had not been adopted by visionary Korean leader Mr. Park Chung-Hee, who transformed the country in the 1960s.

A deep dive into how Nigeria can follow the same industrialization path that South Korea took when it introduced chaebols at a similar development stage will be helpful. So, it is appropriate to put things into context.

To better understand, it is crucial to first define chaebols. Essentially, chaebols are large family-owned business conglomerates in South Korea, often compared to Japanese keiretsu or U.S. conglomerates. The term "chaebol" is derived from the Korean words "chae," meaning "wealth" or "property," and "bol," meaning "clan" or "family."

It is important to note that the concept of chaebols in Korea was introduced by the government, specifically by President Park Chung-Hee, who ruled South Korea from 1961 to 1979. His government actively promoted the development of chaebols as a key strategy for rapid economic growth and industrialization.

Given the success of this idea, which facilitated South Korea’s rapid industrialization in the 1960s, it is recommended for adaptation in Nigeria, which is at a similar development stage and needs to think outside the box to leapfrog from a third-world economy to a first-world economy, much like Singapore successfully did.

From historical records, President Park's government took the following strategic steps:

(A) Identified key industries and selected strategic sectors such as textiles, steel, and electronics for targeted support.  

(B) Provided financial, tax, and regulatory incentives to encourage entrepreneurship and investment in these industries.  

(C) Fostered close relationships with entrepreneurs and family-owned businesses, offering guidance, protection, and resources.

President Park initiated these actions because he viewed chaebols as a way to drive economic growth, industrialize and modernize the economy, promote exports, and earn foreign currency. It was also expected to reduce dependence on foreign capital and minimize reliance on foreign investment and loans.

If Nigeria's current economic situation is juxtaposed with that of South Korea when chaebols were leveraged, it becomes clear that Nigeria is at a similar socioeconomic crossroads and needs to adopt the Korean strategy. In the same way that government support helped chaebols grow rapidly and become a cornerstone of South Korea’s economic development, Nigeria’s national brands—Dangote Refinery, Globacom, and Air Peace—should be supported to become global icons.

Here are some key characteristics and facts about *chaebols*:

1. They are typically owned and controlled by a single family or a small group of families.  

2. Chaebols often have a wide range of business interests, including manufacturing, construction, finance, and services.  

3. They have historically had close relationships with the government, which has provided support and protection.  

4. Chaebols have a high degree of vertical integration, controlling multiple stages of production and supply chains.  

5. Many chaebols have expanded globally, with operations and subsidiaries around the world.

Isn’t it amazing that all of these characteristics are associated with the Nigerian brands that one has recommended for elevation into chaebol status by the Nigerian government?

Below are some well-known chaebols from South Korea:  

1. Samsung Group  

2. Hyundai Motor Group  

3. LG Group  

However, this close relationship between government and business often common with charbols has led to criticisms of crony capitalism, corruption, and unequal opportunities for smaller businesses. While have played a significant role in South Korea's rapid economic growth and industrialization, they have also faced criticism for nepotism, stifling competition, and inhibiting innovation.

Overall, chaebols remain a dominant force in the South Korean economy, despite facing increasing scrutiny and calls for reform.

With respect to Nigeria, where the government has historically been at the commanding heights of the economy, government monopoly has always hindered economic development. So transitioning from government monopoly to private-sector-led development/monopoly , as chaebols demonstrate, is a better option. This is evidenced by how the success of chaebols enabled South Korea to transition from a developing nation, like Nigeria in the 1960s, to one of the Asian Tigers—a status many developing countries are currently aspiring to achieve/attain.

Having tried to tread the well beaten paths sometimes routed in Western dogma to pull our country and by extension our continent out of stagnated development, it is perhaps time to try the proven Asian paradigm for change via the adoption of the chaebols methodology to industrialization and the continent of Africa having a presence on the global stage as exporter of finished products instead of mere source of raw materials and market for the industrialized world’s myriads of finished products which we should be able to produce in our country and on the continent. 

Magnus Onyibe,an entrepreneur,public policy analyst, author,democracy advocate,development strategist,alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy,Tufts University, Massachusetts,USA and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.

To continue with this conversation and more ,please visit www.magnum.ng

The story of Chimmy Joeaneke, as relayed in a major  newspaper report in Nigeria last week, is as amazing as it is incredible. It is the story of a young Nigerian woman who dreamt big from her early days, pursued the dreams and finally emerged from the foggy dreamland into the dizzying heights of space exploration, aerospace engineering and cybersecurity.

As I read the inspiring story in the Daily Sun last Thursday, I couldn’t but marvel at her tenacity that drove her to triumph against the odds and the sights she has set on greater things, especially in aviation.

Chimmy is a Nigerian dream come true; a trail-blazer in many ways. Her dreams were planted in the streets of Abuja, where her fascination with aeroplanes fueled her curiosity and interest in the world of aviation. And today the young girl has made her mark in a field many would regard as a man’s world.

The United States-based aerospace engineer is just 27, yet she already boasts a first degree in Aerospace and Aeronautical/Space Engineering from the prestigious Florida Institute of Technology (FIT) in Melbourne, and a Masters degree in Information Systems Security at the University of the Cumberlands, Kentucky. With advanced certifications in information systems security, and a groundbreaking research in alternative space travel, she must be one of the few of that age who have attained such enviable heights in such an exclusive field.

Chimmy says she was inspired by her fathers service in the aviation sector, and she determined quite early to follow the same vision. Through hard work and focus, she has emerged as one of the innovators whose study and research have equipped with cutting-edge skills to protect critical aviation systems and infrastructure from emerging threats. Such an expertise could be of benefit to her country of origin, Nigeria, whose aviation and security industry could benefit from it.

Chimmy has also been a part of research related to alternative space travel using helium balloons. Her research work on Recoverable High Altitude Balloon (ReHAB) is an innovative approach that aims to provide the potential for space tourism that is more cost-effective and environmentally-friendly. The research has garnered international recognition, with publications addressing critical issues such as the impact of AI and automation on the workforce. Her advanced certifications in information systems security also position her as a leading figure in the development of secure aviation technologies.

This is critical to many economies at a time unmanned aerial vehicles has become increasingly adaptable for various purposes, including surveillance, cargo delivery, and disaster response. It is one technology that several states in Nigeria have been able to employ in their programs.

The government of Bayelsa State, for instance, has effectively expanded the capabilities of the aviation sector in its drug delivery program. The state government’s partnership with Zipline for real time distribution of needed drugs to rural health centres, is undoubtedly one of Governor Douye Diri’s most outstanding projects. With over a dozen drones taking off in turns with small packs of needed drugs to riverine and unreachable areas, and returning seamlessly within minutes to the central drugs depot, the state’s rural health program has emerged as one of the bestbin Nigeria. It is even more exciting for the health workers who make the drug requisition online, stand outside and watch their packs drop within minutes, conveniently in front of their health facilities.

The cutting edge expertise that Chimmy is involved in, also pertains to the integration of cybersecurity in aerospace systems, which will help greatly in checking cyber threats and cyber attacks that are becoming increasingly sophisticated.

In an industry where women are significantly underrepresented, especially women of colour – even in the US – Chimmy’s success is both groundbreaking and inspiring. Her journey from a curious child to a leading expert in multiple critical fields is a powerful reminder that true innovation often begins with a dream and the courage to pursue it.

For the 27-year-old who hails from Obinagu in Udi Local Government Area of Enugu State, her hands-on experience in several high-end tech companies in the US – Dell Technologies, Amazon Inc. and Mural Microsoft where she served as a Microsoft IT Consultant – also stand her out.

Her contributions are not just a personal triumph but a catalyst for change that are significant for Nigeria’s aviation and security sectors in need of skilled professionals who can bridge the gap between engineering and cybersecurity. It is a powerful narrative of overcoming adversity, a story that encourages young women everywhere to pursue their dreams, no matter how insurmountable they may seem.

With so many worrisome things going on in the country – a sudden jack-up in the pump price of PMS from under N700 per litre to between N850/litre and N1,400 per litre depending on the area (barely a month after the hunger-driven #EndBadGovernance protest), the return of punishing queues at petrol stations and a largely despondent and cowed citizenry, it makes sense to seek escapism from it all. Coincidently, today, Tuesday September 2024, is the day of the first debate between Republican Presidential candidate Donald Trump and his Democratic Party counterpart, Kamala Harris. It is a debate that could potentially redefine the trajectory of the presidential race, providing another justification for ‘journey to America’.

So far the general consensus is that it will be a close race. As of September 8, 2024, the New York Times’ national polling average had Kamala Harris ahead with 49% points against Trump’s 47%. Both candidates are competitive in key battleground states like Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Nevada, Arizona and North Carolina. Based on the aforementioned polling figures, the difference between the two is statistically insignificant and within the margins of error.

Though Kamala Harris still leads in most of the polls, it would seem that the bounce from the Democratic National Convention, the powerful endorsements by Democratic bigwigs like the Obamas, Clintons and Nancy Pelosi, and the novelty of her emergence as the Republican candidate, have begun to cool off. But she received a boost recently (which is not yet reflected in most of the polls) when Professor Alan Lichtman picked her to win the race. Professor Lichtman, 77, a Professor of History at the American University in Washington DC, who is dubbed the “Nostradamus” of US presidential elections, had accurately predicted the outcome of all but one (George W Bush v Al Gore in 2000) presidential elections since 1984. Professor Lichtman predicted that Kamala Harris was on course to win the November poll despite the fact that Democrats had, with Biden stepping aside from the race without resigning from being president, surrendered the valuable key of presidential incumbency –  one of the 13 keys he uses to determine the outcome of presidential elections. The “keys” are a set of true/false propositions that does not take into account polling trends. Of his 13 keys, Professor Lichtman, who is also competing in the qualifying race for the 2025 national senior Olympics in the US, found that eight favoured Harris. Lichtman’s reputation as a Nostradamus of presidential election prediction was given a tremendous boost when he accurately predicted that Trump would win the 2016 presidential election at a time most of the polls had it sealed for Hilary Clinton. Will he also be correct this time around?

This year’s election is unprecedented in America’s presidential history. For the first time, a woman is the candidate of a major political party which raises an important question (though discussed in hush-hush tones because of political correctness) of whether American voters are now prepared for a female president. There is also the matter of whether Americans are ready for another Black President. Under America’s ‘one-drop rule’, Kamala Harris is Black. The ‘one-drop’ rule was a legal principle of racial classification in the 20th-century United States under which a person with even one drop of blood in the person’s ancestry is considered Black (Negro or coloured in historical terms). Kamala Harris’ father was Jamaican and her mother Indian. The fear when a Black candidate runs against a White candidate is the so-called ‘Bradley effect’. This was named after Tom Bradley, an African-American candidate who lost the 1982 California gubernatorial race despite having a massive lead in the polls going into the election against a White candidate. Adherents of the ‘Bradley effect’ believe that some White voters will often lie to pollsters that they are undecided or likely to vote for a minority candidate for fear of being accused of racism.  This means that for Kamala Harris, there is potentially a double whammy – being Black and being female.

How do both candidates frame each other?  Democrats have successfully framed Donald Trump as an existential threat to American democracy. He is profiled as someone who lies chronically and repeatedly, an ex-convict, and someone who would go all out to jail his political opponents. He is also portrayed as someone who would further mainstream right-wing political philosophies and of being inconsistent in his political beliefs –  having shifted political affiliations, like Nigerian politicians, five times since he first registered as a Republican in 1987. For instance, in 1999, he changed his party affiliation to the Independence Party of New York; in August 2001, he changed it to Democratic; in September 2009, he changed it back to the Republican Party; in December 2011, he changed to “no party affiliation” but in April 2012, he again returned to the Republican party. These inconsistencies have led to his critics accusing him of being in politics just for himself.

Though Trump seems to be shifting his political position to the centre of the right during the campaigns to broaden his appeal beyond his traditional base, essentially Whites without college qualifications,  he appears to struggle to stay on that political spectrum.  People who admire him however talk of his authenticity – he says what he means – even if it is utterly unpalatable to his listeners. His Making America Great Again (MAGA) mantra appeals to a base that is suspicious of immigration, trade competition with China and America’s engagements overseas and relatively huge contributions to international institutions.  He is also hugely popular with evangelical Christians who loathe what they regard as the erosion of the country’s Christian values, such as the legalisation and apparent promotion of same-sex marriage under the Democratic governments of Obama and Biden.

Harris benefits from a fear of a Trump Presidency – which is one of the primary drivers of her candidacy. One of the biggest criticisms against her candidacy however is the vision thing –  she has been accused of being unable to layout her vision of the country succinctly. Even in the CNN interview she held with her vice presidential nominee Gov. Tim Walz on Thursday, August 29, 2024, she was thought to be too cautious and unable to succinctly present any grand vision of her plans for America.  She has also been accused of having poor messaging skills, especially when the parameters are wide. One major explanation for this could be the suddenness of her emergence as a Democratic candidate – which gave her some bounce but also embodied some disadvantages for her. It is generally believed that politicians who rose to prominence as governors or spent a good number of years in the Congress are better at articulating their political messages since they would have spent years honing such skills while in office. Doubts have also been expressed on whether she will be able to reverse the Democrats’ growing weakness among working-class voters—most particularly, the white working-class *-ters who have been trending Republican for a very long time.

The debate, which starts at 9 p.m. Eastern Time, could be a game changer. A self-inflicted harm in the debate by either of the candidates could alter the trajectory of the race. There is however also the ‘October surprise’ or what military strategists would call the ‘fog of war’.  This means that whatever may be the outcome of the debate, there could still be a variable missed by all analysts which could turn up late in the race (hence ‘October surprise’) and become the ultimate game changer.

Jidofor Adibe is a Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Nasarawa State University and founder of Adonis & Abbey Publishers (www.adonis-abbey.com). He can be reached at: 0705 807 8841 (WhatsApp and Text messages only).

He is a teacher, banker, public servant and an eminent economist who served two Presidents as minister, in addition to several other high-profile positions. With all his accomplishments, Dr. Shamsuddeen Usman is one of the most self-effacing and unassuming Nigerians that I know. He turns 75 on Wednesday, September 18, and here’s wishing him more years on earth in good health.
I have known Dr. Usman since 1988. Never for once have I heard his name mentioned in any unethical or corrupt circumstance. In a country where many former public officials live in opulence on stolen wealth and those still in service are almost richer than the state, Dr. Usman is something of a rarity. As Minister of Finance under President Yar’Adua, he publicly declared his assets, along with the Minister of State, Remi Babalola, in a clear emulation of the example set by President Yar'adua. So far, they are the only two Nigerian ministers to have publicly declared their assets and liabilities, to demonstrate honesty and transparency.

To celebrate this icon, many dignitaries and distinguished Nigerians will assemble at the Musa Yar’Adua Centre in Abuja on September 26 to officially launch a book he coauthored and unveil a foundation established in his honour by his children. Those expected at the event include the Vice President, Senator Kashim Shetima; former President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan; former Vice President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo and many political and business chieftains.

Titled, ‘’Public Policy and Agent Interests: Perspectives from the Emerging World’’, the book is a unique publication on both the impetus for, and impediments to growth and development in emerging economies. It provides a fascinating and penetrating insight into the workings of government and the boardroom, in terms of policy formulation and implementation, economic management as well as the overall growth paradigm in the developing world, with Nigeria as a case study. It is also an account of the interactions between the government, its agencies and the private sector and how such engagements impact national growth, investments and the overall performance of the economy. His own personal experiences of how self interests overwhelm the public interest in government are well documented in the book.

Like many in his generation, Usman was born into a very modest setting, but unlike many others then, he was lucky to acquire good education from primary school to university. Initially, he worked in the Kano State public service; serving at a time as Director of Budget and Economic Advisor to Second Republic Governor Abubarkar Rimi. He also lectured at Ahmadu Bello University, where one of his students was the one and only Sanusi Lamido Sanusi (now Dr. Muhammad Sanusi II). In 1981, Usman moved to Lagos to begin his long career in the financial services industry. He rose through the ranks and held many positions, including Executive Director at Union Bank and UBA and Managing Director & Chief Executive of NAL Merchant Bank (now Sterling Bank).

In 1999, President Obasanjo appointed him Deputy Governor of the CBN where he was at different times in charge of multiple portfolios such as Operations; Financial Sector Stability and Economic Policy. He also led the team that was responsible for the Project EAGLES – involving a comprehensive overhaul of the apex bank’s operational and IT infrastructures. The project was so successful that Usman was decorated with many awards for his leadership.

He was at the CBN when, in 2007, President Yar’Adua appointed him Finance Minister and, later, National Planning Minster, a portfolio he also held under President Jonathan. He excelled so much at National Planning that in 2013, President Jonathan described him as ‘’the Best Minister of National Planning’’ that Nigeria ever had.

Earlier, the Babangida military government in 1988 appointed Usman DG of TCPC (now BPE), the agency that managed the government’s privatization program. The TCPC efficiently and with much integrity handled the privatisation and commercialisation of over 150 state-owned enterprises between 1988 and 1992, thereby deepening the Nigerian capital market and offering thousands of Nigerians a unique opportunity to invest in the market for the first time. That’s when our paths crossed. I was a business journalist, covering the privatisation program, among other beats. Over time, I forged a close working relationships with Dr. Usman and the late Dr. Hamza Zayyad, who was the TCPC Chairman. Dr. Zayyad even gave me a beautiful wedding gift some years later. Under the leaderships of the two men, TCPC developed a code of conduct barring its members and staffers from buying any of the shares or assets the TCPC was selling. If that standard of integrity had been maintained, we would most likely not be witnessing all the cases of corruption currently going on in the country.

I found Dr. Usman very friendly, approachable and mild-mannered. A dapper, he usually turned out in business suits at the many public events of theTCPC. ‘’He is too polite and decent for a Kano man’’, a reporter once remarked. I noticed that Usman had taken some kind of interest in me, among the many reporters that covered TCPC. One day, he invited me into his office and asked about my work, family and welfare and commended me for covering the privatisation program so well. I was to learn many years later that he had served in the first set of the NYSC scheme in 1973 in what is now Akwa Ibom State. The Catholic secondary school he taught in Ikwen, Ikot Ekpene LGA, is still thriving. This year, it recorded one of the best WAEC results in the state. Incidentally, the current principal of the school, a reverend gentleman, is my friend. Usman recently told me that he’s not only visited all the 36 states in the country, and has friends and contacts in all of them, but he has literally visited every major town in Nigeria, as well. This is obvious from his cosmopolitan and national outlook.

Since he left public office, Usman has immersed himself in community development and philanthropy. One of his several philanthropic programs is a community hospital which he established and has been funding to provide medical services to the people. Known as ‘’Gidauniyar Alheri Community Health Centre’’, it is located in Garangamawa Ward, Gwale LGA of Kano State. It was founded in 2010 and has provided healthcare services to thousands of people, especially women and children. In 2021, the hospital went into partnership and collaboration with the French charity, Medicins Sans Frontiers (Doctors without Borders) which has boosted the health centre's capacity to address maternal and neonatal care in Kano.

Today, the health centre is helping to deliver over 200 babies a month, which is second only to the much bigger Murtala Mohammed Hospital in the whole of Kano State. The collaboration with Doctors Without Borders has also assisted in offering family planning services, care of the new born and capacity building to the staff of the centre and other public health facilities.

To provide banking services to the people, Usman also established the Gidauniyar Alheri Microfinance Bank, which is helping to expand financial inclusion and entrepreneurship in the community. He is also the founder and Chairman of the Kano Peace and Development Association, and the Kano/Jigawa Professionals Forum, two organizations aimed at promoting peaceful coexistence, peace and development, and professionalism, respectively.

To honour his impactful life and leave a legacy for future generation, his children recently founded and registered a foundation known as the Shamsudeen Usman Foundation that is dedicated to the promotion of education in the country. The foundation’s mission is to create a collaborative that empowers individuals, corporates, researchers and students to explore and develop advanced AI and technological solutions for real-world challenges. Its signature project is the establishment of an AI and Technology Development Centre whose main focus will be skills development, innovation and economic development.

Dr. Usman earned his BSc in Economics from Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) and MSc and PhD in Economics from the London School of Economics and Political Science. He is a former President and a Fellow of the Nigerian Economic Society, and a Fellow of the Society for Corporate Governance Nigeria and of the Chartered Institute of Bankers. Many congratulations to this well-respected Nigerian!

The increase in VAT is set to become the blazing inferno that will consume the very essence of our people.

President Bola Tinubu, alongside his coterie of advisers, has resolved to raise the VAT rate from 7.5% to 10%, even as the NNPCL has announced a soaring PMS price increase at the pump. This move unveils a new era of regressive and punitive policies, and its impact is destined to deepen the domestic cost-of-living crisis and exacerbate Nigeria’s already fragile economic growth.

President Tinubu and his entourage seem to be resorting to their familiar tactic: heaping burdens upon the impoverished while steadfastly ignoring their extravagant excesses! Tinubu’s actions reflect a profound insensitivity to the plight of the less fortunate as he indulges in the opulent renovation of villas and the acquisition of new jets and vehicles for himself and his family.

One need not be an economist to grasp the ominous implications of President Tinubu’s ill-conceived policies for Nigeria’s future. The relentless rise in taxes and interest rates has proven excessively onerous, debilitating businesses of all sizes and leading to job losses while intensifying the suffering of the poor. The manufacturing sector, in particular, has endured relentless strife since Tinubu’s ascendancy, with its contribution to the GDP diminishing by over 20% since December 2023, as reported by the NBS.

In early August, Tinubu turned his attention to agriculture. As is customary with this administration, a new policy was clandestinely formulated and announced, permitting duty-free importation of agricultural commodities such as wheat, maize, and paddy, despite vehement opposition from farmer groups nationwide. This policy poses a grave threat to Nigeria’s food security ambitions, as local farmers, facing unfair competition from low-cost producers in Asia, Europe, and America, are compelled to reduce or entirely abandon their production efforts. It jeopardizes job creation, wealth generation, and the sector’s long-term prosperity, casting a shadow over Nigeria’s sustainability and development.

President Tinubu and his advisers would be wise to redirect their efforts towards crafting sustainable solutions to the systemic shocks afflicting the economy rather than compounding the crisis with measures destined to ignite further turmoil.

Signed:
Atiku Abubakar
Vice President of Nigeria (1999-2007) and Presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (2023)
Abuja

In the heart of Nigeria, nestled in the ancient city of Benin, lives a great name that resonates with power, resourcefulness, entrepreneurship, influence, benevolence, generosity, philanthropy, altruism, social conscience, public spiritedness and exemplary leadership.

“Be not afraid of greatness. Some are born great, some achieve greatness, and others have greatness thrust upon them” – Williams Shakespeare in Twelfth Night (Act 2 Scene 5).

Our subject of discourse, was neither born great nor did he have greatness thrust upon him. Rather, he achieved greatness. He did this by dint of hardwork, perseverance and diligence. He enjoys the middle greatness of William Shakespeare. He is a colossus.

That colossus is Chief Gabriel Osawaru Igbinedion. His famous traditional title is Esama of Benin which traditionally means “the son of the people” who has the responsibility of assisting the poor in monetary and private ventures. In this, our subject of discourse has excelled. He is a man whose life story is a loud testament to the power of determination, vision and an unwavering commitment to the betterment of his community and country. With a legacy that spans over seven decades, Esama Igbinedion has left an indelible mark on the social, political and economic landscape of Nigeria. His is a story of “impossibility made possible” (Apologies to another legend, Aare Afe Babalola, SAN, CON, whose biography has the same title). Esama Igbinedion is a man whose octopaedal impact reaches far beyond the boundaries of his homeland of Edo and echoes globally.

TENDERFEET

Chief Igbinedion, a Christian, Catholic, teetotaler and Honorary Romania Consult to Edo and Delta States since 2005, was born on the 11^th day of September, 1934, in the then small farming village of Okada in the present Ovia North-East Local Government Area of Edo State, Nigeria. He was born to the family of late Josiah Agharagbon Oviawe Igbinedion and Madam Okunozee (nee Ihaza), a descendant of the Royal House of Usen. He is the only surviving child of both parents. Igbinedion’s upbringing was rooted in modesty; and he was raised in a traditional African household where values of honesty, integrity, hard work, respect for elders and community solidarity were instilled in him from a very tender age. The highly revered Esama had, at the early stage of his life, beaten the dusty streets of Benin, selling kerosine in bottles. That did not deter him. He trudged on. He conquered poverty; anonymity.

These formative years showcased his potentials as a future leader. His uncompromising entrepreneurship began to manifest. He demonstrated exceptional academic ability and an innate flair for business, traits that would later serve him well in years to come. It is true the aphorisms that the morning tells the day and that the dog that would bear a curved tail can be easily spotted from its puppy stage.

A-Z ALPHABETS

Igbinedion began his A-Z alphabets learning process of primary education at the Roman Catholic School, Okada, now known as St. Gabriel's Primary School Okada. When he moved to Benin, he was enrolled at the Benin Baptist School, now known as Emokpae Primary School on Mission Road in Benin City. This was after short periods at Ezomo Baptist School and Ore Oghene Primary School, all located in Benin City. His movement to Benin from Okada was motivated by a number of factors, fundamental amongst which was the death of his father. Being of humble beginning, Esama was not in any position to continue his education without his father. He had to seek the support of well wishers. He left Okada to live in Benin City as a househelp to, among others, Mr. Samson Aiwekhoe Idahosa, a Forest Guard at Okada who enrolled him at the Benin Baptist School. In an interview, Mr. Idahosa disclosed that he brought the young Osawaru to settle in Benin City; and that all he brought along with him were a few clothes purchased partly with the reclaimed bride price of twelve pounds which his father had paid on a young wife who was yet to join him before he died.

VENTURING INTO AN INCLEMENT WORLD

Esama Igbinedion's journey into the harsh world of business commenced with a small-scale trading enterprise in the heart of Benin City. His initial ventures included trading in goods such as soft drinks, groceries and textiles. Chief Igbinedion's heroic contribution is in the form of putting back the Kingdom on the map of the world as in the days of old. Benin Empire had acquired international status in the 16^th century as an empire of commerce and cultural excellence, a situation that was marred partially by the event of 1897. The Benin Kingdom today has sufficiently regained a large portion of its lost glory not in terms of territorial size, but in international fame through the conscious activities of contemporary Benin heroes. However, it was his foray into the transportation industry that marked a turning point in his checkered career. In 1983, he established the Okada Air, which operated both domestic and international flights, commencing with a charter operation in September, 1983, with a fleet of BAC-One Eleven 300s.

Under his visionary leadership, Okada Air grew rapidly, with over 40 aircraft (planes and helicopters), thus becoming one of Nigeria's most successful airlines of its time whose name could have entered the Guiness Book of Records. This marked the beginning of Esama Igbinedion's ascent as a leading business mogul and uncommon entrepreneur in Nigeria. His success in the transportation industry paved the way for him to diversify into other sectors, including education, real estate, hospitality and banking.

It was in the peak of Nigeria's oil boom in1981 that Igbinedion saw the need for the active participation of the private sector in the Aviation industry. In that year, Chief Igbinedion purchased his first private aircraft through one Mr. Derek Lowe of Executive Jet Sales. The HS125 was launched and blessed at Benin Airport by His Royal Majesty, Omo N'Oba N'Edo, Uku Akpolokpolo, Oba Erediuwa, the Oba of Benin. Thereafter, in 1983, Igbinedion boldly recorded the first private initiative in the fledgling Aviation industry when he established Okada Airline Ltd. His next venture was the purchase of a BAC 1-11 executive jet which was formerly owned by the deposed President Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines.

Chief Igbinedion was enraptured with the BAC 1-11 Series. By 1988, the Okada Airline fleet comprised two executive BAC 1-11 and nine BAC 1-11 passenger/cargo aircraft. This feat was accomplished with the help of Mr. D.H. Walter of British Caledonian, who was responsible for the sale of the BAC 1-11 fleet from Sir Freddie Laker of Laker Airways. From that moment on, Okada Airline began to grow by leaps and bounds. With the support of major Aviators such as British Aerospace, Rolls-Royce, Aer Lingus, Dan Air, Rogers Aviation, A.J. Walter, FLS Aerospace, Dunlop Aviation & Tyres amongst others. At the climax of Okada Air's tale of success, Chief Igbinedion had amassed a fleet of over 40 aircraft!.

Chief Igbinedion later made history with the acquisition of a Boeing 747 Jumbo Jet. The B747 was officially commissioned by the then Vice President, Admiral Augustus Aikhomu on behalf of the then President, General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida who also graced the occasion. The arrival of President Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida in recognition of this unparalleled achievement by a Nigerian citizen gave the commissioning ceremony the Presidential Seal and launched the aircraft into service. This auspicious ceremony took place at the Abuja International Airport on 7^th May, 1992, making Chief Igbinedion, the Chairman of Okada Airline, the first black man in the twentieth century to own and operate a Boeing 747 aircraft.

Esama Igbinedion's commitment to economic development extended beyond his personal ventures. He actively contributed to the growth of Benin City and Edo State through various infrastructural investments and philanthropic initiatives. His investments in real estate, including the development of the sprawling Okada Wonderland Resort, contributed to the economic development and tourism potential of the region.

He introduced, arguably, the first Tennis Tournament ever held in Nigeria with the Ogbe Hard Court Tournament which threw up international Tennis Stars such as Nduka Odizor (“the Duke”), David Imonite and Veronica Oyibokia. Odizor remains the only Nigerian that ever reached the round of 16 at the Wimbledon Grand Slam. The Tournament attracted global superstars among whom was American Tennis legend, Arthur Ashe.

The tall, handsome, debonair, sartorial, magisterial and fair-complexioned Esama is happily married to beautiful Lady Cherry Igbinedion, an indigene of Jamaica. His children include a successful son, Chief Lucky, who was a two-term Local Government Chairman and two-term Governor of Edo State.  Another son, Bright Igbinedion, is an internationally acclaimed Oil and Gas Czar; while Charles was a Local Government Chairman and one time Edo State Commissioner for Education. Yet, a third one, Peter, was the Managing Director of the Nigerian Aviation Authority (NAA). Michael Igbinedion, a chip off the old block, is Chairman/CEO of a group of companies with diverse interests in Oil and Gas, water, hospitality and realty. One of Esama’s daughters, Hon. Omosede Igbinedion, is a top politician and a former member of the Federal House of Representatives, representing Ovia Federal Constituency in Edo State. There are many other successful children, as the Igbinedion orchard has produced many illustrious fruits that did not fall far away from the parent tree. Considering Walt Disney’s quote that “life is beautiful; its about giving; its about family”; and Pope John XXIII’s dictum that “the family is the essential cell of human society”, it is as clear as a whistle that the Esama has succeeded exceptionally.

It is no easy task to render an exhaustive account of Chief Igbinedion's conquests on the global business arena. However, it is pertinent to say that his numerous companies have over the years cut across diverse areas such as Aviation, Radio (92.3 FM); and television broadcasting (Igbinedion TV); salt manufacturing; crude oil exploration; and solid minerals (marble, gold and diamond mines across Africa). He had also ventured into soft drinks bottling; real estate; fruit and fish farming; palm oil production, petroleum and gas marketing; shipping, haulage, road transport, confectionery and hospitality (numerous hotels); among many other businesses. He once owned the now defunct famous Crown Merchant Bank. But perhaps, one of his greatest legacies will be the pioneering of Mid Motors (Nig.) Limited in 1968, the first indigenous Motor Assembly plant in Nigeria.

PHILANTHROPY

Esama Igbinedion's philanthropic strides extend to healthcare, as he founded the Igbinedion Medical Centre, which has since provided top-notch medical services to the people of Edo State and beyond. He has built numerous churches including a grand catholic cathedral and private hospitals across Nigeria. The Esama has been a “Jack-of-all-Trades” and “Master of all”. Similarly, the Benin Kingdom has been made proud by the Esama in other circumstances. It produced through Chief Igbinedion, the highest donor to the 1984/85 Bendel State Development Fund; the Cross River State Development Fund; the Plateau State Development Fund, Langtang Chapter; Niger State Development Fund; and the highest donor in Nigeria to the Southern Africa Relief Fund. This was Chief Igbinedion's contribution to the dismantling of apartheid amid the freedom of Nelson Mandela. He was also the first individual in Africa to provide and maintain a point-to-multipoint microwave telephone system to link Okada, his home town, to the world, a project commissioned by Col. A. Tanko Ayuba, the then Minister of Communications on 10^th August,1987. Chief Osawaru Igbinedion was the first Nigerian to establish the largest and best equipped private hospital and medical research centre in Nigeria and West Africa.

It is often said, sometimes enviously, sometimes admiringly, but always with a hint of awe, that Papa Igbinedion, has wielded more powers and influence over a longer period than any business leader in Nigeria of today. But he is too polite to make such a claim himself; even as he tacitly acknowledges its validity. When asked what he has learnt about being so powerful on the Nigerian business terrain, he simply smiled and said, “It is tough and lonely at the top.” Lonely at the top?  Is it not even very damp at the bottom where he trudged for decades?

Everything Igbinedion does creates a chain of spirally reactions, often leading to unexpected theories, conspiracies, combinations and conjectures. It is with gratitude to the Almighty God that it is acknowledged that the aging “Lion of Okada” has many competent children who now play the roles he once played in his business empire. But the convivial Esama still seems frisky and in no hurry to step aside, even at a nonagenarian age. Even when he does, he will continue to play the roles he dearly relishes: powerful, rococo, luminous, flamboyant, colourful and unrivalled in setting the pace and standards for others to follow. He will continue to be imitated and emulated by generations yet unborn.

The name CHIEF GABRIEL OSAWARU IGBINEDION has since become synonymous with success, courage and daring bravado, for he has always been a man who treads where even angels fear to approach.

A respected member of the Eghavbonore elite league in the Oba of Benin’s Palace in the great Benin Kingdom (a group to which I proudly belong as the Enobakhare of Benin) the Esama is today the Chancellor and Chairman of the Board of Regents of the first private University in Nigeria, the Igbinedion University at Okada. This position which he occupies is a befitting tribute to his over 50 years of tenacious struggle to bring about phenomenal development in the education sector. It was the struggle of his life to which this relentless moneybag selflessly committed enormous resources, time, energy and talents. And he has succeeded. Thanks be to God Most High.

HIS MANY CHALLENGES AND CONTROVERSIES

Like many historical figures, Esama Igbinedion's life and career have not been without their fair share of controversies and challenges. His businesses, many a time, faced economic downturns and government interference. The aviation industry, in particular, was marked by turbulence. Okada Air eventually faced mounting financial difficulties and was liquidated in the late 1990s.

The Esama was also in 2008 suspended from participating in palace activities due to some disagreements. It is however on record that the Oba of Benin did not declare the Esama as an enemy of the Palace as was widely but wrongly speculated. He was suspended as the Esama of Benin. On the 13^th day of June, 2012, upon forgiveness by the revered Oba of Benin, His Royal Majesty, Omo N'Oba N'Edo, Uku Akpolokpolo, Oba Erediuwa, the Palace made a press release (BTC.A66/VOL.V/171) which unambiguously informed the general public that the Esama had been forgiven and that the suspension earlier placed on Igbinedion had been lifted. This was an affirmation that Gabriel Osawaru Igbinedion remains the Esama of Benin Kingdom and a very loyal Palace Chief to the Oba of Benin, His Royal Majesty, Omo N'Oba N'Edo, Uku Akpolokpolo, Oba Ewuare II. Oba Ghato Kpere! Isee.

FROM POLITICS TO TRADITION

Esama Igbinedion's influence wasn't confined solely to the business arena. He has also played a significant role in Nigerian politics, using his boundless wealth and resources to support various political causes and candidates, including that of Chief Lucky, his son. His involvement in politics was characterized by his commitment to the betterment of his immediate community and the entire country.

The Esama as a traditional icon has played a significant role in traditional and cultural affairs. He has used his prestigious title of the Esama of Benin (a high-ranking traditional chieftaincy title bestowed upon individuals who have made significant contributions to the Benin Kingdom), to influence, promote and preserve the rich customs, traditions and renaissance of the cultural heritage of the Benin people and Benin Kingdom.

ESAMA’S IMPERISHABLE LEGACY

Regardless of the challenges he faced early in life, Esama Igbinedion's legacy is one that cannot be denied or diminished. His contributions to the youth, business, education, healthcare, hospitality and cultural renaissance have left an indelible mark on the landscape of Edo State in particular, Nigeria and Africa in general. His philanthropic endeavors continue to impact the lives of countless individuals who have benefited and continue to benefit immensely from the various institutions he established and financed.

DRAWING THE CURTAINS

In the grand tapestry of Nigerian history and culture, the name Chief Gabriel Osawaru Igbinedion, the Esama of Benin, stands out as a symbol of resilience, determination and unwavering commitment to community development and lifting from doldrums, the holloipoloi. From his humble beginnings in Okada and Benin City, to his rise as a prominent businessman, philanthropist extraordinaire, foremost traditional icon and cultural Ambassador, Esama Igbinedion's life story is a living testament to the power of vision, determination, hard work and doggedness.

The Esama remains a revered figure; a living prodigy and legend, celebrated for his works to uplift humanity.

In reflecting on the life and legacy of Esama Igbinedion, one cannot help but be inspired and energised by his journey from a small trading enterprise to becoming a towering figure in the Nigerian and African space. His story serves as a reminder to us all that with sheer determination, resilience, doggedness and a principled commitment to the betterment of one's society, it is possible to leave a lasting legacy that transcends generations. The Esama is doing just that. He is a pride to Edo State, Nigeria, Africa and the Black Race. This is why he deserves to be celebrated while he is still alive. He must be told in clear terms that he has done excellently well. Papa Esama sir, march on. Continue to conquer and excel. Continue to remain regal, resplendent and noble.

Congratulations sir on your 90^th birthday. For you, Genesis 6: 3 is assured.

At the just concluded 65th annual conference of the Nigerian Economic Society (NES) in Abuja, one of the highlights of the annual ritual was the conferment of the 2024 Distinguished Economic Service Award on seven eminent Nigerians. And yours sincerely is one of the awardees. This is one award that holds a fundamental significance among all the other ones I have been conferred with. And the singular reason is that this conferment articulates a significant plank in my institutional and governance reforms campaign in Nigeria. That plank insists that there is an intellectual component in the imperative of institutional reform that demands a collaborative engagement between professionals and academics/intellectual. This is because a crucial part of the diagnosis of reform failure in Nigeria is the failure to understand that reform itself has an intellectual and theoretical basis that many reformers are not aware of. We deride theories as if they have no practical import. There is no one engaging with Nigeria and her development dynamics that would not get involved in conversation with economics and economists. This is why associations like NES and the National Economic Summit Group (NESG) are critical to the understanding of Nigeria’s governance and economic predicaments, and how we can find a way or ways out of the woods.

I deeply appreciate Prof. Adeola Adenikinju, president of NES and the entire governing council for this unquantifiable honor. It is an honor I would never have expected, but one I am delighted about so much. That my essentially basic understanding of the economic and developmental component of institutional reform is noticed by an erudite association is no mean feat. My reflection on this critical award therefore enables me to connect my conversations and collaborations with economists and economic discourses with my institutional reform agenda. And all these come together around the trajectory of the mentoring experience I had with the late Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade, great economist, erudite scholar and president of the NES from 1973 to 1974, and indeed my townsman and a singular influence on my professional and intellectual maturation. Those who understand my relationship with Aboyade—the fact that I literally grew up in his formidable but mentoring shadows at Aáwé and in the presidency—would immediately understand why I had no choice in my reverence for economists.

Under the tutelage of Aboyade, my entry point into the public administration scholarship was through public policy implementation research, which had the likes of Jeffrey Pressman and Aaron Wildavsky as the key pioneers. Their groundbreaking 1973 book, Implementation, grounds implementation studies as a subfield of public policy research. Indeed, from that book, I began to notice early in time the role that politics and policymaking play in facilitating a near seamless implementation process in administrative reforms. Most significantly, the authors insisted that the evaluation of policies and their implementation are two different issues that must not be conflated. As a young researcher, I immediately saw the sense in seeing implementation, according to Pressman and Wildavsky, as “the ability to forge subsequent links in the causal chains so as to obtain the desired results.” Hence, once this causal chain involved in implementation is longer necessary, the more complex the implementation becomes. Or, in the case of Nigeria—as I would eventually see, the longer the implementation chain, the more definite it becomes that bad politics has intervened.

With this as my starting point, it was not too long for me to make a research entry into the discursive space of institutional economics, and the relationship between institutions and the capacities they generate in economic actors that lead to innovation, performance and productivity. The theoretical relationship and disagreements between the old and new institutionalism, especially on the compatibility of individual agency and social structure eventually would play a deep role in articulating the emergence of the managerial revolution that backstopped the new public management (NPM) movement around which the global public administration praxis was designed. The NPM is the managerial attempt to unseat the bureaucratic stasis that has kept the Weberian system ineffective, inefficient and unproductive. Indeed, within the Nigerian administrative context, it has made it quite difficult to birth a developmental state.

The idea of the developmental state clearly serves as the focal point for an ongoing conversation between economists and institutional reformers. The idea of the developmental state tasks the public service system on the need to achieve the efficiency that will operationalize democratic governance to deliver infrastructural development for the citizens. Thus, to achieve economic development, such a state must first be oriented towards institutional reforms that bring the structures and institutions to capability readiness.

From the vantage point of my research into institutional reforms and development policy management, it was so easy but unnerving to work out the historical trajectory as well as the administrative dynamics that facilitated the series of aborted transitions, policy somersaults, the conception-reality gap, the motion-without-movement development hiccups that translate into protracted state and governance failures in Nigeria. And we see the basis of these failures in the (non)performance of the Nigerian economy and the debilitating effects on Nigerians. It therefore should come as no surprise that the role of economists in the Nigerian predicament became all the more heightened. This is where I think my experience as the directing staff coordinating the public policy executive education component of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) remit for three years was so professionally fulfilling. That professional status brought me close to the economic and policy sides of understanding the Nigerian predicament as well as the connection with my expertise in institutional reform. I had the opportunity to facilitate at once policy conversations and discourses around critical issues of the fundamentals of public policy, the public policy design and formulation process, policy implementation and decision science, policy evaluation and tracking, the political undercurrent of policy decision making, as well as policy exploration and scenario projection that factor the VUCA (vulnerable, uncertain, complex and ambiguous) administrative environment into the urgency of building a twenty-first century policy architecture that the Nigerian state requires to achieve democratic service delivery.    

All the above therefore makes the theme of the NES 65^th annual conference—“Socio-Economic Development in Nigeria: Imperatives, Implications and Impacts”—all the more fundamental given the present state of the Nigerian economic change management challenges. The conference theme is ready made as the instigating forum that could have served some brainstorming and learning context for the PBAT governance and economic teams. It was especially a grand tutorial for me as a member of that team in terms of the analyses, forecasting and incisive critiques around the implementation possibilities and prospects of delivering the Renewed Hope Agenda from the perspectives of Nigerian economists. There are two crucial takeovers that my attendance at the NES Conference brought out into very stark relief.

One, it has now become imperative that government needs an ongoing and consummate engagement with Nigerian experienced economists and other intellectuals and experts. This becomes critical especially with regard to the near absence of a political economy framework that could have served as the analytical and technical perspectives for articulating and sequencing the two major policies of the federal government, namely, the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the naira. While these two policies have a sound basis, they are flawed in terms of change management detailing and technical correctness, and their disruptive consequences could have been averted with the benefit of deep economic intelligence and the possible analytical frameworks and policy instruments that competent policy analysis could have been provided for risk analysis, mitigation and management. Here, we already begin to see how the implementation chain—and the possibility of success—is already compromised. Policy implementation and impact cannot just be the result of just policy correctness. On the contrary, it must reflect a dynamic and holistic and not a partial understanding of Nigeria’s economic structure and predicaments.

Two, we have to deal with the critical disjuncture that is playing out between the Renewed Hope Agenda and the policy implementation detailing of the government. We cannot ever hope to make that agenda work if the policies that would empower it are out of joint in terms of implementation sequence. The implementation of policies raises the crucial issue of those for whom the policies are meant in the first place. Thus, if, as democratic governance demands, these policies are meant to be people-oriented, then it implies that the change management strategy must be fashioned in a way that puts the people at the centre without necessarily yielding to unreflective populism. For example, to achieve a reasonable buy-in by Nigerians, the change vision and objectives must embed much more inclusive instruments which are however strategically communicated to Nigerians.

While receiving the award, it dawned on me that I have been drawn into the circle of a wider reform cohort that would further challenge my understanding of what it takes to articulate, track and evaluate institutional reforms in Nigeria. I am very glad for this incorporation, and the opportunity it affords me to sharpen my learning capacity and keep the discussion on the future of the Nigerian state in the right direction.      

Permit me to reintroduce myself to those who may not understand why I have decided to write on detected “tactical errors' the presidency needs to clear for the majesty of democracy to emerge in Africa’s most populous country, In the last 3 years of my journalistic legwork, I had covered nine (9) Heads of State and Presidents of Nigeria before our current leader emerged. And so I think in all modesty. I can look into the seeds of our presidential times and advise on how to clear some tactical, tragic of even strategic errors of any serving president of our great country, even the iconic Madiba claimed the black race had been, waiting for as source of pride and confidence, Forgive me for this 'immodesty!' of counting some of my journalistic blessings and credentials. These digital times when some young ones just abuse elders online for lack of knowledge call for this unusual clarification.

"The Five (5) tactical errors President Tinubu should clear immediately"

‘Weak (ened) presidential bureaucracy”

I have written about this tactical error several times but because the error hasn't been cleared vital signs are beginning to show that it is fast becoming a tragic error, which can lead to tragic failure. The focal point of Nigeria’s presidential bureaucracy is the office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), The presidential bureaucracy structure comprises the SGF's Office, Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (OHCSF) and the Office of the Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission (OCFCSC). These offices are a creation of the constitution but in our recent practice, the Office of Chief of Staff to the President has been ‘integrated’ into the presidential] bureaucracy and so cannot be ignored.

However, some of the former presidents didn’t allow their Chief of Staff to undermine the functions and authority of the SGF as the organic head of the presidential bureaucracy and the cabinet secretariat. The SGF’s office is where most the presidential appointees and appointments are coordinated for announcements - most of the time. The President approves appointments of political office holders and some public servants of various cadres and the offices of Permanent Secretary State House, the Chief of Staff, Principal Secretary, Etc get
hold of these approvals and dispatch accordingly to various chief executives, ministers, and heads of extra-ministerial departments and agencies, focal points for announcements through press statements and circulars, especially from the offices of SGF and OHCSF.

It should be moved that President Yar'adua refused to appoint Chief of Staff to the President as his predecessor Obasanjo who began the practice. But President Jonathan reinstatedthe office of CoS-P and it was noisome, no thanks to some impurities reported about the office.

Specifically, the same presidential bureaucracy has been chaotic since President Tinubu assumed office as even appointments of Permanent Secretaries have been announced directly through the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity. And so most presidential appointments are being regularly announced by the office of the President. Strategy, they normally announce this as soon as approvals are noticed thus: “Tinubu Appoints New Permanent Secretaries", not even as "Tinubu approves appointments of new Permanent Secretaries..." There is No point to prove here. Most of these announcements of approvals of these presidential appointments have always come from the office of the SGF. Besides,
credentials of the appointees have always been property documented in the statements. These days, sometimes, there is no word about even the bio data of appointees and we wonder where most of them have worked. What is now worse, there was a report the other day that the Chief of Staff to the President was doing some oversight on some government agencies and was quoted as making weighty policy decisions and even reversals on public policies such as suspension of implementation of Oronsaye Panel's Report that Office of the SGF is coordinating, this is s curious! This development is worsening an already chaotic presidency.

It is another strategic error that must be corrected. The office of the president isn't an ordinary one. It should be awesome by the power of orderliness and shouldn’t be associated with any crisis of coherence and competence.

"The NNPCL conundrum"

It is very difficult to write about Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) at this time when the political economy of a free press is quite challenging, But public interest within the construct of our social responsibility should be the overriding factor. The story of NNPCL can only be understood by those who nun the country's very strategic oil company. The company, for instance, declared trillions worth of profit a few weeks ago. But incredible as it may sound, early this week, the same company that has consistently affirmed ‘subsidy-is-gone’ presidential declaration was curiously quoted as declaring that it was owing oi) marketers a whopping $6 billion. The company was said to have adjusted PMS price to N857 ahead of release of Dangote’s refined product to the market. The almighty NNPCL was also quoted as saying without rhyme or reason that it would also be the sole buyer of whatever Dangote has in stock. At the moment, despite the inexplicable and high PMS price even to the tune of N1,500 per litre in certain locations, the petroleum product isn’t available. What is more, the Minister of State, Petroleum has denied that it authorised increase in petroleum price. While one is wondering about the complexity of what is going on
with the opacity of operations and finances of the NNPC, no update again about when the $1.5 billion worth of Port Harcourt refinery’s tum-around maintenance will make available its product after six promises. Can't we wonder why the federal government isn't interested in successful launch of the Dangote’s $20 million worth of refinery? Isn’t it a tactical error that the President hasn't visited the refinery? Why can’t the federal government be the chief public relations manager of the private refinery that has been reported to have capacity to make Nigeria proud? Is the NNPC not proud of the Dangote refinery? The president should know that it is his responsibility to overhaul the almighty NNPCL so that we can breathe from energy crisis that has made his government very unpopular.

"Electricity Distribution Company's Toxic ‘Band A'

We may not be able to know the intelligence President has been getting from the discriminatory electricity tariff from Band A-to band Z.. as it seems. But whatever the case, this is one ‘fiscal policy’ that has the same unbearable effect as PMS price on the people and business. A recent meretricious reduction of the killer tariff by 50% for hospitals and tertiary institutions can’t solve the problems for the health and education sectors. The institutions can’t still cope with the demand, let alone the people who will pay their own and pay for the hospitals and schools of their children. It is another strategic error that may touch off uncontrollable crisis for the Tinubu administration. The combined effects of high PMS and Diesel prices with high electricity tariff have already triggered anger that will manifest into more protests sooner than later. No one knows the experts who did risk analysis for the President on this. How many people can go to work from now? How many people can fly one way within the country where we are already paying more than N250,000 for one-way flight ticket?

President Tinubu should now? How many people can fly one way within the country where we are already paying more than N250,000 for one-way flight ticket? President Tinubu should return from China to address all these economic hardships before it is too late!

Allowing energy crisis to compound hardship will definitely result in a tragic error that may prove too costly for this government.

"A cabinet of many mediocrities"

‘This is the right time to tell the president that some members of his first cabinet have been so mediocre that we have had to use Google to find their names because they are obscure. This is not new: we have always celebrated a culture of mediocrity and low expectations. But this culture is now too expensive; we can’t afford it. Leaving a mediocre team that can't address the country's numerous socio-economic challenges is another strategic error that must be cleared now or never. The President needs younger and more passionate technocrats as cabinet members and agency heads who understand contemporary challenges, not the many illiterates of the 21st century who cannot learn, unlearn and relearn. Nigeria is too important to be left to some reckless mediocrities who are being announced as heads of even sensitive agencies and extra-ministerial departments.

‘Absence of robust civil service’

I have observed that the President has never paid adequate attention to the quality of the Federal Civil Service he inherited from the previous administration. If he had set the right one with a functional presidential bureaucracy, he would have detected the fragility of the civil service that he has been complaining about. But is the president aware that the federal bureaucracy isn't as robust and knowledgeable as it used to be? Is the president aware, for instance, that the immediate past Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (HCSF) didn’t disclose to the new administration the true status of the service now filled with officers the Political class from 1999 till the present imposed on the federal bureaucracy? Has the president been told that on the eve of leaving office, members of the National Assembly and Ministers have always arm_-twisted officers of the Federal Civil Service Commission and allied bodies to employ their outgoing aides as senior officers up to directorate cadres without interviews? Some of these incompetent political aides will rise soon to be even Permanent Secretaries. Is the President aware that the same Head of the Civil Service of the Federation who left office barely two months ago also deceived the presidency and the nation about implementation of the Tenure Regime for Permanent Secretaries and Directors to retire after eight years? The Head of the Civil Service quietly issued a service-wide circular for the implementation of the policy for Directors only and artfully excluded Permanent Secretaries cadre because it would have also affected her at the time was the same Head of the Civil Service of the Federation not praised to high heaven when she left office recently? There are more issues of mediocrity and corruption in the federal civil service that appear unknown to the Chief Executive of the Federation at this time. it has been a tactical error that politics has trumped attention to public policy thrust that should drive progress of this government.

‘There is therefore a sense in which one can claim that if there had been a functional federal bureaucracy, there wouldn't have been a chaotic presidency and a complicated NNPCL that has become untouchable by its owners. At the end of the day, the buck of all these stops at table of only the President who should clear all the five tactical and strategic errors that can consume his presidency.

THE Nigerian Church is in turmoil, but the body of Christ is at rest. The foundations of the Church in Nigeria are quaking, but Christianity is not. After all, it is widely accepted that God does not live in buildings. Rather, as John said: “God is Spirit, and those who worship Him must worship in spirit and truth”(John 4:24).

What has turned out to be the biggest crisis in the Nigerian Church with its very integrity questioned, has been over four decades in the making. That was when the great American televangelists began to preach the gospel of prosperity, rather than salvation. The Gate to Heaven which was traditionally said to be narrow and rugged, was now presented as a modern American highway: smooth and broad with multiple lanes, provided at various points; you pay the compulsory tolls which are “seed offerings” and tithes.

Actually, the teaching that money can buy salvation or even purchase a guaranteed place in Heaven is neither new, nor American. The Catholic Church sold Pardon or forgiveness of sins to those who had the means to pay. A sort of willing-buyers-willing-sellers market. After over 20 centuries of this trade, a German priest, Martin Luther on October 31, 1517 posted 95 theses why the sale of Pardon was wrong. He argued that when Jesus gave his disciples the authority to forgive sins, he did not make it conditional on payment. 

The Church and priesthood in Nigeria had been modelled after Saint Francis of Assisi, the young Italian priest who in 1205 gave up all his wealth and earthly heritage to the poor. That was the mould of priests like Samuel Ajayi Crowther and Ayo Babalola. The pioneer priests shunned wealth so much that the church became a simile: to be dirt poor was to be “as poor as a church rat”.

Then, the American prosperity flavour began to take over the Nigerian space in the 1970s. By the early 1980s, Archbishop Benson Andrew Idahosa, founder of the Church of God Mission International, Benin City, who famously said: “My God is not poor”, had become a public symbol of this trend. He taught his followers that: “The wealth of sinners is in the hands of the saints.” So they were told to give generously to the church and pastors, if they want to be wealthy. Idahosa instructed his pastors: “Go back and preach prosperity. Prosperity is from Jesus.”

However, there were pastors who cautioned that the essence of Christianity is salvation, not prosperity. In the late 1990s, I was close to one of them, Professor John Moyibi Amoda, who had his church in Anthony Village, Lagos. As I read him in the newspapers back his position with Biblical references, I knew his church would not grow much. The multitudes were searching for miracles and wealth, and he was preaching salvation. To worsen his case, he had the courage to mention a name like Daddy G.O., Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye, the highly revered General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God. Amoda was widely condemned for allegedly working for Satan. The hordes did not counter his arguments; he was simply found guilty of spreading Satanic verses.

My concern at a point was not about the prosperity pastors becoming so wealthy that they competed on who had more jets, but their convincing their followers about “faith healing”. That if they are sick or have diseases like HIV/AIDS or tuberculosis, and seek healing in the church, they do not need to take medication again as their faith would heal them. So, many died. In my March 11, 2011 column titled: “Crimes of pastors masquerading as doctors”, I called out pastors like Temitope Joshua and Chris Oyakhilome.

But now, the tides are beginning to turn. Just as Martin Luther came from within the church to cause a seismic shift, so has Dr. Abel Hankuri Damina, the Senior Pastor of Power City International, Uyo emerged from the bowels of the prosperity movement to redirect the Nigerian Church towards Christ-centred salvation. Armed with the Bible, uncommon courage, two doctorate degrees in Philosophy and Ministry, and a prodigious knowledge of ‘Historic and Apostolic’ Christianity, he has taken on the hordes, including leading GOs and threatening protesters.

Damina’s mental capacity and alertness is captivating. When Pastor Adeboye who had made outlandish claims like God changing the United States winter season for him, claimed that he had tea with God, Damina quipped, what brand of tea?

Damina bases his teachings on the Bible, while his critics base their attacks on his person. Some GOs are so contemptuous of him that they find it distasteful to even mention his name. So they only make references to him. Pastor David Ibiyome, Founder of the Salvation Ministries, Port Harcourt, calls him “the short man from Uyo”. Pastor Paul Eneche of Dunamis International Gospel Centre calls Damina, whom he tried to deny as once being his spiritual leader, an uncomplimentary name.

Pastor Tunde Bakare, Founder of Latter Rain Assembly, now renamed Citadel Global Community Church, referred to Damina as one who “can’t even sustain one marriage.” Bakare who had claimed that God revealed to him that he would replace Muhammdu Buhari as Nigerian President, in reference to Damina and his supporters, vowed “to send the concubines and their children out of the church”. A leading GO refers to Damina as a “mad man”.

To be sure, Damina is a ‘troublesome’ pastor who, suggestively, called his television programme, Righteous Invasion of Truth, RIOT. He preaches that going by Genesis 1, God does not live in Heaven; not only Christians will make Heaven, and that the cassock and choir uniforms are not biblical.

He does not take ‘prisoners’. He took Prophet Jeremiah Omoto Fufeyin, Founder of the Christ Mercyland  Deliverance Ministry, to the cleaners for “merchandising” the church by selling ‘salvation’ soap, perfume, keys, fish hooks and other items that would guarantee them Heaven.

When some of his fellow GOs mocked him for not having a large congregation or private aircraft despite being in the ministry for 40 years, Damina replied that the success of a minister in the Gospel cannot be measured by earthly possessions.

Many GOs preach that people will not receive salvation, be wealthy or might die young if they do not pay tithes, Damina responded: “That is a lie!” He said Jesus, Peter and Paul neither paid nor received tithes. He added that the sermons on tithes and “First Seed” are meant to scam people. He argued that just as salvation is freely given, so should people give of their free volition rather than pastors making it compulsory by creating fear and guilt in them.

Whether the Abel Damina revolution succeeds or not, only the truth shall set us free.

Operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) have arrested the President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Joe Ajaero.

The arrest was carried out at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja this morning.

More to follow…

[politicsnigeria]