“I am ready to let go, let the NNPC buy me out, run the refinery. They have labeled me a monopolist. That’s an incorrect and unfair allegation, but it's okay. If they buy me out, at least their so-called monopolist would be out of the way.”

The statement of defiance above was made during the agitation for crude oil allocation by Aliko Dangote for his $20 billion ultra-modern refinery, with a capacity of 650,000 barrels per day, reputed to be the biggest of its kind in the world.

The false alarm and uproar that Dangote Refinery was aiming to be a monopoly fueled had escalated into a frenzy, prompting Alhaji Aliko Dangote, owner of the mega refinery, to respond in the manner captured in the opening quote of this piece. The allegation was triggered when the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of one of NNPC Ltd.'s subsidiaries, the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), Engr. Farouk Ahmed, reportedly repremanded Dangote for crying out for access to crude produced in Nigeria and alledged that he is angling to be a monopolist in the oil sector, thus he became a spokesperson of sorts for vested interests that seem to prefer Nigeria to continue importing refined petroleum products from abroad to the detriment of the economy and harm to Nigerians.

According to media reports, the CEO of NMDPRA, in response to Dangote's loudly expressed frustration over the non-allocation of crude oil to his refinery by International Oil Companies (IOCs) for local refining, had alleged that the diesel produced by Dangote Refinery had a higher sulfur content than the imported type and, therefore, was of lower quality. This claim was not proven scientifically, and to disprove it Dangote Refinery has produced Europe 5-quality fuel, an upgrade from the Euro 2 grade previously imported into Nigeria.

Therefore, the claim is being viewed as an unpatriotic attitude from the NMDPRA chief, as it contradicts the expected patriotic behavior of a public servant who should be encouraging local refining, which Dangote Refinery has now made a reality

After the tension, which was essentially a distraction, it was to the delight of the Nigerian masses when the good news arrived that the much-awaited flow of petrol from Dangote Refinery had finally materialized at the dawn of the 2nd day of September, 2024, when the announcement was made.

Although the refinery has been producing diesel, DPK, aviation fuel, and naphtha since January this year—nine months ago—there was a one-month delay in its originally scheduled August start date for petrol production, which was postponed but finally commenced at the beginning of September.

Given the bated breath of Nigerians in their expectation of constant supply of petrol described above, the realization of the dream of locally refined Premium Motor Spirit , PMS after an estimated 28 years of comatose local refineries can be compared to the excitement in the quote attributed to Mungo Park, the Scottish explorer, who, upon first seeing the River Niger, famously said in 1796:  

"Oh, that my dear friend Mr. Anderson could have been here to have seen this beautiful sight. The river is even more beautiful than I had imagined, and I can now account for the doubts of the ancients as to its existence."

The joy of Nigerians that Dangote Refinery has commenced refining Premium Motor Spirit (PMS)—so central to their lives—is significant, especially since the withdrawal of the subsidy on the commodity 15 months ago had reduced many to a severe state of hardship, with food inflation ballooning to around 40% and putting a vast majority of Nigerians in a state of penury.

Previously, PMS had been so elusive to the majority of Nigerians that their relief over its production at Dangote Refinery can be measured through the lens of a people spared from wasting precious time at petrol stations—time that could have been spent on productive activities.

It is worth pointing out that although the presence of Dangote Refinery may not necessarily lead to a significant reduction in the pump price of PMS, it is reassuring that the search for elusive petrol to power vehicles and light up homes—an activity that has cost many Nigerians their lives—will no longer be such an arduous and sometimes deadly task.

The constant availability of the commodity may also eliminate the crisis of crude oil theft driven by artisenal refineries in the Niger delta zone of Nigeria where crude oil is being ‘cooked’ in the name of refining with huge colateral damages including loss of lives and ruinous effects on the ecological landscape of the hydrocarbon bearing region reminscent of the damage done to the ecosystem of the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC by precious stone miners/minerals under the watch of Belgium, the former colonizer of the country . 

The epochal flow of petrol from Dangote’s mega refinery has an interesting twist: while former President Muhammadu Buhari commissioned the refinery at the twilight of his administration on May 15 last year (his presidency ended on May 29), it is under President Bola Tinubu’s watch that the products refined in the ultra-modern refinery became available on the market. 

This reminds one of the biblical narrative of Moses leading the Israelites to the Promised Land but not having the privilege of entering it, as punishment for disobedience to God’s instruction.

Without a doubt, Aliko Dangote is the richest African and the wealthiest black man, ranked the 132nd richest person in the world according to Bloomberg’s Billionaires Index. He is comparable to a Korean chaebol in the making, if the Nigerian government chooses to elevate Dangote Refinery to that level for the benefit of the country.

In the event that Dangote Refinery is elevated to the level of a chaebol—which is what this piece advocates and the strategy that South Korea applied in its developmental stage to make brands like Samsung, Daewoo, and LG global icons—it would serve as a counterforce to the IOCs’ efforts to maintain the status quo of exporting crude oil extracted from Nigerian soil to their home countries for refining. Dangote Refinery, by refining crude oil locally and exporting it overseas, is poised to reverse this trend and earn Nigeria higher income in foreign currency and save our country the huge amount of naira chasing the dollar which petrol importers use to import petroleum products from foreign markets.

Evidently and commendably, Dangote’s bold initiative is disrupting and thwarting the over half-a-century-old business model of the IOCs, which has kept Nigeria a net exporter of raw materials, including commodities like crude oil, cocoa, and precious gemstones or solid minerals like lithium, copper, gold, and many others, without adding value. This situation amounts to "Africa: Exporting Wealth, Importing Poverty," which is the title and focus of my forthcoming book aimed at changing the negative narrative about Africa—that it is merely a source of raw materials. It may shock some to learn that 

being relegated to being a mere source of raw materials is the reason that the trade balance between Africa and its industrialized partners has been consistently in deficit.

The situation of IOCs producing crude oil in Nigeria and resisting sales to local Nigerian refineries is akin to the African adage of someone living on the bank of a river but using spittle to wash their hands. 

The situation was so dire that Dangote Refinery had to resort to importing its feedstock from as far away as the USA and Brazil, leveraging the platforms of global oil traders, Trafigura and Vitol.

The disturbing and inconvenient truth about the situation, wherein imperialists have perpetuated the ideal of Africa as a primary source of raw materials, would have continued unchallenged if not for the resistance mounted by entities like Dangote Refinery.

Even more disturbing is that it is Nigerians in strategic government agencies—nefarious ambassadors, if you will—who are tasked with managing our oil assets but are alledged to be colluding with overseas oil/gas equipment manufacturers . What most Nigerians may not know is that these manufacturers that are contracted to carry out turnaround maintenance on our refineries are suspected to be the same that are part of an international syndicate determined to prevent the revival of Nigeria’s four ailing refineries. The conspiracy to undermine is so sophisticated that it is beyond being comprehended by ordinary observers. In a situation where there is no one advocating as Dangote, Tony Elumelu have done in the oil sector, Mike Adenuga and Allen Onyema have done in the telecommunications and aviations sectors respectively, the industry or organization can experience demise like the four NNPC ltd state owned refineries, Nigerian Telecommunication company, NITEL , and Nigeria Airways. It is the void left by the estwhile government owned corporations that the trio of Dangote Refinery, Globacom and Airpeace have stepped up to fill up. The process of subterfuge can be very complex and sophisticated such that it would escape suspicion. To debunk any suspicion that the view above may be mere conspiracy theory, we only need to think of what happens in the society when a very big and powerful pharmaceutical industry wants to have its way with respect to the introduction of new products that they wish to force down the throat of consumers. For further conviction, we can also focus our minds on business espionage often carried out by competitors in similar industries in the industrally advanced societies. 

One observation amongst many others that I can make is that the Nigerians colluding with foreign firms to sabotage Nigeria in industries such as oil/gas, telecommunications, and aviation are nothing more than "useful idiots."who as webstar dictionary puts it a useful idiot is: a naive or incredulous person who can be manipulated or exploited to advance a cause or political agenda.

The sad thing about these compromising individuals is that they may be accomplices in the perfidy without fully understanding the ramifications of their unwholesome actions.

What is even more concerning is that instead of spinning off the four state-owned refineries, which are in decrepit condition, to private sector investors, NNPCL is opting for the previously tested and failed path of concessioning government-owned assets. They are disguising this current plan to concession the Warri and Kaduna refineries as an Operation and Management (O&M) contract, much like they replaced the word “subsidy” with the term "under-recovery" to obfuscate the fact that the government has continued to pay subsidies on petrol, even after President Bola Tinubu declared, "petrol subsidy is gone" during his inaugural speech on May 29 last year.

One thing that seems to be eluding those applying the strategy of obfustication in managing the affairs of this government is that by concealing the fact of the matter, they are hurting instead of burnishing the Tinubu brand equity which they should be doing everything ligitimate to boost.

Now that the state-owned oil firm has been compelled to admit that it has been paying subsidies after its annual report revealed it was indebted to foreign PMS suppliers to the tune of $6.8 billion, Nigerians are suffering the fallout via the excruciating pains they endure at petrol stations while trying to get petrol.

The pursuit of this unwholesome practice by government officials some of who are not encouraging the refining of petrol locally instead ensuring that Nigeria continues to import petrol from refineries set up on the coasts of European countries and other locations, such as the island of Malta, recently revealed as the biggest source of refined petroleum imports into Nigeria (nearly $3 billion) over the past two years is unconscionable. This occurred because the NNPC Ltd., managers of the government-owned refinery, has been the sole importer of petrol into Nigeria, even though the sector was ostensibly deregulated by the passage of the PIA.

Even the channel of distribution for PMS from Dangote is currently caught up in miscommunication as multiple conflicting statements have emanated from the state owned oil company NNPCL, the petroleum ministry and Dangote Refinery. So, what should have been a positive asset for government, has already become a liability as a result of shambolic communication of an otherwise shinning moment . This is despite the fact that AGO (diesel) from Dangote Refinery and related products have , since January, been distributed through multiple Nigerian firms with established footprints in that function. Why is PMS distribution caught up in another maze? Is it to sell off the recently imported Euro 2 foreign PMS, which is inferior to Dangote’s Euro 5 quality?

The lesson to be learned by those managing the government’s image and its agencies is that when one lies by using woolly words to confuse stakeholders, they should keep in mind that as the conventional wisdom goes, "Lies travel fast, but truth soon catches up." 

The federal government and NNPC Ltd. have now lost credibility by finally admitting they had been paying subsidies.

At a time when the masses have lost confidence in the government, communicating false information has only further damaged its reputation. Nevertheless, if the new dawn of sourcing refined petroleum products locally and making it abundantly available is well managed, the government’s tarnished reputation can be redeemed through Dangote Refinery, which is poised to have an impact similar to that of Globacom, founded by indigenous multi-billionaire entrepreneur Chief Mike Adenuga in the GSM telephony space 21 years ago. Prior to the emergence of Globacom, the industry was dominated by foreign firms—MTN and Econet (now Airtel).

As may be recalled, the GSM telephony pioneers in Nigeria were offering per-minute billing, which Globacom changed to per-second billing, forcing MTN and Econet to follow suit. Today, Globacom is a leading service provider competing favorably with the foreign firms that commenced telephony business in Nigeria ahead of it, which some pundits have attributed to sabotage by foreign interests working in cahoots with local civil/public servants.

Just as Globacom shifted telephone billing to per-second instead of per-minute billing, to the discomfiture of foreign firms, Dangote Refinery is offering Nigerians Euro 5 top-quality petrol and diesel, which are as light in color as water and far superior to the previously imported Euro 2 quality.

Even more inspiring is that the high quality of Dangote’s output makes European markets potential destinations, and the existence of Dangote Refinery in Nigeria is already resulting in the imminent shutdown of refineries located on Europe’s coasts, which target African markets, including Nigeria, as the main dumping ground for their lower-quality petroleum products.

In a Reuters report from March 27 earlier this year, Ahmad Ghaddar and Robert Harvey highlighted in their report, Nigeria’s Dangote Oil Refinery Could Accelerate European Sectors’ Decline, that: “As much as 300-400,000 bpd of refining capacity in Europe is at risk of closure because of rising global gasoline production.”

So, Dangote Refinery had long been identified as a threat to European refineries.

It is because of its world wide acceptibility owing to its high quality that Dangote Refineries boss, Mr. Davekumar Edwin reminded the traducers of the firm that he would export his products if further stiffled by what he perceives as Nigerian hostile business environment.

In light of this, readers can imagine what the owners of the European refineries under threat of closure could have been doing to stop Dangote Refinery from being successfully established—by manipulating equipment suppliers, turnaround managers, and financial institutions with foreign origins. One can also imagine what they might have done to ensure that Nigeria's four nearly comatose government refineries remain dysfunctional, to retain the Nigerian market which is lucrative for their products.

A very jarring development to me in the course of the current hiatus in the oil/ gas industry is the statement by Dangote Refinery executive director, Mr. Davekumar Edwin:

“Well, I explained how there has been a kind of a blockade from lifting our products within the country. The traders have been trying to block (it), and so now we have been exporting our petroleum products. PMS, we are ready to pump in as much as possible to the country.

“But if the traders or NNPC are not buying the product, obviously, we will end up exporting the PMS as we are doing with the aviation jet and diesel,”

Perhaps a personal business experience with Dangote Group would better illustrate how professional and clinical chairman Aliko Dangote and his top executive Mr. Edwin can be.

About five (5) years ago SCOA plc a company where l serve as a non executive director and chairman of the audit committee since 2012 commenced the assemblage of M.A.N trucks in Nigeria.

We targeted selling our locally assembled trucks to Dangote Group which had about 5,000 trucks in its fleet to distribute the numerous products in which she is a market leader.

So l secured an appointment for SCOA Plc comprising of the GMD Dr. Massad Boulos and my self alongside three (3) executives from M.A.N trucks manufacturers from Germany to meet with Alh. Dangote in company of Mr. Edwin in Dangote corporate headquaters in ikoyi, Lagos. 

After the detailed presentation by the Germans, chairman Dangote asked them for the price of the truck. At that time it was twelve (N12m) million naira. He contrasted the cost of the Chinese alternative which was only three (N3m) million naira and which was already being successfully used to convey cement from her plant located in lbesse in Kogi state to Port Harcout and other locations in the south-east and south-south.

Being a pragmatic business man that Chairman Dangote is, although M.A.N truck , the European brand would last longer than the Chinese brand, his decision when it was enventually conveyed to me was that he would stick to his Chinese brand whose price was only a quarter of the price of the European brand.

I had to share my experience with the Chairman Dangote Group as detailed above in company of the vice president of the group, to illustrate how calculated Alh. Dangote and his executive, Mr. Edwin can be in decision making which underscores my concern that Dangote Refinery can actually carry out its alternative plan to export her refined petroleum products out of Nigeria if the need arises.

This clearly shows the difference between Dangote Group, the shroud business conglomerate and Dangote Foundation, the philantropic organization sharing one million bags of rice amongst indigent Nigerians nationwide. So if Nigerians are waiting for cheap petrol from Dangote Refinery, they may be waiting for the proverbial Goddot. 

That said, let's now focus on the telecommunications sector.

We are all familiar with the torturous path that Chief Adenuga navigated in founding Globacom. The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) failed to issue him a GSM license after he won the bid for one of the licenses, while two foreign-origin firms—MTN from South Africa and Econet from Zimbabwe—received theirs. The denial of a license to Globacom was based on the flimsy excuse that the investor failed to complete payment before the deadline, causing him a loss of a whopping $20 million that he had deposited.

Again, as with Dangote Refinery, where public servants tried to undermine the process, was it not unpatriotic civil servants who similarly failed to ensure that the GSM spectrum on sale to Globacom was unencumbered? Either by omission or commission, the bureaucrats failed to ensure that the spectrum offered was free of litigation. Upon discovery, Globacom withheld payment.

How could Chief Adenuga have paid for a spectrum that had a previous owner who was in court with the regulatory authority, NCC? If the Globacom founder had not been a tenacious fighter and had given up after losing his initial deposit of $20 million, perhaps we would not have an indigenous player in the GSM space, and per-second billing for services might have remained a mirage. It is also a testament to Chief Adenuga's perseverance that Nigeria has a multinational GSM service provider competing favorably in Nigeria and serving other African nations.

Presently, Glo, as it is commonly referred to, operates in four countries:  

(1) Nigeria  

(2) Ghana  

(3) Benin Republic  

(4) Senegal

Thus, it is effectively a West African telecommunications company providing mobile network services, including voice, data, and broadband solutions, to individuals and businesses in these countries.

Arising from the above, an industry that was previously a net exporter of wealth (with only foreign firms as service providers) now has Globacom as a contributor to Nigeria’s foreign exchange income, by virtue of being a recipient of foreign capital inflow through its African footprint.

In a similar vein, Air Peace, a local airline owned by Barrister Allen Onyema, is making waves in the aviation sector by operating under the Nigerian pact with other countries, including the United Kingdom (UK), through the Bilateral Air Service Agreement (BASA). This agreement, based on reciprocity, dictates the number of flights allowed into a partner's country. It was previously monopolized by UK airlines—British Airways and Virgin Atlantic—after the demise of Nigeria Airways. 

Commendably, Air Peace has recently stepped up to fill the void left by Nigeria Airways' shutdown. It is hypocritical, appalling, and oppressive that Air Peace was denied landing rights at London Heathrow Airport and confined to Gatwick Airport, despite the fact that British Airways and Virgin Atlantic land at multiple first-rate airports and cities in Nigeria—Lagos, Abuja, and Port Harcourt. They even park their aircrafts in prime positions usually reserved for the airline whose home base it is.

Even worse, British aviation authorities resorted to nitpicking by subjecting Air Peace to undue scrutiny. This underhanded tactic was cheered by some Nigerians, rather than demanding reciprocity in the same manner that British carriers fly into multiple airports in Nigeria. 

Despite these obstacles, and quite impressively, since Air Peace began operating flights into London, a route previously monopolized by UK airlines, the cost of fares has significantly decreased. The waiting list for travelers booked to fly with the airline to the UK can now be as long as three months (90 days). This bold initiative has not only been a game-changer but has also saved Nigeria foreign exchange (FX) that would have otherwise been sent to Europe (capital exportation)through the UK airlines' monopoly, which had arbitrarily charged Nigerian passengers higher fares. At one point, foreign airlines even compelled Nigerians to pay airfares in pounds sterling and dollars. 

As a result, undue pressure was mounted on the naira, contributing to the prevailing poor performance of the Nigerian currency against foreign currencies, as reflected in the current astronomical FX exchange rate, which is now in excess of N1600/$1.

It is not a mere coincidence that these three (3) indigenous firms, which are breaking the monopoly of foreign-owned corporations in the oil/gas, telephony, and aviation sectors, were singled out for recognition during the launch of my book: *Leading From The Streets: Media Interventions By A Public Intellectual 1999–2019, at Alliance Francaise/Mike Adenuga Centre in Ikoyi, Lagos, on May 8, just about five months ago. 

We did that after through research and we discovered that these iconic firms stood out as national brands driven by visionary entrepreneurs who are leading from the streets as they are people outside the orbit of government making positive impacts on society. 

Significantly, in a country plagued by ethnic nationalism that requires balancing opportunities among the three main tribes of Yoruba, Igbo, and Hausa/Fulani, the three firms identified are founded and driven by entrepreneurs from these respective ethnic groups-Hausa/fulani, Yoruba and lgbo. So, there would not be fear of favoritism of a member of one ethnic stock over the other.

What underscores the kernel of this essay is that since the entrepreneurs who founded these remarkable firms have succeeded in building and elevating them into national icons through sheer business acumen and entrepreneurial ingenuity, it behooves the federal government to give them the necessary support to transition from national brands into global icons. Doing so would not only create employment for Nigerians at home but also generate foreign exchange into our economy through patronage of the goods and services globally, using South Korean products -Samsung, LG, Daewoo etc as model.

We found a correlation between what had happened to hinder the growth and shackle the three (3) sectors, which the three (3) identified firms and individuals defied, hence we at Inspire Media Services ltd honored them. What may not be obvious not most Nigerians is that the challenges that they were confronted with are the driving force behind the lack of industrialization in our country and, by extension, our continent. 

These challenges are not obvious to a majority of us as they are often subtle and sometimes manifest as undiscernable sabotage by foreign firms in cahoots with local actors who seek to line their pockets with filty lucre at the expense of national interest. These local actors are embedded in strategic government agencies such as NNPC Ltd, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), and the Federal Aviation Authority of Nigeria (FAAN).

To drive home the point about how our country can adopt a different and proven industrialization paradigm, we need to examine the pathway adopted by South Korea, which enabled it to transition into the first world category. By comparing South Korea's economy, currently ranked 14th among the largest economies in the world in 2024, with a population of a mere 51 million in 2022, to Nigeria’s economy, with over 200 million people and ranked 53rd in the world, it becomes clear that we have much to learn from Korea. Especially because both countries were at the same development stage in the 1960s before South Korea surged ahead by thinking out- of-the-box and deviating from Western world development playbook.

The secret of South Korea's economic success cannot be told without emphasizing the role played by chaebols in elevating South Korean businesses to global status. Companies like Daewoo, Samsung, LG, and Hyundai would not have become household names worldwide if the chaebol concept had not been adopted by visionary Korean leader Mr. Park Chung-Hee, who transformed the country in the 1960s.

A deep dive into how Nigeria can follow the same industrialization path that South Korea took when it introduced chaebols at a similar development stage will be helpful. So, it is appropriate to put things into context.

To better understand, it is crucial to first define chaebols. Essentially, chaebols are large family-owned business conglomerates in South Korea, often compared to Japanese keiretsu or U.S. conglomerates. The term "chaebol" is derived from the Korean words "chae," meaning "wealth" or "property," and "bol," meaning "clan" or "family."

It is important to note that the concept of chaebols in Korea was introduced by the government, specifically by President Park Chung-Hee, who ruled South Korea from 1961 to 1979. His government actively promoted the development of chaebols as a key strategy for rapid economic growth and industrialization.

Given the success of this idea, which facilitated South Korea’s rapid industrialization in the 1960s, it is recommended for adaptation in Nigeria, which is at a similar development stage and needs to think outside the box to leapfrog from a third-world economy to a first-world economy, much like Singapore successfully did.

From historical records, President Park's government took the following strategic steps:

(A) Identified key industries and selected strategic sectors such as textiles, steel, and electronics for targeted support.  

(B) Provided financial, tax, and regulatory incentives to encourage entrepreneurship and investment in these industries.  

(C) Fostered close relationships with entrepreneurs and family-owned businesses, offering guidance, protection, and resources.

President Park initiated these actions because he viewed chaebols as a way to drive economic growth, industrialize and modernize the economy, promote exports, and earn foreign currency. It was also expected to reduce dependence on foreign capital and minimize reliance on foreign investment and loans.

If Nigeria's current economic situation is juxtaposed with that of South Korea when chaebols were leveraged, it becomes clear that Nigeria is at a similar socioeconomic crossroads and needs to adopt the Korean strategy. In the same way that government support helped chaebols grow rapidly and become a cornerstone of South Korea’s economic development, Nigeria’s national brands—Dangote Refinery, Globacom, and Air Peace—should be supported to become global icons.

Here are some key characteristics and facts about *chaebols*:

1. They are typically owned and controlled by a single family or a small group of families.  

2. Chaebols often have a wide range of business interests, including manufacturing, construction, finance, and services.  

3. They have historically had close relationships with the government, which has provided support and protection.  

4. Chaebols have a high degree of vertical integration, controlling multiple stages of production and supply chains.  

5. Many chaebols have expanded globally, with operations and subsidiaries around the world.

Isn’t it amazing that all of these characteristics are associated with the Nigerian brands that one has recommended for elevation into chaebol status by the Nigerian government?

Below are some well-known chaebols from South Korea:  

1. Samsung Group  

2. Hyundai Motor Group  

3. LG Group  

However, this close relationship between government and business often common with charbols has led to criticisms of crony capitalism, corruption, and unequal opportunities for smaller businesses. While have played a significant role in South Korea's rapid economic growth and industrialization, they have also faced criticism for nepotism, stifling competition, and inhibiting innovation.

Overall, chaebols remain a dominant force in the South Korean economy, despite facing increasing scrutiny and calls for reform.

With respect to Nigeria, where the government has historically been at the commanding heights of the economy, government monopoly has always hindered economic development. So transitioning from government monopoly to private-sector-led development/monopoly , as chaebols demonstrate, is a better option. This is evidenced by how the success of chaebols enabled South Korea to transition from a developing nation, like Nigeria in the 1960s, to one of the Asian Tigers—a status many developing countries are currently aspiring to achieve/attain.

Having tried to tread the well beaten paths sometimes routed in Western dogma to pull our country and by extension our continent out of stagnated development, it is perhaps time to try the proven Asian paradigm for change via the adoption of the chaebols methodology to industrialization and the continent of Africa having a presence on the global stage as exporter of finished products instead of mere source of raw materials and market for the industrialized world’s myriads of finished products which we should be able to produce in our country and on the continent. 

Magnus Onyibe,an entrepreneur,public policy analyst, author,democracy advocate,development strategist,alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy,Tufts University, Massachusetts,USA and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.

To continue with this conversation and more ,please visit www.magnum.ng