In the last few days, there has been ample excitement across Nigeria over a number of new public policies and decisions. Two of such developments stand out. The first is the plan announced by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to establish a Ministry for Livestock Development while the second is the judgment of the Supreme Court granting financial autonomy to the nation’s 774 Local Government Councils.

Unfortunately, so many people are as usual applauding the reforms on their face value. But this column is convinced that the excitement over either of the two decisions is premature because the full implications that will follow the implementation of the reforms have not been fully assessed. In particular, it is patently naïve to imagine that the pronouncement of the Apex Court will automatically cure all the ills in Nigeria’s 3rd tier of government.

The first sign that the judgment may have produced pyrrhic victory for local government officials and in fact the entire nation is the fact even governors that many thought the decision did not favour are also rejoicing and indeed explaining that they are greatly relieved from the heavy burden of managing local governments. What traps are embedded in the unexpected reaction of governors to what some people see as a judicial landmark decision? Are we really sure that leaving local councils to manage their funds will solve the problem of poor development in Nigeria’s rural areas? If care is not taken, the decision which appears positive may inadvertently create a new set of emperors in the local areas with long convoys of vehicles heralding the arrival of chairmen to events as well as creating a blanket security vote for areas where insecurity would remain the order of the day. 

We hear that what initially necessitated the collaboration of states and local governments was the inability of the latter to meet certain huge costs especially the payment of teachers’ salaries. State governments thus reportedly agreed to also make some funds available to local governments which were then paid into an account to be jointly managed by both bodies. Unfortunately, the bigger partner took advantage to determine every expenditure leading to penury of local councils. So, could it be that governors would now stop aiding local councils which now have financial autonomy? Of course, we can trust politicians as they would have since after the judgment designed strategies to make those who support local autonomy to think twice. 

Interestingly, those who are rejoicing before understanding where we are heading to are even asking the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC to immediately take over the conduct of local elections from State Independent Electoral Commission SIEC. About a month ago, this column had argued that INEC was not well positioned to perform better than SIEC because both organizations suffer from the same ailment which is lack of independence. We don’t expect anyone to listen to us until the ruling party at the centre starts to ‘sweep’ local council polls in states where they have no governors. It is at that point that agitators for INEC to conduct local elections will understand what politicians mean when they talk of federal power in the states. 

For us, asking INEC to conduct local elections means that we are taking political autonomy away from the local councils that have just been financially empowered. Why are we now seeking to federalise a local function instead of positioning our societal institutions into embracing best practices in the conduct of elections? Whether INEC or SIEC, Nigeria is overdue for e-voting. It is time to hold seamless elections, keep to the proposed guidelines and use appropriate technologies that nullify electoral malpractices. Those who insist that we are not ripe for e-voting are yet to tell us why we are ripe for e-banking, e-passport, e-NIN etc. They must also explain why poor elections must remain our culture.

A second policy that was well received during the week was the plan by government to establish a Ministry for Livestock Development. If Nigeria must aggressively tackle hunger and hardship, no one can argue against the imperative of the plan especially now that our nation is facing imminent food crisis. Only last week, former Senate President Ahmad Lawan observed that the cost of food items in Nigeria had increased by more than 300%, warning that ‘protest will occur if all arms of govt don’t collaborate to reduce food prices and electricity tariffs. ’Tinubu’s livestock development initiative is thus in order as it will reportedly help government to focus on improving the protein intake of our people. It is also expected to generate revenue for government. 

However, this second leg of the argument on enterprise and profit seems to suggest that the vehicle for achieving the noble objective is not through the instrumentality of a ministry which functions essentially as a bureaucracy. We need not look beyond Nigeria to get copious examples of how government businesses have never worked in the country. Once the ministry is created, a new Minister will assume duties with a handful of personal and special assistants who render the staff of the ministry idle. The latter are in turn forced to serve as saboteurs to the attainment of the goals of the Ministry. 

Considering that it is an acclaimed fact that an inherent feature of bureaucracy is undue delays in project implementation, a country in a hurry to solve food crisis has no business bringing a ministry into it. In other words, Ministries cannot be used as reform agents for speedy execution of policies. It appears better to let them perform administrative functions while relying on technical ad hoc bodies such as the Presidential Food System Coordination Unit PFSCU which has governors, ministers and representatives of development partners and which was recently inaugurated to face urgent tasks.

Even at that, it is difficult to see how the assurances given by Vice President Shettima that the presence of bodies like the PFSCU will not usurp the functions of the existing Ministry of Agriculture. According to official records, the Ministry’s core mandate is to ensure food security in crop, livestock and fisheries, stimulate agricultural employment and services and promote the production and supply of raw materials to agro-allied industries. For this reason, the ministry has a multiplicity of ministerial departments and agencies. Among them are the Nigerian Agricultural Insurance Corporation NAIC and three extension services – two in Zaria and one in Ibadan. 

It is unfortunate that Nigeria continues to put too many cooks in a kitchen to prepare same meal. At a point, the need to set up a panel such as the famous Stephen Oronsaye panel to streamline them becomes obvious. We have been studying the Oronsaye report for more than a decade while continuing to create new bodies like the proposed Ministry of Livestock Development. The other day, a legislator was applauded for proposing a bill to establish the Federal University of Technology in Lagos. Whereas most Nigerians expect the House of Representatives to make an affirmative law for 74 of its existing 360 seats to be reserved for women, our legislators are trying to increase the numerical strength of an already money-guzzling and unwieldy House by as many as 74 extra seats for women.

Our leaders should put some halt to all these grandiose policies and attempt to tackle a few self-made basic issues. For example, one direct challenge to livestock production is incessant herder-farmer clashes. During the Buhari administration, Nigerians were required to surrender their arms and ammunitions. Some did, while others didn’t. Those who did not are seen publicly in possession of their guns. If such guns are withdrawn conscientiously by government, perhaps the deaths and the motivation for violent clashes may also reduce without establishing any new ministry. 

Again, the problem of food scarcity is that of affordability and not availability. This is because the prices of food items are too high. One simple method of bringing down prices is to stop different government operatives in uniform on the highways from collecting tolls from farmers who are transporting their produce from the hinterland to urban markets. Monies collected from such transporters are usually added by them to their production costs which further increase food prices. Many years ago, Audu Ogbeh, one time Minister of Agriculture raised an alarm on it, yet till date, such illegal activity bypublic officials in uniform on self-assigned security patrols is still in vogue. Why?

For so long Tiwa Savage held sway as Nigeria’s number one female artiste. Not many people would disagree with that.

The only other female artist in the picture at one time, was Yemi Alade. But that didn’t last for long. Of course, Simi, Teni and a couple of others warmed up to the occasion but they never could really bubble over the edge.

Then, Tems and Ayra Starr showed up and the story is never the same. Even Tiwa Savage is nervous and must be working on skates to race free of these two.

Adding to their remarkable growing influence is the recent revelation by global music streaming platform, Spotify, who announced that Ayra Starr and Tems are  the most streamed Nigerian artists globally.

Numbers, they say, don’t lie. By Numbers, Tems and Ayra Starr are giving our ‘Queen of Afrobeats’ a run for her money. Tiwa Savage must have been there and done that, and all, these two are catching up fast and may soon have her on the spectators’ stand if “Mummy Jamjam” does not up her game soon enough.

Nonetheless, it would be a hot argument to water down that the trio are not the best Nigeria has to offer, both at home and abroad. And it is not a coincidence that they all have a lot in common. You need what these fantastic ladies have to be extraordinary in the game. First, they are all alluringly beautiful and massively talented.

What have stood them apart and above the reef are a mix of their vocal quality, lyrical depth, sensuality, stagecraft, attitude and more. It is no surprise one bit that they attract international engagements more than any other out of the country because of the allure of these qualities. And by extension, they draw bigger paychecks and performance fees more than others.

Vocal quality

The vocal quality or range of these ladies is awesome. They are the typical nightingale with a soothing and caressing  voice that evokes feelings of nostalgia, pleasure and pure bliss. In fact some people have said it is difficult to tell them apart. Only Tems is a bit different with her hoarse edge but all three come through as strong vocalists with an immense range.

Of course, many people would raise Simi in this conversation and they may truly not be off course but Simi isn’t exactly a bundle of tricks on stage or a sensual bolt of electricity as these three when they turn it on.

Lyrical depth

“Nigerian music, especially Afrobeats, has captivated global audiences with its infectious rhythms, compelling storytelling, and innovative sound fusions. Its ability to transcend cultural and geographical boundaries is truly remarkable,” so says Spotify’s Head of Music, Sub- Saharan Africa, Phiona Okumu on Wednesday when she announced Tems, Ayra Starr and 28 others as the most streamed artists globally.

Tiwa Savage, Ayra Starr and Tems are never short on lyrical content. Their songs are a mixture of “compelling storytelling and innovative sound fusions” which explore relatable themes of love, good times, street vibes and even folklores.

Sensuality

No matter how we look at it, sex sells. In the entertainment space, this is something most people want to see. Tiwa Savage, Ayra Starr and Tems are not just naturally beautiful, they ooze some quantum of electricity that leave their audiences in shock of pleasure, gratifying wellbeing and in a trance of affectionate longing.

Stagecraft

None of these three ladies is exactly a Poco Lee on stage. Stagecraft isn’t all about dancing, and most often than not, they have backup dancers to do that for them. But what is unique about the trio is their ability to set alight their endowments to a captivating effect in a most dramatic manner.

Tiwa Savage and Ayra Starr take the lead in this regard; their dress sense and style, the sensual rhythmical movements of their body, speak volumes. Tems is also catching up fast, her recent performances are not devoid of some sensual teases and artistry.

 [Vanguard]

Like men in a stupor, African leaders are staggering through the labyrinthine paths of democracy, oscillating between hope and despair, chasing the promises of democracy that are now at best, a will-o-the-wisp. To imagine where we are now is to forget where we have come from. Talking about democracy in Africa right now is fatuous, akin to a man laying a foundation and inviting the village to come and admire his beautiful house. Africans feel thoroughly distraught and wonder which gods they have offended. The elite stare sheepishly at how the dreams of yesterday have turned into nightmares. They sneer at their foibles and complicity yet, while deriding their conditions and engaged in self-flagellation, they expect some kind of a deus ex machina. Like a child who has blotted his copy book, the Nigerian elite search for alibis and engage in weaving conspiracy theories and sing lachrymal tunes as to how the texture of democracy is foreign to African culture. We continue to side step the difficult but inevitable questions, namely, why is democracy not delivering for Africa?

Could we truly say that after independence we were on the democratic path while building a country on the rump of feudal states foisted on us by a hurriedly departing colonial state when both systems along with the military were antithesis of democracy? Human history is about human beings attempting over time to work out systems that would permit them to live together in peace and harmony as much as possible and for as long as possible. Some of these systems have been very simple, others less so. Yet, in all of this, each group tried to work out its own system of government, based on its own cultural, geographical, social and historical realities, and borrowing what it found useful in the experiments of other groups.

The Nigerian political elite has never really seriously committed itself to understanding the intricate dynamic fabric of our different, competing and even conflicting political and socio-cultural world views. We have had assumptions about the models of liberal democracy, rule of law and other prescriptions of what constitutes democratic culture. Before and after independence, we have had series of Constitutional reviews, constantly searching for workable models to take our people out of the state of nature where life has remained, nasty, brutish and short. 

Nigeria, nay, Africa, was victim to some of the most barbaric exploitation by Arab invaders and European slave traders. These inhuman experiences threw Africans into a furnace and left behind our perpetual fault lines of violence that have rendered Africa a continent permanently on the burner of violence. Our identity violence continues to mount, wars over arbitrary boundaries persist. Ironically, the most richly endowed countries and communities today remain the most combustible environments, riddled with violence, poverty and squalor. 

Against this backdrop, Africans continue to wonder, why has democracy delivered so little to us?  The former colonial masters sit smugly on iron horses of racial arrogance and wonder why Africans have been unable to fix their problem after independence. Our local elite have memorized some of these lyrics and engage in self-abnegation, often believing that indeed, something must be wrong with us as a people. This ahistorical view of the world is perhaps our undoing. Africa’s unwillingness to take a historical view of where we have come from, to interrogate the assumptions of the models we have adopted have led to a level of cynicism and self-defeatism. To be sure, our purpose in this piece is to argue that there is need to rethink our assumptions about Democracy and its redeeming futures. The idea is not to negate the fine principles of Democracy, but to ask that we become more modest in our expectations of the deliverables of democracy as a system of governance.

Although we seem to have been sold to the idea that democracy is desirable for Africa, we want to interrogate this position and argue that democracy is riddled with contradictions and distortions. We will argue that the assumptions that it is the weapon of choice for delivering on good governance is an illusion. In our view, words hardly correspond exactly to the concepts which they are meant to express. Secondly, concepts and the terms that express them have different histories, and it often happens that with the passage of time a term comes to be applied to a concept with which it originally had nothing to do. We Africans have always tended to take democracy and its claims as a given, a kind of sacred text with unquestionable cannons. In doing this, we fall into the temptation of ignoring the historical, cultural phenomena that have signposted democracy through the centuries. 

Modern Western democracy has various sources some of which go back to the ancient times. Most prominent among these were the classical Greek city-states (especially Athens) and the republican tradition of Rome. Equally important was the teaching of the Christian Gospel on the equality and freedom of all human beings as children of God redeemed by Jesus Christ. Medieval Italy also had model city-states while in some other parts of Europe, like in England and Sweden, vast monarchies and aristocracies introduced the practice of representation which was later to become a permanent feature of democracy. The writings of philosophers like John Locke, Baron de Montesquieu, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant, G. W. F. Hegel and many more provided the theoretical basis for some of the important elements in the system. The American and the French Revolutions emboldened the common people and were praised by some philosophers. These philosophers imagined a world that could improve human security and happiness. The American founding fathers drew   inspiration of the value of the individual and his freedom from John Locke. He provided the anchor for the theory of freedom and the pursuit of happiness. 

We argue therefore that the growth of democracy in Europe was the result of the inspiration of these philosophers. The development of their thoughts helped us to understand that quest for a better life is the precondition for the development of Democracy. Thus, some of the prerequisites include but are not limited to; high literacy rate and higher education for more persons, a large and influential commercial or industrial middle class, dispersion of political and economic resources among the population, higher living standards for more persons, consciousness of basic human rights founded on the dignity and equality of all the citizens, a virile and stable civil society, some form of cultural homogeneity or at least non-segmented cultural heterogeneity, and the rule of law, are regarded as prerequisites for democracy in a modern state. Facing the mirror, how do African democracies measure on these scales? 

Thus, rather than seeing democracy as an end, a terminal point we can reach, we should see it as a goal, a destination, a shifting kaleidoscope with enough elasticity to accommodate the dreams of different generations. Yes, there are civilizational and economic thresholds that could make us claim that some democracies have reached some irreversible points, but as we can see from the rise of illiberalism and nationalisms elsewhere, there is no firm mast on which we can nail our colours with confidence. Thus, our notions and assumptions about democracy often produce incoherence and dissonance in practice. For example, democracies claim that they govern on behalf of the people. However, the world over, and indeed since the beginning of time, these democratic governments have often been against the people. The possibility of new elections is often presented as a proof that democracy works, but in essence, these cyclical rituals enable citizens to merely replace one set of clowns and liars with another. Often the differences are marked by a change of the jerseys among the thieving elites but not in the measurable conditions of a majority of the people. 

In democracies, the political party has been recognised as an association that offers candidates platforms for competition and takes care of the interest of groups of citizens. In reality, though, political parties are elitist clubs that pursue only the interests of those who provide the huge finances needed to run them. Parties are usually hijacked by their powerful financers, usually financiers and entrepreneurs who see the entire nation and even the whole world as business firms or markets. Since modern democracies are run by political parties and political parties are run by the rich, modern democracies are, in effect, plutocracies. The persons who actually direct the affairs of state are often not overtly politicians. They are often called, cabals, mafia or godfathers who use the politicians as their puppets. The politicians give their patrons tax exemptions, the law makers ensure that the laws favour private business. These elites keep a tight leash on the bureaucracy and agencies of government.  These private sector actors often claim that; government has no business in business, but in reality, they believe that; business has business in politics!

It is necessary to remember that when a name is given to thing, it often becomes a label which circumscribes the thing, removing from it the dynamism and the possibility for change which it would otherwise have had. Besides, a thing may become so appealing that its name gets to be applied lightly to other things in an attempt to confer on them the same appeal, at least nominally. In the end, the name ends up indicating so many things that it indicates nothing at all in particular. This is our dilemma with democracy today. 

We therefore maintain that the democratic spirit is indispensable for their survival as nations. Some of the fruits of this democratic spirit and ethos are care, brotherhood/sisterhood, kindness, generosity, care for the weak, the stranger and the environment, among many others.  In our view, the issue of governance in Africa, as elsewhere, cannot be reduced only to the question about who should govern. In the end, even when the best govern, but do not govern well, or when the people rule, but do not rule well, the problem of responsible governance in Africa will not have been solved. Governance must give us our humanity. 

Finally, we agree with Aristotle who said: “The true forms of government, therefore, are those in which the one, or the few, or the many, govern with a view to the common interest; but governments which rule with a view to the private interest, whether of the one, or of the few, or of the many, are perversions.”

• Onah and Kukah are the Catholic Bishops of Nsukka and Sokoto Dioceses

Many Nigerians just love the parliamentary system of government without knowing it. That was my first take-away from the UK general election, which saw the Labour Party chase the Tories out of No 10 in one of the most comprehensive defeats in the country’s history. Sir Keir Starmer, the leader of the Labour Party, assumed power and named his cabinet less than 24 hours after his party won 411 of the 650 seats in the House of Commons, leaving the Conservative Party with 121. For context, the Tories had 365 seats and Labour had 200 before the election. While Labour gained 211 seats to claim the majority (meaning they can pass several bills on their own), the Tories lost 251. Massive.

After Starmer swiftly named his cabinet and met with his team a day following his appointment as prime minister by King Charles III, my WhatsApp started brimming with broadcasts comparing Nigeria with the UK. One reads: “The elections were held 2 days ago. Yesterday, the new Prime Minister has assumed office. The new cabinet is already in place. No transition committee.” There you go. In a parliamentary system of government, there is a governing party and an opposition party. The governing party is usually the one with the most seats in parliament, even if it takes a coalition to get the majority. The opposition party is usually the one with the second highest number of seats.

For the benefit of those who may not know how it works, the opposition party always forms a “shadow” cabinet when a new parliament is in place. For every cabinet position filled by the governing party, the opposition has an equivalent. They shadow the ministers of the governing party and have access to official documents. This enables them to make meaningful contributions to parliamentary debates, provide their own views and propose alternative policies. In a parliamentary system, the executive and legislative arms of government are merged, so most ministers/secretaries are members of parliament. There is no separation of powers. It is only the judiciary that is apart.

Therefore, naming a cabinet “within two days of winning an election” is not a big deal in a parliamentary system. As I have explained, the cabinet positions are shared before elections, with minor adjustments made where considered necessary. If a party does not win enough seats to form government and has to go into a coalition with another party, there could be a delay in naming the cabinet because of the horse trading. By the time a new parliament is proclaimed, however, the cabinet will be named. It would have been an anomaly if Starmer did not name his cabinet immediately. Rishi Sunak, as the new opposition leader, has already appointed a shadow cabinet.

In a presidential system, the type Nigeria practises, the executive is separate from the legislature. The president cannot form a cabinet until he has sent the list of nominees to the senate for confirmation hearing. He can only nominate. As an independent arm of government, the legislature can decide when it wants to conduct the hearing and decide the nominees to accept or reject. It cannot be hurried up to screen the nominees or forced to confirm them. I am not trying to justify the long delays in Nigeria — there was a time it took almost six months before ministers were appointed and this is totally unacceptable — but the president cannot realistically form a cabinet “within two days”.

Nevertheless, our presidents can do better. If there is a sense of urgency to set the ball rolling and there is some regard for Nigerians, nominees can be swiftly named and confirmed. But everything is complicated in our dearly beloved country. One, security screening takes ages. Two, names are dropped and chopped per minute. Three, the senate will still be trying to sort out its own leadership issues (National Assembly is usually inaugurated two weeks after the president). The senate will also need to schedule dates for the battalion of nominees. Give or take, we can get ministers confirmed within a month of the president’s inauguration — that is if we are really a bunch of serious people.

On the issue of transition committee, I don’t see it as a big problem. In the parliamentary system, there is hardly a need for a committee: the shadow cabinet was basically in the know of everything that happened in the previous government. The rest will be covered by the bureaucracy, which is very strong and independent. In the US, from where Nigeria copied its presidential system, there is a Presidential Transition Act that guides the peaceful and orderly transfer of power from one president to the other. There is a budget approved by the Congress for that. There is usually a transition team. Therefore, that “there was no transition committee” after the UK election is not anything novel.

By and large, though, I can see that many Nigerians love parliamentarism from the way we talk and behave. Our lawmakers pass “vote of confidence” on governors or presidents, whereas there is no such thing in our system. That is a parliamentary practice. When Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, then of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), was governor of Lagos state, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) formed a shadow government. It doesn’t work like that. (By the way, I also love and prefer the parliamentary system for many reasons, but I do not believe it will change our fortune. I stand by my pet theory that nations are developed by competent and patriotic leadership, not political systems.)

My fascination with the parliamentary system, as I have explained in the past, is mainly because of the competitive engagements in parliament. Policies are debated and dissected. The prime minister has to be accountable. Opposition has to be on top of its game. I love the prime minister question time, where probing and unflattering questions are thrown from the floor of the chamber. The prime minister has no hiding place. The parliamentary system also saves costs — you only need to win your constituency to be a member of parliament. You don’t have to print posters and campaign nationwide. In addition, most cabinet ministers are parliamentarians and cannot earn two salaries.

My second take-away from the UK election is that when voters are tired of the party in power, there is no amount of rhetoric or reasoning that will dissuade them from voting for a new party. The UK is a Conservative country and the Tories own it, just as Bayern Munich owns the German Bundesliga and Real Madrid the Champions League. But once in a while, voters get tired of the governing party and want to try something else. Sunak was the unfortunate victim. Apart from being a decent guy, he had also steadied the ship as prime minister after the shenanigans of Boris Johnson and the aftermath. The economy was recovering very well, but the British voters just wanted a change.

The amazing thing is that Starmer did not offer anything extraordinary. In fact, most of his campaign promises were lacking in detail. He refused to make specific commitments on tax rises and how he would curb immigration. Yet, the pendulum continued to swing his way before the election, forcing Sunak to shift from campaigning for the Conservatives to retain power to warning the voters against giving Labour an absolute majority. There was nothing he could say and there was nothing he could do to sway the voters. The Tories had been in power since 2010. Voters wanted a fresh breath. It did not matter if the Labour offered nothing better, but voters wanted change for the sake of change.

This is a democratic phenomenon. In the US, voters alternate between the Republicans and the Democrats. In fact, it is a usual feature, unlike in the UK where a Labour victory is once in a blue moon. It happened in Nigeria in 2015 too. The PDP had been in power from 1999 and many Nigerians were genuinely tired of them. Some politicians pulled off their PDP jerseys and teamed up with the newly formed All Progressives Congress (APC) to campaign for “change” and President Goodluck Jonathan became the first incumbent to be defeated. All his efforts to say APC had nothing better to offer failed. When the voters are tired of you, no rhetoric or reasoning can change them.

My third take-away: Fellow Nigerians, it is all politics. That is actually the title of my debut book. In it, I argue that Nigerian politicians are geniuses at playing politics, scheming and strategising, manipulating and manoeuvring, and plotting and politicking non-stop just to score a political goal. Thereafter, they forget the core purpose of politics and power: which is to promote the greater good of the society. Politicians must politick. I saw plenty of this at play in the UK. But I must quickly add a caveat: many British politicians offer genuine service to the society, and the system is robust enough to put them in check if they step out of line. Nevertheless, the political grandstanding was visible.

To send Labour packing from No 10 in 2010, the Conservatives played up the politics of high immigration figures and poor funding of public health. Some 14 years later, Labour played up the same politics of high immigration figures and poor funding of public health to get the Conservatives out. Expect the Conservatives, as opposition, to deploy these same sentiments in discrediting the Labour government in the years ahead. It is all politics. In 2015, APC overpowered PDP by playing up the raging issues of corruption and insecurity. Since then, PDP has also been playing up the same issues in trying to dislodge APC from Aso Rock. That is the nature of politics. We saw it in the UK too.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

LG AUTONOMY

The Supreme Court has made a landmark ruling on the autonomy of LGAs, notably declaring that council elections must be conducted to end the epidemic of undemocratic caretaker committees. But the justices audaciously amended the 1999 Constitution by overriding Section 162(6) which states that “each state shall maintain a specific account to be called State-Joint Local Government Account into which shall be paid all allocations to the local government councils of the state from the Federation Account and from government of the state”. The provision is so clear and unambiguous. The court has now assumed the power of unilaterally amending the constitution. Disturbing.

ADAMAWA SALVO

In what seems to be a response to the Supreme Court ruling on council autonomy — a case initiated by the attorney-general of the federation — the Adamawa state government is seeking to stop the federal government from making any deductions, except permitted by law, from the federation account before allocations are shared. In simple English, this is intended to stop the federal government from deducting petrol subsidy expenses and the cost of collection by federal agencies, such as Customs and FIRS, before the federally collected revenues are distributed. I understand more constitutional cases are loading as the governors prepare to take their pound of flesh. Thriller.

AIRPORT SUBSIDY

There may be 22 airports in Nigeria but only three are profitable, according to the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN). The rest are money guzzlers. Ms Olubunmi Kuku, FAAN’s managing director, said the agency is cross-subsidising 19 airports. “We also have about six or seven airports that are either owned by state governments or private individuals or entities which we also support with either aviation security or fire and rescue services,” she said. Nigeria is now doing airport subsidy. The sad part is that many airports were built not out of economic need but because some governors wanted to be taking chartered flights because of the bad roads and insecurity. Nigeria!

NO COMMENT

The opposition to the Samoa Agreement because of the supposed LGBTQ+ content has brought out the selective righteousness in us. There was a question I asked in 2013 when we passed the anti-gay law and I am going to ask it again: when are we going to have an anti-adultery law? From the way we talk, it seems homosexuality is the only thing this our God hates. Many of those “righteously” opposed to the demonised Samoa Agreement have no problems with pornography, fornication, adultery, sex orgies with those tiny university girls, padding budgets, looting the treasury, and sniffing white powder. It seems to me that LGBTQ+ is the only thing this our God does not like. Wonderful.

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of Dr. Mainasara Umar Kogo as the Chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT).

Dr. Kogo is a seasoned lawyer and analyst in the fields of law, security, economy, politics, and international diplomacy.

The President anticipates professionalism, integrity, and fidelity to the nation in the discharge of the functions of the Office of the Chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT).

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of Mr. Cornelius Oluwasegun Adebayo as the new Executive Secretary/Chief Executive Officer of the National Agricultural Land Development Authority (NALDA).

Mr. Adebayo is an engineer and also a community and social development expert.

The President expects the new Chief Executive Officer of NALDA to deploy his competence and experience in supporting and driving the growth and sustainability of Nigeria's agricultural sector.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of Mr. Jobson Ewalefoh as the new Director-General of the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission (ICRC).

Mr. Ewalefoh is a professional with years of experience in government and development organizations, in addition to expertise in public-private partnerships, public policy reform and development.

The appointment is subject to the confirmation of the Nigerian Senate.

The President expects absolute dedication and probity in the management of the ICRC and in pursuit of its strategic objective of accelerating investment in national infrastructure through the innovative mobilization of private-sector funding.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of Ms. Omolola Bridget Oloworaran as the new Director-General of the National Pension Commission (PenCom).

Ms. Oloworaran is a finance and banking expert with many years of experience.

The appointment is subject to the confirmation of the Nigerian Senate.

The President anticipates a goal-oriented leadership to drive efficiency and superlative performance in the National Pension Commission as the prime regulator of the Nigerian Pension Industry.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of Mr. Oluwaseun Faleye as the new Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer of the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF).

Mr. Faleye is a legal and corporate finance specialist.

President Tinubu has also approved the appointment of Mrs. Mojisolaoluwa Kehinde Alli-Macaulay as the Executive Director (Operations) of the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF).

Mrs. Alli-Macaulay is a former lawmaker and former Chairperson of the Lagos State House of Assembly Committee on Women Affairs, Poverty Alleviation, and Job Creation.

The President anticipates a comprehensive re-positioning of the NSITF for enhanced social protection and qualitative service delivery to the Nigerian people.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of Dr. Olufemi Adekanmbi as the new Project Coordinator for the Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project (HYPREP).

Dr. Adekanmbi is a former Commissioner for Special Duties, Culture and Tourism in Ondo State, and a member of the Nigerian Environmental Society (NES).

He holds a Doctorate degree in Environmental Management.

The President anticipates the exercise of competence, dedication, and professionalism in fulfilling the mission of the HYPREP to restore and revitalize communities impacted by hydrocarbon pollution, with a primary focus on Ogoniland in Nigeria.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)