Attributing poor governance in Nigeria to corruption has become exceedingly simplistic in view of its unending inclination. A more sustained attack on the adverse effects of different specific dimensions of corruption on national development might be more useful.

It is therefore time for the nation’s scholars and analysts to throw more light on such unambiguous phases of the subject – a good example being the notorious hobby of last minute contracts and appointments that successive Nigerian political leaders engage in. Such efforts might help track the problem for action considering its pervasive nature of creating stunted growth at federal, state and local areas across the country.

Just before leaving office last week, the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari (2015-2023) carried out several injury-time appointments as if it came into office two months ago instead of the recorded period of 8 years. Among those who have condemned the act is a member of the ruling party and also member-elect of the House of Representatives, Chief Philip Agbese.

He explicitly criticised the appointment of a new Accountant General of the federation, which he felt was done without recourse to the rules and numerous petitions on ground against the process. Agbese also disagreed with the approval for the board of the North East Development Commission to resume work without confirmation by the Senate thereby undermining the powers of the legislature.

There were similar criticisms against the activities of the immediate past minister of aviation, Captain Hadi Sirika. The Centre for Social Change and Democracy, CSCD, had accused the minister of appointing his cronies to different offices which made it to demand a thorough investigation of the appointments, employments and awards of contracts in the aviation sector.

In particular, the Centre wants the Minister to explain how funds budgeted for the Nigeria Air project were utilized. This criticism resonated through the sector with many deprecating what they perceived as hurried arrangements to surreptitiously place our aviation sector under Ethiopian authorities. If the assignment had been diligently handled in good time, may be it would not have elicited as much uproar.

The point must be made however, that it was not the first time that the federal government or some of its powerful officials engaged in such last-minute dubious transactions.

In 2015, the hobby of getting some favourites into certain offices also took place. Even the appointment of Chief Executives of federal bodies which others did routinely was herculean to President Goodluck Jonathan’s government. At a point, there were about 13 bodies whose heads acted for years without confirmation. In some cases, it looked like a strategy to make the appointees patently malleable.

For instance, one of our colleagues at the NTA acted as Director-General for more than 2 years before government remembered to replace him. If he was not competent, why was the organization left in seemingly wrong hands for so long? If he was not incompetent why then was he removed? Yet, the same government appointed 5 different chief executives for the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in 5 years, that is an average of one a year.

If federal authorities angered people by their last minute activities, happenings in the states were not less appalling.  In Niger state, the government spent no less than 6 of its 8-year tenure without filling vacancies in the public service thereby explaining its decision to recruit as many as 3,000 new workers at the tail end of the tenure of the immediate past governor, Abubakar Sani Bello. The former secretary to the state government Alhaji Ahmed Ibrahim Matane said the new appointees were to replace many civil servants who had retired or died since 2017.

In Plateau state, former governor Simeon Lalong, waited till the dying minutes of his tenure to swear-in five new judges of the State High Court and a judge of the State Customary Court of Appeal. It was only then it occurred to Lalong, himself a lawyer that a robust and vibrant Judiciary capable of meeting the needs of the people for justice delivery was expedient.

In Abia State, it was only after his preferred candidate lost the governorship election that former governor Okezie Ikpeazu suddenly woke up to the need to reconstitute the Governing Councils of some critical state institutions. By appointing Eme Okoro, the immediate past secretary to the state government (SSG) as chairman of the Abia State College of Health Science and Management Technology, Okezie betrayed the real motivation for his tail-end action.

Other favourites according to media reports were appointed to head the State Civil Service Commission and the State Polytechnic. In Jigawa state, most of the last-minute activities were essentially basic contracts such as the construction and renovation of classrooms and roads, drilling of hand pumps/ conversion of diesel motorized boreholes to solar powered as well as completion and upgrading of some health facilities. But then, no one understood why they were left for the tail end of the former governor Muhammad Badaru Abubakar’s administration.

To establish that last minute contracts which many see as phoney had become part of our political culture, it is probably necessary to refer to older relevant activities. In Imo state, opposition parties publicized daily, alleged awards of last-minute jobs by former governor Rochas Okorocha. The said contracts which were yet to be executed in the last few days of the administration had been reportedly paid for in full. Okorocha was also said to have recruited over 2000 employees into the public service at about the same time while several vehicles were auctioned at give-away prices. This made the then incoming governor Emeka Ihedioha to warn financial institutions against entering into any transaction with the then outgoing governor.

Similarly, the incoming government of governor Umaru Fintiri had to caution all Banking institutions in the state that giving arbitrary loans or overdrafts to government at the time was at their own risk. He spoke against the backdrop of a number of appointments, promotions and boards of some government agencies constituted close to the end of his predecessor, governor Mohammed Bindow.

Fintiri fulfilled his threat by cancelling all last minute suspicious activities carried out before he assumed duties. He was not alone. In Sokoto state, the new governor, Ahmad Aliyu reversed with immediate effect all recent appointments into the State Civil Service made by the outgoing government of Aminu Waziri Tambuwal after March 19th, 2023. In Osun state, the new governor, Ademola Adeleke, announced the reversal of late appointments by former governor, Gboyega Oyetola which were hurriedly done without following due process. Interestingly, this included the appointment of some ‘partisan’ Obas.

The reversals of several contracts and appointments had many adverse implications not only on societal development but also on innocent victims. For example, only two days ago, there were reports that the new Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, had commenced the demolition of structures believed to be illegally erected on properties belonging to the government. The owners were said to be cronies of the previous government to whom the plots were allegedly allocated. 

There is however doubt if the trend of phoney or unpopular last minute favours would end soon as some of the new beneficiaries were old victims. In Benue state for instance, it was interesting to hear that governor Samuel Ortom who cancelled last minute recruitment by his predecessor on account of inability of the government to pay workers’ salaries and other entitlements for several months was at the twilight of his own tenure attempting to build an airport. With what funds?

In the legislative arm of government, the situation has been the same. In the last one week, our federal legislators have suddenly become active. Part of their busy assignment was to investigate former Niger Delta Minister, Godswill Akpabio yet, they were unavailable when Akpabio reported.

Whereas, the most sanguine feature of any law making process is the quality of the average lawmaker, members of the Nigerian 7th Senate whimsically set an unbroken record of passing 46 bills in 10minutes on the last day of their tenure! Alas, we have neither reputable/seasoned legislators nor those that legendary Albert Einstein said should be “ready to live their lives for others.”

On Monday afternoon, my friend in Benin, Edo state, went to his father’s house for some daddy-and-son time. His fuel gauge was on red, but because the next gas station was on the other side of the road and he would need to make a long turn, he decided to buy petrol on his way back. That was what his driver suggested anyway. After watching President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s inauguration and listening to his speech, he headed back home. But the world had changed within the twinkle of an eye. He ran into a sudden traffic caused by fuel queues. That was when he remembered Tinubu’s statement of “subsidy is gone!” which was instantly greeted with petrol “scarcity” all over Nigeria.

With all of Tinubu’s experience in government, I thought a presidential pronouncement on such a very sensitive and emotive topic could have been better managed. There are people who have built their careers on opposing the removal of petrol subsidy and you do not expect them to take it lying down. Policy communication is as important as the policy itself. Many good policies have suffered miserable death in the slaughter room of populist activism partly because of the way they were communicated or marketed. One mistake many policy makers make over and again is to assume that if a policy makes sense and has benefits, it would be readily embraced. It doesn’t work like that.

I do not suggest that if a good policy is well marketed, there would be no resistance. It also doesn’t work like that. However, there are people who genuinely want to understand a policy and its promises. There are people who want to be persuaded so that they too can persuade others. In reality, there will always be resistance to the removal of petrol subsidy in Nigeria, no matter how well you communicate it. But you have a duty to sell the idea to educate your people, especially the new generation of Nigerians some of who believe that the UN will take over a country if a public protest goes on for three weeks or that INEC can only announce election results between 8am and 4pm.

I must also admit that there is no best time to remove petrol subsidy. No matter when you remove it — morning, noon or night; January, May or October; Sunday, Wednesday or Friday — there will always be some resistance. You do not withdraw a 50-year-old benefit that Nigerians have taken as a birth right and expect them to give you a standing ovation. It is our entitlement, as far as we can see. Since we hit oil boom in 1973, we have been hooked on subsidies, most of which we have got rid of — like giving meal tickets to university students and even paying for their laundry. We have successfully ended subsidies on diesel, gas and kerosene. But petrol is the most stubborn of them all.

Why do most Nigerians oppose the removal of petrol subsidy? At this point, I would like to speak for myself. I was a fierce advocate of petrol subsidy — until shortly before President Goodluck Jonathan pulled the trigger in 2012. By then, I had become more receptive to the economic case. I used to be nauseated with the argument that removing subsidy would curb smuggling, which I considered a grand celebration of the weakness and incompetence of state institutions. That Nigeria’s petrol was the cheapest in the world, as was being advanced as a major reason to remove subsidy, was also a problematic argument to me because I didn’t see why anybody should be saddened by that.

But the core economic argument that won me over in 2011 was that petrol subsidy was not an efficient way of spending a country’s resources. If you must subsidise, pick the productive link in the economic chain, not the consumption point. I think it was the then CBN governor, Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, that kept hammering on that. Moreso, why pour trillions of naira into subsidising petrol when healthcare, education, power and roads are crying for help on a daily basis? Is that not a more efficient way of spending money compared to dispensing petrol at subsidised pump prices? These arguments resonated with me more than the claim that petrol was cheaper than Coke.

It got more interesting for me when Jonathan withdrew the subsidy in January 2012 and some of those who openly supported it were lobbying me, through back channels, to argue against it in my writings. I was shocked. All my life, I had been playing into the hands of these buccaneers with my pro-subsidy campaign which I thought was helping the poor. It finally dawned on me that the more government retained the subsidy, the more these buccaneers profited from the system and the less the real object of my campaign benefited. Jonathan was, unfortunately, forced to beat a retreat as the opposition parties came after him. Otherwise, we would have passed this stage ages ago.

Nevertheless, there were two fundamental reasons for my lifelong opposition to the removal of petrol subsidy until I abandoned my position in 2011. One, I strongly believed (and still believe) that the poorest Nigerians would suffer the most, at least in the short run, in terms of the cost of living, particularly as transportation is a major expense in most Nigerian cities. Two, I did not (and still do not) trust the government to spend the gains judiciously and make life better for Nigerians. There were other reasons — such as the smuggling argument — but those were tangential. Generally, I was never in the mood for anti-subsidy debates and I dedicated my life to savaging the campaign.

On my first point, for instance, there is no doubt that the burden of subsidy removal is disproportionately borne by the poorest whose incomes can barely sustain their living costs. Transport fares go up instantly and they have no wriggle room to deal with it. For an economy that runs largely on “I pass my neighbour” generators, cost of doing business for barbers, beauty salons, eateries and vulcanisers will go up. Cost of food items will go up, notably in the cities which rely on road transportation for supplies. Poor people will surely suffer. This was my position when I was a pro-subsidy campaigner and it remains my position even as I am now in support of subsidy removal.

The issue now is: how do you make things less painful for the poorest? This takes me to my second point. The N3 trillion we have spent on subsidy this year alone is enough to make public hospitals hospitable to Nigerians. If we pour N3 trillion into the health sector today, buying the necessary equipment and drugs, upgrading the wards and paying the medical personnel decent wages and benefits, the “poorest of the poor” would feel the impact. If we choose to pour the N3 trillion into public schools, modernising the infrastructure, training teachers and treating them as human beings, the “poorest” would benefit and be glad. People need to experience, not just hear of, the benefits.

Obviously, the core reason for opposition to subsidy removal is lack of trust in government. People would rather petrol sells at N185/litre and their daily transport fare remains N500 than to be promised better life if petrol is N500/litre and transport fare goes to N1000. They would prefer the devil they know. Besides, many believe that “if not for corruption” Nigeria is rich enough to spend N6 trillion yearly on subsidy and still provide free electricity, free education and free healthcare. Many do not know that we currently owe over N46 trillion. Even if no kobo is stolen, we are in a mess. The simple truth is that we cannot afford petrol subsidy anymore. The economy is choking to death.

In fairness, Nigerians have earned the right not to trust the government. Of all the fuel price increases and the promises of better life in the last 40 years, why are we still here? Why are most roads, schools and hospitals still like this? Why are primary healthcare centres still lacking in basic drugs and personnel? Why are primary schools still lacking chalks and good teachers? Why are public taps still dry and poor people are drinking from the stream and contracting cholera? And we keep reading that one minister has stolen N20 billion, one governor has bought private jets, and one commissioner has mansions. And we expect poor Nigerians to embrace subsidy removal like a pillow!

In our history, only once or twice has the government increased petrol price and the people could point to how the gains were spent to improve their lot. In November 1994, Gen Sani Abacha raised the price and set up an intervention agency to rebuild public infrastructure, mostly roads, healthcare, education and water. That remains the gold standard. Alas, we are now operating a federal democracy and the president cannot dictate to states on how to spend their money. If Tinubu says let’s modernise hospitals but a governor says it is “cargo airport” that he wants to build in a state with poor health facilities, what can the president do? Nothing. That is our “true federalism”.

The best way forward, nonetheless, is for the government to win the trust of the people. As a starting point, I propose that all the revenue that will accrue to every tier of government from petrol subsidy removal should be isolated into a special fund and spent on specific social intervention programmes. Agreed, no tier of government can dictate to the other on how to spend its funds, but they can mutually reach a consensus in the interest of national development. How these funds are spent should also be publicised monthly for transparency and peer review purposes. Tinubu, as the leader, has to work harmoniously with the governors to deliver dividends from this subsidy removal.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

FAREWELL, DOKPESI

Dr Raymond Aleogho Dokpesi died on Monday after falling on his treadmill while recuperating reportedly from a stroke that had held him down for months. It was so painful. The maritime engineer is best known as the founder of Ray Power 100 — Nigeria’s first private radio station. He later launched the African Independent Television (AIT). With Ray Power and AIT, Dokpesi built men and women and contributed in no little way to the growth of journalism and entertainment industry. I first heard his name in a Sunny Ade song decades ago but I had no idea who he was, only to learn that he owned Africa Ocean Lines, Africa’s first indigenous shipping line. He was a great man. Adieu.

MIND THE GAP

Although President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has spent less than one week in office and deserves his honeymoon, some things need to be handled better in the days ahead. For one, press statements have been signed by at least three different persons. We in the media don’t even know who to relate with. We are practically scavenging for photographs of official engagements on the internet. Senator Remi Tinubu, the first lady, tweeted congratulations to Rt Hon Femi Gbajabiamila before he was officially announced as the chief of staff. The transition between the Buhari and Tinubu administrations was not as seamless as you would expect of people from the same party. Lacuna.

ACT OF COMMISSION

The senate passed an amendment bill last week effectively castrating the chairman of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC). After reading the amendments to the ICPC Act, I concluded that the commission does not need a chairman any longer. The board will be able to meet at his back and appoint a member to preside. Certain provisions mentioning the “chairman” have been replaced with “commission”. Could it be that the current chairman, Prof Bolaji Owasanoye, has stepped on some toes and the senators believe the best way to deal with him is to destroy the 22-year-old institution? Will he be chairman forever? Bewildering.

DSS VS EFCC

Nigerians woke up on Tuesday to the disturbing news that there was some beef between the Department of State Services (DSS) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) at the Ikoyi office whose entrance they both share. They are in the same compound. The property used to belong to a DSS legacy agency before EFCC was created. Until now, there was no sign of any dispute or tension between the two. The EFCC accused the DSS of preventing its staff from gaining access to the office. The DSS response was coded. I still do not understand what went down but I hope we will never witness anything like this again. Not a good way of welcoming a new president. Mysterious.

The Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) says it will embark on a nationwide protest next week Wednesday over the removal of petrol subsidy.

On Friday, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) issued a five-day ultimatum to the federal government to revert to the old price of petrol or face a nationwide protest.

Joe Ajaero, NLC president, said the federal government had until Wednesday to revert to the old price of N185.

Reacting in a statement on Saturday, Shuaibu Leman, NUJ national secretary, said an emergency central working committee (CMC) meeting of the union was convened virtually.

Leman said discussions at the meeting centred on issues surrounding the decision by the federal government to remove fuel subsidy and the position taken by the NLC.

He said members unanimously adopted the position of the NLC.

“CWC reiterates the argument that although the removal of fuel subsidy will free allocations which can be channelled to the provisions of infrastructure and creation of additional jobs, the sudden removal could, however, lead to social unrest and protests as people may perceive Government as being insensitive to their plight,” the statement reads.

“CWC also notes that already there is an astronomical increase in the prices of petroleum products and high inflation which have drastically reduced the purchasing power of citizens.

“Accordingly CWC directs all State Councils of the Union to mobilise members to withdraw their services and commence protests nationwide from Wednesday next week, 7th June 2023, if the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNCPL) refuses to reverse the new price regime in the oil sector.”

[TheCable]

AHEAD of the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly on June 13, President Bola Tinubu may have given the President of the Senate, Senator Ahmad Lawan, and the Speaker, House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, a definite assignment to ensure that double nominations were avoided in both chambers on that day.

Analysts, at the weekend, interpreted this to mean that the President believed that this was the only way the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) could win all relevant Principal Officers’ positions in the incoming National Assembly.

It was gathered that Tinubu gave the tall order at the Presidential Villa on Thursday night, just as the Presiding Officers were said to have told the  President that there was no way a zoning arrangement which excludes the North-Central and gives two slots to the North-West would stand.

Recall there was a meeting between Tinubu and the duo of Lawan and Gbajabiamila at the Presidential Villa on Thursday.

Also recall that the  APC had announced the endorsement of Senator Godswill Akpabio and three others for the topmost positions in the National Assembly. Akpabio from South-South was endorsed for Senate President, Senator Jibrin Barau from North-West for Deputy Senate President, Honourable Tajudeen Abass, North-West for Speaker, House of Representatives and  Hon. Benjamin Kalu, South-East for Deputy Speaker.

The decision did not, however, go down well with some members of the party and especially those aspiring for the positions of Presiding Officers in both the Senate and the House of Representatives as there were protests, condemnations and strong criticisms across the country. 

Consequently, the Senate Whip and a former Governor of Abia State, Senator Orji Uzor Kalu, a former Governor of Zamfara State, Alhaji Abdulaziz Yari, and Senator Osita Izunaso, among others, have continually kicked against the decision of the party while vowing to contest against the Akpabio/Barau ticket on Inauguration Day.

Amicable solution

According to a source, Tinubu decided to come into the matter to find an amicable solution to the issue which was already creating tension among senators-elect following complaints about the zning arrangement of the two chambers of the National Assembly.

The source said, “The President has given the duo of Senate President and Speaker a specific assignment to resolve the crisis created by the zoning of Presiding Officers’ positions announced by the All Progressives Congress leadership last month.

“The President wanted to avoid all forms of distractions and ill feelings among members-elect of the 10th National Assembly so that he could concentrate on the onerous task of providing good governance.

“The President is currently tackling the issue of dwindling revenue, poor infrastructure and epileptic power supply, among others, and he needed to concentrate on putting his team together.

“As we are all aware, the National Assembly is very critical. Since the APC has the highest number of members in both chambers, it was the President’s opinion that the leadership must not be imposed.”

It was also gathered that both Lawan and Gbajabiamila had asked all aspirants for Senate President and Speaker to put their houses in order to avoid rancour on the day of inauguration.

Against this backdrop, the Akpabio/Barau Stability Group met at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel in Abuja on Thursday night for several hours.

Also the Senate Democratic Caucus, which parades Yari, Kalu, Izunaso and others as members, met at Destination Hotel in Wuse 2, Abuja.

A source at the Akpabio/Barau’s Stability Group meeting explained that most of the senators-elect who were invited failed to turn up.

The source said, “Invitations were sent out to all senators-elect by the  Stability Group for the meeting, which was called by a prominent senator from the South-West but many of those invited did not turn up.

“It got to a point that some elders of the party like Aremo Olusegun Osoba and Abu Ibrahim were invited to the closed-door meeting, which had about 21 senators-elect in attendance.

Rival meeting

Meanwhile, the meeting called by the Democratic Caucus group at the Wuse Zone two was held simultaneously.

A senator-elect from the North-East, who confirmed the development  on the condition of anonymity, noted that the turnout of lawmakers-elect at the venue was highly impressive.

He said, “The meeting convened by the Senate Democratic Caucus had in attendance 57 senators-elect while about 16 others sent in their regrets.

“We are going to take the final decision on the matter on Tuesday (this week) and Nigerians will know that the zoning arrangement done by the APC had collapsed.”

It was also gathered that there were  moves by the President and the leadership of the APC to tinker with the zoning arrangement as announced by the APC just as  concerns were raised especially on the exclusion of the North-Central in the zoning made for  both chambers of the National Assembly by the APC to ensure inclusivity, fairness and justice which may alter current permutations.

[Vanguard]

By 1983 the army had struck and aborted the 2nd republic but here we are, the 10th Assembly will soon resume, and it’s been 24 years of a hullabaloo democracy, many are not happy but we are making some form of progress, there’s been no martial music. Despite the heated controversies in Lagos and other places, the death toll as a result of gun throttling ballot snatchers reduced, the magic figures of the Kardashian states also have reduced. However, we still have a marathon in our hands but sadly we are building on some shenanigan principles that don’t spell well for us.

I recall in our recent democratic journey a governor that had won a second term, after being sworn in, blamed his predecessor for huge debts and unpaid salaries…and more. Someone had to tap him, reminding him that he was the predecessor.

In this dispensation, another governor simply refused to sit on the seat of his predecessor, others would embark on a sacking galore, after all only weeks to the end of the last man on the helm there were loads of hiring, firing is then in order. I know that it is a lie that the Zamfara state governor declared N9trillion in assets but not to worry many would declare outrageous sums (forgetting that we know their real worth), while others would dance the musical chairs refusing to declare.

The block and freeze accounts group would be at it, accounts that would be elapsed after the initial gra-gra, where there are democratically, in many parts the governor would make statements banning payments of one levy, tax or union dues, but trust me, these payments would come back.

Most of the new governors have dissolved state councils, boards and parastatals, some governors will demolish, either immediately or later, the new kids on the block must chop, new Heads of Service, and all those new commissioners etc.

This new administration has taken off with subsidy removal. A most contentious issue, one that every energy moron and fuel expert has an opinion.

What exactly is deregulation, how exactly does this subsidy work...I have talked to government officials, petroleum marketers, a few 'big boys' in NNPC, and a couple of eggheads. Truth is that they do not know, or better still they know but cannot explain what these terms means.

All the grammar boils down to an inability of a system to solve a problem because a strong group of persons are benefiting from that problem. It also is an indictment reflective of the faulty planning by those in charge, that’s if they plan at all.

Government tells us that they cannot influence the price of the product since deregulation is the in-thing, but in common sense, no one has been able to tell us how fellow oil-producing nations have successfully dealt with their petroleum needs.

A friend suggested why don't we go to Angola, Venezuela, or Brazil and just steal their blueprint, it's working for them, let’s just stop this subsidies and deregulation grammar and deceit of subsidies and duplicate their success, localize it for the collective good of Nigerians, but off course the term 'collective good' is an alien term to us. Insecurity won’t allow our newly old train systems to work, blue and green rails at cut throat costs have not reduced cost of transportation or eased people’s burden, our waterways are wasting, you are riding bicycles car drivers would knock you down.

It is a sad picture of a society that has lost balance, the ruling class needs to be taught a bitter lesson, they need to be made to bleed, Nigeria's live at less than a dollar a day, while a nation's collective wealth is flaunted by a few, so if the current administration is scraping subsidies, it should be supported but it can’t get that wholesale support because of trust deficit.

No number of essays, commentaries can explain the impact of fuel, cooking oil and diesel to the economy; it’s like explaining the impact of constant electricity to national life. These are terms those in power do not seem to grasp; the reasons are way simple too...one, they have big power generating plants in their homes and offices. Two, some of them cannot really recall when last they were on a fuel queue and with millions of naira in remuneration and salaries, what do they care?

The NLC died a long time ago courtesy of an Obasanjo inspired poisoning, aided by greed of those put at the helm of its activities, its only panacea being strike and strikes.

Over two dozen fuel price increases since 1978, five times it was reduced minimally but hiked back almost immediately. From N8.45K in 1978 to N65 in 2009 representing an increase of almost 60,000%, the trend has simply continued. In 1978 when the first increase was announced, one of the reasons given was that a majority of petroleum users were using it for pleasure, and there was a need to bring discipline into society. Strange thinking, another reason was that N95M was being spent a year for subsidies.

As of this year we are talking in trillions, where is this money coming from, how does this subsidy thing work, how can you deregulate when your refineries are not working. How do you pay subsidy cash and still do crude oil swap, who can really explain the fraud called Direct Sales, Direct Purchase DSDP? I have not touched all the loops like bridging costs, demurrage, forex fluctuations that marketers play with, minus selling at international price to neighboring countries. Even the commissioned Dangote refinery has not started working and is not starting anytime soon. You will see that wahala dey!

The top echelon of the society cannot explain to Nigerians, exactly, the reason why we cannot buy fuel at an affordable price for three years in a stretch without scarcity. Not every Nigerian is a novice to the political, economic or social implications of oil pricing. However, the ordinary Nigerian suffers this failure and complacency of leadership.

Subsidies and deregulation mean the price will ultimately fall or money will be channelled to other areas of the economy, in local parlance...'our leaders like to mumu us'. When the broadcast industry deregulated, we saw the instant benefits, same applies to telecoms (although we pay some of the highest tariffs in the world) we saw and are still seeing the benefits. But once you hear these terms in the petroleum sector, it’s like it stands for disappearance of the commodity and when it reappears its price increases.

Who are those responsible for the billions and trillions that disappear in subsidies, who are the few that want to punish the majority? All the best explanations of the government until it is seen to be done is more of hullabaloo.

Why is it that this policy to a large population of Nigerians is simply a tightening of the screw of poverty, no massive improvement of our colonial rail system, no free education or healthcare, no social security, or unemployment benefits?

Legislators neither here nor there, governors’ supporting with both sides of their mouth at variance, everyone on top supports, and every person underneath suffers it, in all the noise the product disappears. Transportation fare increases, food prices sky rocket...a nation that has a disconnect between the ruled and its rulers.

Subsidy has become part of our transitions, if this government gets it right and can pull this off with a humane face, it will get a lot of things right but the citizens need to play their part, the Yorubas say Ẹni tó tan ara-a rẹ̀ lòrìṣà òkè ńtàn: àpọń tí ò láya nílé, tó ní kí òrìṣà ó bùn un lọ́mọ. Meaning, it is the person who deceives himself that the gods above deceive: a bachelor who has no wife at home but implores the gods to grant him children. (It is self-deceit to expect the gods to do everything for one, when one has not lifted a finger on one's behalf). I can only say—May Nigeria win!

Ex-President Muhammadu Buhari’s assets did not increase through out the eight years he spent in office, Garba Shehu, his spokesman, has said.

Shehu said this could be seen in the assets declaration form he submitted to the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB).

According to Shehu, the completed declaration showed that Buhari’s movable assets did not increase, at home in Nigeria or outside and he did not add new bank accounts outside the only one he had in Union Bank, Kaduna.

“He has taken no loans and has no liability. The number of animals in his farm recorded a little decrease due to the number he gave out as gifts in the last four years,” Shehu said in a tweet on Saturday.

The asset declaration form is mandatory for all elected, appointed, recruited and contracted public officers.

All public officers are to declare their assets and liabilities on the assumption of office and at the end of their tenure.

Declarants are required by law to state their assets/liability including that of their spouses who is not a public officer and children under 18 years of age and submit same to the bureau within 30 days of the receipt of the forms.

However, some public officers do not disclose their declared assets.

The African Centre for Media and Information Literacy (AFRICMIL) has urged President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to declare his assets in accordance with Paragraph 11 of Part I of the Fifth Schedule to the Constitution and make it public as a way of committing to the genuine fresh beginning he promised Nigerians.

The AFRICMIL Coordinator, Dr. Chido Onumah, said on Wednesday in a statement that declaring his assets and making it public would place President Tinubu on a much higher moral pedestal than his predecessors who were not on record to have taken any significant action regarding this constitutional obligation.

“Besides the moral capital that accompanies such a rare gesture, Mr. Tinubu would be seen to have reinforced belief in the ‘Renewed Hope’ agenda on which his governance plan is anchored, and which was the mantra at every turn in his campaign trail.

“The anti-corruption agenda of the Tinubu administration remains vague even though in his inaugural speech President Tinubu said his administration would ‘take proactive steps such as championing a credit culture to discourage corruption while strengthening the effectiveness and efficiency of the various anti-corruption agencies’

“AFRICMIL looks forward to a more detailed and unambiguous anti-corruption programme and is ready to work with the Tinubu administration to tame the vicious monster of corruption currently ravaging the country,” Onumah said.

I have received, for the umpteenth time, a video of the arrival of Prof and Mrs. Osinbajo at the Lagos airport. The arrival was without the pomp and pageantry that holders of exalted political offices receive in Nigeria. Along with the video are tendentious and silly snide remarks.  

It would have been easy for Prof Yẹmí Osìnbàjò to do what most politicians periodically do. He could have instructed some of his staff and supporters to organize an impressive crowd to await his arrival at the airport. 

For far less than ten million naira, he could have distributed bales of Ankara along with snacks and some chicken change to singing women and noise belching men. 

Needless to say, the capacity of a politician to stage such shows is directly correlated with the extent of his involvement in crude, appropriative, cash-and-carry politics. 

May God bless Yẹmí Osinbajo for not embracing the wayward exhibitionism that often defines the thoughtless populism of the Nigerian political class. His job as Vice President has been done. A hallmark of the Christian life he professes is to be able to truthfully say with Apostle Paul: "I know how to be abased, and I know how to abound. Everywhere and in all things I have learned both to be full and to be hungry, both to abound and to suffer need. I can do all things through Christ who strengthens me." Philippians 4:12-13. 

Osìnbàjò does not need a red carpet. The real losers are not Yẹmí and Dọlapọ Osinbajo but those whose superficiality makes them to define a leader by the carpet on which he walks.

…NMDPRA Explains Why Petrol Prices Will No Longer Be Fixed

The Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA)
has revealed that the Federal Government has officially scrapped petroleum equalisation as well as the national transport allowance.

This is just as the Authority said it will no longer fix prices or release templates for petrol prices.

The PEF was set up by Decree 9 of 1975 (as amended by Decree Number 32 of 1989 now chapter 352 of the Laws of the Federation).

Its main function is to ensure price uniformity of petroleum products via the reimbursement of marketers for losses they incur in trucking products from depots to their filling stations anywhere in Nigeria.

The Authority Chief Executive (ACE), Engr Farouk Ahmed, explained that under the liberalised market, the forces of demand and supply would dictate prices.

He also stated that the NMDPRA and the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) will mount aggressive monitoring of activities in the downstream sector to prevent profiteering by petroleum marketers.

Ahmed said, “We put the regulation in place, we make sure quality control is complied with, we make sure the product is there and we give licence to a prospective importer.

“The market is now open for everybody that wants to import as far as they meet all the requirements. So, it is not about the NNPC alone.

“For everybody in the sector, we make sure we guide their operations whether at the depot or wherever the product is but we will not put a cap to say this is what the price must be.

“As far as we are concerned in the NMDPRA, this is not like before when the PPPRA fixes the price. In a deregulated market, it is the market force that dictates the price.”

Ahmed explained that the NNPC’s role is to fix the prices of the petrol it imported and not take over the responsibilities of the Authority.

“In the case of the NNPC, the organisation is the sole importer at this point. We told the NNPC to recover its costs because they know how much it cost them to import the product and sell it.

“Of course, we also know how much shipping, offshore, ex-depot and ex-pump are. But we cannot tell them to sell at a price because the market is deregulated,” he said.

Ahmed further disclosed that marketers are now free to source their foreign exchange anywhere around the world to import petroleum products and then recover their costs without impediments.

On where the importers will source their forex from, Farouk said: “No. the CBN will not give dollar to anyone because it is an open market. Anyone willing to import should get the dollars from anywhere to import.

“Anyone willing to open a letter of credit from any part of the world can do that to import. That marketers can source their forex from anywhere is the beauty of the liberalised market that the NMDPRA has introduced based on the provision of the law.”

Though no template spells out the pricing components of petrol price, Ahmed hinted that the market will henceforth be modulated to allow the fluidity of prices.

He added, “This means that the price will no longer be static. It will depend on the international price of the gasoline market. But this does not imply that marketers can sell at any price.

“If we find that certain prices are way above the expected profit margin, we and the FCCPC can move in to curb such excesses because that will be profiteering. The market structure will dictate the price swings at every point in time.”

He maintained that the Dangote will help the nation in two ways, adding, “The refinery will give Nigeria easy access to petroleum products on-land for security reasons because it is within the Nigerian territory.

“Secondly, it will increase employment for our professionals.”

However, Ahmed was quick to caution against optimism for cheap petroleum products, saying, “I don’t think products will be cheaper because the company will be buying crude oil at the international price.

“However, it is going to be cheaper in terms of freight rate. Bringing of cargoes from Europe. Dangote Refinery is a game changer in terms of accessibility. By the time the NNPC refineries and other modular refineries across the country come on stream, Nigeria will be a net exporter of petroleum products.”