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Al-Hilal are desperate to sign Victor Osimhen before the end of the ongoing summer transfer window and has offered the Nigerian striker a lucrative deal worth €200 million.

 

Transfer News Live on Tuesday quoted Calcio Napoli as saying that Al-Hilal’s latest offer to Osimhen will see the Super Eagles striker earn €40m a year over a five-season deal.

Meanwhile, an earlier report had suggested that Italian club, Napoli rejected Al Hilal’s huge attempt to lure Osimhen to the Saudi Arabia Professional League ahead of the new season.

According to reports in Europe, Al Hilal initially tabled a €140 million (N118.9 billion) offer to Napoli in order to land the services of the 24-year-old attacker.

French media outlet, L’Equipe and UK’s Sky Sports had reported that the extraordinary proposal was put forward by the Saudi Arabian club in July.

The report details how Al Hilal which is one of the four Saudi clubs backed by the sovereign wealth fund PIF are eager to sign Osimhen whom they see as an alternative to Paris Saint-Germain forward, Kylian Mbappe.

 

Napoli president Aurelio De Laurentiis who is known for being a tough negotiator said he has no intention of selling Osimhen this summer.

De Laurentiis and the club’s management have as a result been in close contact with the player’s agent Roberto Calenda in a bid to agree a new contract.

The major sticking point in these talks has been the release clause which implies that the two parties are yet to reach an agreement.

Osimhen is discussing a deal that would be worth €7million per season, plus bonuses at the Stadio Diego Armando Maradona.

He led Napoli to their first Serie A title in 33-years after netting 31 goals for the Partenopei in all competitions last season, 26 of which were in the league, thereby becoming the first African to finish as top-scorer and win the golden boot in the 147-year-old history of the Serie A.

At €120m, he is the fourth most valuable player in the world behind Kylian Mbappé, Erling Haaland and Vinicius Jnr. Osimhen is joint-fourth in value with Arsenal’s Bukayo Saka and Real Madrid ace, Jude Bellingham, according to Transfermarket.

[Guardian]

 

In the intricate tapestry of Nigeria's democratic journey, the ongoing presidential electoral petition tribunal emerges as a pivotal crossroads, testing the core principles of justice, equity, and democratic essence.

This phase symbolises the intricate interplay of law, politics, and public sentiment, encapsulating the nation's ongoing saga of democracy. Within this context, it becomes imperative to unravel the complexities surrounding the tribunal – from the roles of the justices to the varying public perspectives and the challenges confronting the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) in tackling spurious allegations against the judiciary.

Examining the Nigerian Presidential Election and the Tribunal

The year 2023 marked a pivotal moment in Nigeria's history with the highly anticipated presidential election, which heralded a defining juncture in the nation's democratic voyage. Beyond mere political contenders, this election resonated with Nigerian citizens exercising their democratic rights to steer their nation's destiny.

Following the election, the establishment of the presidential election tribunal emerged as a consequential event. This legal platform was designed to address emerging disputes and allegations. It is a forum where evidence is presented, and arguments are advanced concerning the legitimacy of election outcomes. Consequently, all eyes in the nation have converged on this tribunal, with its proceedings overseen by the Honourable Justices of the Court of Appeal.

Roles and Duties of Tribunal Justices

The Justices overseeing the presidential electoral petition tribunal hold a profound duty in upholding Nigeria's electoral sanctity. They are entrusted with impartially evaluating evidence, assessing the legality of election procedures, and making judicious decisions grounded in constitutional and legal tenets. Essentially, they function as sentinels of democracy, safeguarding the true reflection of the people's will in the election outcomes.

These Justices are tasked with an intricate analysis of electoral laws, meticulous scrutiny of electoral conduct, and a thorough evaluation of irregularities or violations. Their rulings wield the power to validate or nullify election results, endowing them with an authoritative influence over the nation's political trajectory.

Public Sentiments and Diverse Outlooks

The public's response to the ongoing presidential electoral petition tribunal echoes a symphony of hopes, expectations, and reservations. While some harbor confidence in the tribunal's potential to render justice, others are plagued by skepticism due to historical instances of perceived judicial partiality. It's important to recognize these varied perspectives as emblematic of a vibrant democratic society engaging in discourse on matters of national significance.

Opinions range from cautious optimism to skepticism, reflecting the dynamic nature of a democracy grappling with history and present-day complexities. Certain segments exhibit optimism, viewing the tribunal as a bastion of integrity for the electoral process. They trust that the Justices will rigorously analyze evidence and render judgments in alignment with the rule of law. Conversely, skepticism arises from past instances where judicial impartiality has been questioned. Some members of the public fear political influence, corruption, and bias among the Justices, apprehensive that justice could be compromised for political convenience.

Challenges of Disregard for The Tribunal, The Judiciary and Upholding Integrity

Alas, a troubling trend of public disregard for both the ongoing tribunal and the broader judiciary has emerged. A particularly alarming trend is the growing disrespect for the judiciary, characterized by absurd conspiracy theories, slanderous remarks, and baseless allegations – often targeting the Honourable Justices. This trend thrives due to historical perceptions of partiality, polarization, and the rapid spread of misinformation via social media.

Regrettably, there has been a growing trend of public disregard for both the ongoing tribunal and the broader Nigerian judiciary. One malignant trend I have noticed, which is slowly becoming the norm, is the utter disregard and disrespect of the judiciary by Nigerian citizens, which is characterized by ludicrous conspiracy theories, slanderous statements and false accusations, which are majorly targeted at the Honourable Justices. This trend is fueled by various factors, including historical instances of perceived judicial partiality, political polarization, and the amplification of false information through social media. It is important to recognize that a healthy democracy relies on the judiciary's independence and credibility, making it crucial to address and counteract these negative sentiments. The proliferation of misinformation erodes public trust in the judiciary and undermines the fundamental tenets of democracy.
In less than 24 hours, I have come across two separate posts on social media which are perfect examples of the negative sentiments in question. In the first post, the writer accused a former governor and minister of writing the judgment of the presidential election tribunal, which is yet to be announced. In the second post, which was a video, a pastor displayed the pictures of the presiding Justices, and asked his congregation to make certain declarations and ‘lay hands on the Justices’. In addition to these, I have also come across several comments castigating and berating the Justices, whilst accusing them of partiality and questionable practices.

What is most upsetting about these accusations and negative theories is the fact that the Justices in question, by virtue of their calling, the ethics guiding this prestigious profession, and the nature and sensitivity of their offices are not afforded the luxury of addressing these false and ludicrous claims which seek to stain their names, their offices and their integrity. The plight of the presiding Justices, and the judiciary is a sad one which has forced me to act as a voice to an institution that is unable to defend itself from this onslaught.

As stated earlier, the sensitive nature of the offices of the presiding justices is such that they are unable to defend themselves and give a reply to the numerous false accusations and stories which are an attack on their morality. This therefore begs the question, who then will speak on behalf of the judiciary and its judicial officers, and defend it against these fallacies?

After going through, a number of these posts, articles and videos, I have come to the conclusion that these attacks are premeditated and can be traced to have originated from, and are being sponsored by, some particular groups and political affiliations.

Another instance of the recent contempt suffered by the Nigerian Judiciary, although not related to the presidential election tribunal, occurred at the Niger State High located in Suleja, where I was a counsel in a matter. The Respondent in this matter who had never appeared before the Honourable Judge, went as far as writing a petition against the Judge accusing him of attempting to snatch his wife. Prior to this, the same person had previously accused two high-ranking police officers, DPOs of also attempting to snatch his wife, regardless of the fact but unknown to him that one of the officers in question was a woman.

This instance makes it evident that there is much disdain directed towards the judiciary, as well as a plethora of false accusations being peddled, which all seek to paint the judiciary in a negative light.

These examples and instances all point to the fact that the shameful manner in which the judiciary is treated and regarded by members of the public, must be addressed in order to prevent a total breakdown of law and order.

It's crucial to acknowledge that a robust democracy rests on the pillars of an independent and credible judiciary. Addressing this issue is imperative to prevent a complete erosion of law and order. A recent example involves posts accusing respected individuals of manipulating tribunal judgments and even involving religious figures in influencing judicial outcomes.

The judiciary's inability to respond due to ethical constraints only exacerbates this worrying situation.

Countering False Accusations and Restoring Trust: The Role of the Nigerian Bar Association, The Body of Benchers, the Body of Senior Advocates of Nigeria and Judicial Institutions.

The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) bears a critical role in countering unfounded accusations and reinstating trust in the judiciary. As the umbrella body for lawyers in Nigeria, the NBA is tasked with advocating for the rule of law and upholding the justice system's integrity. To achieve this, the NBA should actively communicate the judiciary's role, dispel misinformation, and foster transparency. Collaborating with the media, civil society, and educational institutions can bridge the gap between the public and the judiciary.

Moreover, the Body of Benchers, responsible for legal ethics and professional standards, must engage in proactive initiatives. This could involve public outreach, using various media platforms to educate the public about judicial impartiality and ethical standards. In supporting the justices, they should help navigate the challenges of public perception while ensuring justice prevails.

Body of Senior Advocates of Nigeria is made of distinguished elites of the legal profession in Nigeria, its primary role is to serve as compass for others to follow, the role is better served in confronting the ills under consideration ditto the other formal judicial institution with full backing of the instrumentality of the law.

The NBA “National” and “Branches” can take a stand by publicly addressing the baseless attacks on the judiciary and its members. Collaborative efforts with media, civil society, and educational institutions can provide clarity and counter false narratives.

Conclusion

The Nigerian presidential electoral petition tribunal is a canvas capturing Nigeria's democratic essence, principles, and sentiments. The Justices presiding over it are the guardians of justice, entrusted with the monumental task of upholding democracy's core values. Amidst divergent public opinions and the perilous disregard for the judiciary, the NBA and other stakeholders should emerge as a powerful agent to dispel misinformation and fortify the defense of judicial integrity. Nigeria navigates this juncture with the hope that justice will triumph, democracy will flourish, and the rule of law will remain sacrosanct in the hearts of its citizens.

In Summary

• Niger shares a border with seven countries in the region, four of which are members of Ecowas.

• Of those four, Mali and Burkina Faso have been suspended due to similar coups d'etat.

Niger coup leaders
Niger coup leaders

Hopes are fading for a quick resolution of Niger’s coup or the potential use of force by the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) to free Nigerien president Mohammed Bazoum and restore him to power.

Ecowas leaders gave the Nigerien military junta an ultimatum to cede power within seven days of 30 July or face a military intervention.

The deadline of 6 August came and went, and the putschists remained. Ecowas meets again on 10 August to discuss the situation in Niger. However, hopes of a Nigeria-led Ecowas military intervention in Niger now appears dim.

The first indication that it would be difficult to immediately restore democracy in the country surfaced when demonstrations in support of the coup started.

An attack on the French embassy in Niamey was followed by a daily protest in support of the coup. The size of the protest increased daily.

Anti-France sentiments also increased, with more people supporting the junta.

Niger shares a border with seven countries in the region, four of which are members of Ecowas. Of those four, Mali and Burkina Faso have been suspended due to similar coups d'etat.

Both countries have threatened to support Niger if Ecowas tries to use force. The remaining two countries in the bloc bordering Niger are Nigeria and Benin. Outside Ecowas, Chad and Algeria have both ruled out participating in any military action and Libya has its own challenges.

The likelihood of a military intervention further diminished when Nigerian legislators rejected the idea. They argued for the use of “other means” than force. Nigeria is the largest country in the ECOWAS bloc and principal financier of the bloc.

It will be difficult for ECOWAS to carry out military intervention without the full support of Nigeria. As a scholar of politics and international relations I have researched the implications of foreign military bases in Niger. I have also previously analysed the role Nigeria plays in regional organisations such as ECOWAS and the Multinational Joint Taskforce in the region.

My view is that the unwillingness of Nigeria’s politicians to support military intervention, coupled with growing local support for the junta in Niger, will make the use of force almost impossible. This leaves ECOWAS with little or no option than to pursue a diplomatic resolution.

Why military intervention is unlikely

There are three main reasons why the use of force is becoming more unlikely.

First, the increasing popularity of the putschists in the country is a cause for concern. The growth of protests in support of the coup is an indication of a wider acceptance than previously envisaged.

Hundreds of youths joined military personnel to stand guard at the entrance to Niamey. Some of these youths vowed to join the military to fight any incursion.

Second, politicians in Nigeria and Ghana fear that any military intervention would result in human catastrophe, which would further destabilise the region. Politicians from Nigeria argue that any war in Niger will have a serious impact on northern Nigeria, a region that is already strained by insurgency.

Apart from Islamist terror organisation, Boko Haram, which has ravaged the north-eastern part of the country, clashes between farmers and pastoralists have also destabilised other parts of northern Nigeria.

Seven Nigerian states share borders with Niger. An attack on Niger would lead to a large influx of refugees into Nigeria. This has created anxiety in northern Nigeria. President Bola Tinubu, who took office only recently, will find it difficult to ignore the senators from the region who rejected any military intervention.

Third, Niger has fought terrorism in the region and has been a reliable partner. The country is a member of the Multinational Joint Task Force and the G5 Sahel, two key organisations tasked with countering terrorism and fighting trafficking in the region.

A military intervention in Niger which could result in a full blown war would embolden terrorist groups. It will also result in soldiers previously fighting side by side against terrorist groups now fighting against each other.

With Islamic State West Africa Province, an ISIS affiliate, already operating in the region, an attack on Niger could create a situation similar to what happened in Syria. ISIS took advantage of the fighting in Syria to establish a caliphate in 2014.

Way forward

Since military intervention to restore democracy in Niger is unlikely, diplomacy remains the only solution.

The de facto leader General Abdourahamane Tiani was on the verge of being removed as leader of the presidential guard before the coup d'etat. Many high-ranking military officers in the country are involved in the mutiny and it is almost impossible they will be able to work with Bazoum again. They could be tried for treason, which is punishable by death in Niger.

As I have explained elsewhere, the mutiny was partly a result of the large presence of foreign military troops in the country. It has further weakened the relationship between the Nigerien military and France.

The military junta has cancelled military cooperation with France.

If Bazoum is released and restored as president, he will have to remove several military leaders who participated in the coup or renegotiate Niger’s military alliance with France. Both options are fraught with difficulties.

The most likely diplomatic option is for ECOWAS to negotiate a short transition window with the military junta. This will include a quick return to democratic rule.

This will calm the tension and give some assurance to partners within and outside the region. With the level of support the junta has received from the Nigerien public and outside the country, ECOWAS negotiators must be open to making concessions.

Third party countries with lower stakes in Niger must lead these negotiations and France must be willing to change its relationship with the country to one of mutual benefit. At the moment, Nigeriens see France as an exploiter and are keen to end their long-held relationship.

In all, there’s no easy solution to the impasse in Niger.The Conversation

Olayinka Ajala, Senior lecturer in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett University

 

Niger’s junta appointed a transitional prime minister Monday according to a decree read on national television, more than a week after the military coup that toppled President Mohamed Bazoum.

The caretaker government, which calls itself the National Council for the Safeguarding of the Country, appointed economist Ali Mahamane Lamine Zeine, according to a decree by Gen. Abdourahmane Tchiani, the former commander of Niger’s presidential guard, who declared himself the head of a transitional government.

Zeine, 58, served as finance minister under Mamadou Tandja, who led the country from 1999 to 2010 after its return to civilian rule.

Zeine currently serves as the African Development Bank’s Country Manager for Chad.

Zeine, who previously served at the same institution and position in Ivory Coast and Gabon, is expected to lead consultations for the formation of a new government.

ECOWAS to Address Niger’s Political Crisis

The West African regional bloc the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is to hold another emergency summit on Thursday in Nigeria to address the political crisis in Niger after the military leaders ignored its ultimatum to cede power.

On Monday, the US State Department said it made direct contact with the coup leaders and had stressed the need to reinstate Bazoum and for Niger to revert to its “constitutional order.”

Bazoum was detained by members of the Presidential Guard on July 26, who later that evening announced the government takeover.

[BNN]

President Bola Tinubu on Tuesday inaugurated a Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms.

The President, inaugurating the committee at the Council Chamber of the State House, Abuja, challenged the members to improve Nigeria’s revenue and provide enabling environment for business to thrive.

President Tinubu remarked that the federal government cannot continue to tax poverty when it is supposed to promote prosperity.

President Tinubu had on July 7 given approval for the establishment of the Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms Committee, headed by a former Fiscal Policy Partner and Africa Tax Leader at PriceWaterhouseCoopers (PwC), Taiwo Oyedele.

The establishment of the committee was said to be in consonance with Tinubu’s promise to remove all barriers impeding business growth in the country.

[NationalDaily]

Tuesday, 08 August 2023 12:38

FULL LIST: Senate Standing Committees

In a significant development, Senate President Godswill Akpabio unveiled the names of the chairpersons for the standing committees of the 10th red chamber on Monday.

The composition of the panels adheres to the Senate's standing rules, which outline the creation of both special and standing committees.

Below is the full list:

SENATORS COMMITTEE
Ahmad Lawan Defence
Aminu Tambuwal Housing
Sani Musa Finance
Solomon Adeola Appropriations
Adams Oshiomhole  Interior
Godiya Akwashiki Airforce
Abdulfatai Buhari   Aviation
Aliyu Wadada Public Accounts
Osita Izunaso Capital market
Cyril Fasuyi Establishment
Seriake Dickson Ecology/climate change
Garba Maidoki Legislative matter
Shehu Buba National security & intelligence
Okechukwu Ezea Ethics & public petitions
Sunday Karimi Senate Services
Titus Zam Rules & Business
Asuquo Ekpenyong NDDC
Aliyu Bilbis  Communications
Mustapha Saliu Agriculture
Orji Kalu  Privatization
Ireti Kingigbe Women Affairs
Yemi Adaramodu Youths and Sports
Jide Ipisagba  Petroleum downstream
Shehu Kaka Special duties
Mohammed Monguno Judiciary
Barinada Mpigi Niger Delta
Gbenga Daniel Navy
Adamu Aliero Land Transport
Enyinnaya Abaribe Power
Abdul-aziz Yari Water resources
Banigo Harry Health
Abubakar Sani Foreign affairs
Akintunde Yunus Environment
Lawan Usman Education
Patrick Nwabueze Works
Abiru Tokunbo Banking
Isa Jubril  Customs
Elisha Abbo Culture & Tourism
Victor Umeh Diaspora

Russian President Vladimir Putin stormed Burkina Faso on Tuesday for a private meeting with the country’s Interim military leader, Captain Ibrahim Traore.

It is yet unclear why the duo met, but speculations are that their meeting might not be unconnected with the ongoing crisis in the Niger Republic.

Naija News reports that the military junta in Niger, led by General Abdourahmane Tchiani, is still holding captive the democratically elected President Mohammed Bazoum, who was ousted weeks ago.


There have been concerns by international bodies and concerned stakeholders since Tchiani’s led junta could not reach an agreement with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) delegation regarding the restoration of democracy in Niger.

Also, the junta is planning to evict French and US troops from the country and end all Memorandum of Understanding agreements with France.


Reports, however, emerging on Tuesday speculated that Puttin’s meeting with Burkina Faso’s Traore could be part of the Russian President’s plans to meet with French-speaking West African countries ruled by the military.


Jackson Hinkle posted a short clip of the Russian leader’s meeting with Traore on social media platform X, formerly known as Twitter.

@jacksonhinkle wrote, “Putin held a private meeting with the world’s youngest leader, Captain Ibrahim Traore of Burkina Faso.”

Naija News understands that Traore is the world’s youngest currently serving leader after becoming the interim leader of Burkina Faso following the coup on 30th September 2022, which ousted interim president Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba.

Mali and Burkina Faso have pledged their support to Niger since the latter severed its relationship with ECOWAS.

The primary act which provides for and regulates the process of adoption of a child in Nigeria is the Child Right Act of 2003. The Chief Justice of the Federation also has the power to make subsequent rules and orders pertaining to child adoption. 

The Child’s Right Act of 2003 provides that every state in Nigeria shall establish and maintain services designed to cater to and facilitate the process of adopting a child. As a matter of fact, it is a statutory requirement for every state in Nigeria to establish and maintain child adoption services.

The process of adopting a child in Nigeria involves the person interested in adopting any child making an application to the court, applying for the adoption of the child. Both the magistrate court and the state high court have jurisdiction over child adoption; so, the application can either be made to the magistrate court or the state high court.

The applicant shall accompany his or her application with the following documents as provided in section 126 of the Child Right Act, 2003;

(a)marriage certificate or a declaration of marriage if the applicant(s) is married 

(b) the birth certificate or sworn declaration of the age of each applicant;

(C) two passport photographs of each applicant

(d) a medical certificate certifying the medical fitness of the applicant from a Government hospital and 

(e) such other documents, requirements and information as the court may require for the purposes of the adoption. 

After the court has received the application for the adoption with the accompanying documents, the court shall order a child development officer, a supervisor or any other person the court may appoint to vet the submitted documents and assess the suitability of the applicant(s). The child development officer or the appointed supervisor will then submit their professional opinion to the court as to whether the applicant is suitable and qualified to adopt a child.

The decision of the court will be made subject to the opinion of the appointed supervisor or the child development officer. The court will also consider the opinion or seek the consent of the parents of the child to be adopted or the guardians where the parents are deceased and as well seek the consent of the child to be adopted.  If the court is satisfied that the applicant is suitable to adopt the child and the consent of the child or his parents or guardians has been obtained, the court may make an adoption order i.e. issue the adoption certificate.

The court may make an interim adoption order where the court in its discretion postpones the determination of the application. The purpose of the interim adoption order is to grant the custody of the child to the applicant for a period not exceeding two years on such terms and conditions as the court thinks fit as regards provision for the maintenance, education and supervision of the welfare of the child and otherwise pending when the substantive adoption application is determined by the court.

While under this two year period, the child shall be under the constant supervision of a child development officer or any other person appointed by the court and the child should never be taken out of the state without the consent of the court.

If an applicant feels that his or her application was not fairly treated, the applicant has the right to appeal the unfair decision of the court. 

The following set of persons are persons who may be qualified to apply for the adoption of a child as provided in section 129 of the Child Right Act 2003; 

(a) a married couple where; 

(i) Each of them has attained the age of twenty-five years, and

(ii) there is an order authorizing them jointly to adopt a child

(b) a married person, if he or she has obtained the consent of his or her spouse 

(c) a single person, if he or she has attained the age of thirty-five years, provided that the child to be adopted is of the same sex as the person adopting. 

Here are some other things the court takes into consideration in determining if an applicant is suitable or not as provided in section 131 of the Child Right Act, 2003;

(a) One of the applicants in the case of a joint application must not be less than twenty-five years old at the time of the application and should be at least twenty-one years older than the child to be adopted. 

(b) the applicant, or one of the applicants (in the case of a joint application) should reside in the state where the child to be adopted is a resident of 

(c) the applicant has been a resident or, in the case of a joint application, both of them have been residents in the State in which the application is made for a period of at least, five years

(d) One of the applicants is a citizen or, in the case of a joint application, both applicants are citizens of Nigeria. 

(e) the child has been in the care of the applicant for a period of at least three consecutive months 

(f) the applicant has, at least twelve months before the making of the order, informed the social welfare officer of his intention to adopt the child.

Against all these, it is important to note that before a child is given out to an applicant, the court must be satisfied that the applicant must be able to cater for the needs and welfare of the child and if the court is ever in doubt that the applicant will not do a good job in the upbringing of the child the court will decline to grant the adoption order even when every condition have been met by the applicant(s).

 

Stan Alieke is a legal practitioner. 

This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Niger Republic junta leaders have blocked a senior US official, Victoria Nuland from meeting the country’s elected President Mohamed Bazoum.


On 26 July 2023, a coup d'état occurred in Niger when the country's presidential guard detained President Mohamed Bazoum, and presidential guard commander General Abdourahamane Tchiani proclaimed himself the leader of a new military junta. Presidential guard forces closed the country's borders, suspended state institutions, and declared a curfew.

 

This was the fifth military coup d'état since the country gained independence from France in 1960, and the first since 2010. The coup was widely condemned by the international community and by the West African regional bloc ECOWAS, which is currently considering military intervention in the country


Nuland, who is the undersecretary of state said she met with the Nigerien military authorities on Monday, August 7, and that Bazoum is under “virtual house arrest”.


She also described the mutinous officers as unreceptive and unwilling to heed US calls to return the country to civilian rule.

 

“They were quite firm about how they want to proceed, and it is not in support of the constitution of Niger,” Nuland told reporters.


She characterised the conversations as “extremely frank and at times quite difficult.”


She spoke after a two-hour meeting in Niger´s capital, Niamey, with some leaders of the military takeover of a country that has been a vital counterterrorism partner of France and the US.


The meeting was with Gen. Moussa Salaou Barmou, a U.S.-trained officer, and three of the colonels involved in the takeover.


The coup´s top leader, former presidential guard head Abdourahamane Tchiani, did not meet with the Americans.


In speaking to junta leaders, Nuland said, she made “absolutely clear the kinds of support that we will legally have to cut off if democracy is not restored.”

 

If the U.S. determines that a democratically elected government has been toppled by unconstitutional means, federal law requires a cutoff of most American assistance, particularly military aid.


She said she also stressed U.S. concern for the welfare of President Mohamed Bazoum, who she said was being detained with his wife and son.

The confirmation hearings of the 48 ministerial nominees at the senate have thrown up some important issues that require further examination. The exercise presented the first leadership test for Senator Godswill Akpabio as the president of the 10th senate, and the overall assessment made by Nigerians across party lines on social media is that he gave a good account of himself. Leading colleagues in a legislature (and indeed, any other organisation) could be quite difficult and requires some skills to keep the house in harmony and order.

You need to have active listening skills; ability to share clear messages and make complex ideas easy to understand for everyone; flexibility and ability to inspire and convince others. Akpabio’s maturity, experience and humour came in handy as he meandered through many controversial moments in the one-week exercise. Second, the screening exercise also reminded us that what we do today may haunt us in future. In other words, our track records at the workplace (or even in private life) will count for or against us in future. Although this axiom has been with us for ages and is even repeated in many adages, religions and moral lessons, many do not take it to heart.

The cases of three of the nominees – Olatunbosun Tijani; Festus Keyamo and Nasir El Rufai – are illustrative. Tijani, the nominee from Ogun state, was particularly troubling. An ICT specialist, Tijani had in 2019 and 2021, posted nasty tweets about Nigeria, President Bola Tinubu and the senate. In one instance, he tweeted that being a Nigerian is ‘’a bad tag’’, meaning, a disadvantage, and in another, he referred to the senators as ‘’morons’’.

When confronted with these terrible tweets by the senators at his screening last Saturday, Tijani explained that he was angered that the Chinese embassy in Abuja had delayed his visa application because of his Nigerian passport. But it is not all Nigerians that are delayed at the embassy. Expectedly, the lawmakers were not impressed, and they bayed for blood. They believed that Tijani does not deserve a place at the federal executive council for his gratuitous intemperance. I thought so too.

 

I believe that Nigerians should never make uncomplimentary remarks about, or insult their country, no matter the provocation or circumstances. We can all attack the leaders and the lousy politicians who have messed up over the years, but we should never denigrate the country. The love citizens have for their country should provide very strong and unbroken bonds that transcend adversities. Patriotism should be unconditional; not dependent on when you have a good job; a government appointment or visa to travel abroad. It should not be limited to only when the Super Eagles are playing.

As the debate over Tijani’s tweets raged on at the senate, it was clear that the senators would not be pacified. But when Senator Akpabio spoke, the house got calmer. “Distinguished colleagues, what the nominee wrote in his tweets were obviously not acceptable. It shows the anger of many of our young people. But we are fathers. Tijani has a lot to offer the country, and so, we cannot afford to throw the baby away with the bath water,” Akpabio said. I thought this was a wise statement, too.

Patriotism – the feeling of love, devotion and a sense of attachment to one’s country – is an essential ingredient of nationhood. Nigerians should learn to love this country beyond the episodic evocation of emotions during football tournaments. At an individual level, patriotism can foster a sense of purpose and belonging. It enhances a sense of pride in one’s achievements and a desire to work towards the betterment of their country.

 

At the societal level, patriotism helps to build national cohesion and create a sense of national identity. When we love our country, we are more likely rise above and against all the frustrations, pains, cleavages and differences that tend to tear us apart. Patriotism also fills us with the energy to aspire to achieve more.

Nasir el-Rufai’s case is also sad, very sad, indeed. I understand that the senate and the security agencies have received volumes of petitions against his nomination for his complicity in the sectarian crisis that plagued Kaduna state during his tenure as governor. A governor who is accused of fueling violence and religious crisis in his own state is indeed a despicable case. El-Rufai himself seemed to have confirmed this in a video in which he was making inciting and religiously insensitive remarks to some Islamic clerics after the elections.

President Obasanjo, under whom el-Rufai served as minister of FCT from 2003 to 2007, had also written disparaging statements about him in his memoir, My Watch. Before then, he had also been quoted to have said that the killing of a Fulani person must be revenged, no matter how long it takes. This statement has been partially blamed for the mayhem that some ethnic militias have visited on other innocent citizens during the Buhari era. Till today, the killings have continued unabated.

But el-Rufai has not always been like this. I knew him well when he was the DG of BPE between 1999 and 2003. I covered the privatisation programme fervently right from the days of the late Hamza Zayyad; Shamsudeen Usman; Bernard Verr, up til el-Rufai’s time at the saddle of the programme. Nasir was then a moderate and cosmopolitan technocrat. It is difficult to understand when he underwent so much radicalisation to the extent of making incendiary statements that even his fellow Muslims have condemned.

Of the three controversial nominees, Festus Keyamo was the most humiliated on the senate floor. As soon as he finished introducing himself, Senator Darlington Nwokocha (LP, Abia Central) moved a motion for the suspension of his screening. It was seconded by Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe (APGA, Abia South). The motion pointed out that Keyamo had ignored the invitation of the national assembly in 2020 when he was a minister. The motion was put to vote and it was apparent that the chamber was against him, and the senators were ready to kick him out.

It took Akpabio’s masterful legislative manoeuvres to prevent a blowout or a walkout by some senators. It was nice to see Keyamo looking sober and remorseful as he stood arms folded before the tumultuous senate. His apologies might have helped, but he has come out as a badly damaged brand. This was indeed a teaching moment for him and I hope that he will grow up soon.

I have had cause recently to complain about the misconduct and arrogance of Keyamo and el-Rufai (The unravelling of Nasir el-Rufai and Festus Keyamo, June 8, 2023, published in The Cable; Business Day and many other platforms). It is sad that the nation is confronted with their past once again. No public official should constitute themselves as a source of nagging problems for the government. It is time they behaved properly.

Undoubtedly, el-Rufai and Keyamo are two of the most brilliant and technically sound public servants in the country. At his senate hearing, el Rufai demonstrated considerable knowledge of the electricity sector, its problems and how to get them fixed. But at a senior leadership level, technocracy alone is not enough. In fact, the first lesson you’d learn in any senior executive programme in business schools is that technical brilliance can take you to the top, but you need more than that to stay up there.

 

It is striking that the three most controversial nominees of President Tinubu are some of the brightest among the lot. But brilliance is not the only criterion needed for a ministerial job. They need to learn some lessons in the leadership of a complex and multicultural federation. Overall, I commend Senator Akpabio for conducting the confirmation process in a very impressive manner. He’s made us proud.