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The Federal Government is to spend over N5bn in the next four years maintaining the members of the cabinet of President Bola Tinubu, checks by THE WHISTLER has revealed.

President Tinubu had set the record for the highest number of ministerial nominees in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic since 1999.

The 48 ministerial nominees appointed by Tinubu is six ministerial nominees more than the 42 appointed by former President Muhammadu Buhari in 2019.

During his first term in office, Buhari had appointed 36 ministers. In his second term, he increased the list of ministers to 42.

Two weeks ago, Tinubu had nominated 28 people that were cleared by the senate to be ministers in his cabinet.

Last Wednesday, the president also sent another list of 19 other nominee, making a total of 47 cabinet members. Few days ago, he replaced the name of a ministerial nominee from Kano state with another nominee and added Festus Keyamo to the list to make it 48.

In 2011, former President Goodluck Jonathan appointed 33 ministers into his cabinet with nine of them inherited from the administration of the late President Umar Yar Adua.

Before then, Yar Adua had in 2007, created a 39-member cabinet which is made up if 32 men and seven women.

During his tenure as Nigeria’s President, former President Olusegun Obasanjo appointed 42 ministers into his cabinet in 1999. However, he later did a review and reduced the number of ministers to 40.

An analysis conducted by THE WHISTLER on the implication of Tinubu’s decision to appoint 48 ministers and 20 Advisers showed that it will cost the Federal Government over N5bn to maintain them.

Based on the Remuneration Package for Political, Public and Judicial Office Holders obtained from the Revenue Mobilization, Allocation and Fiscal Commission, a minister’s monthly salary is fixed at N650,135.99. This translates into a total of N7.801,640 per annum.

A breakdown of this amount showed that the basic salary of a minister is pegged at N2,026,400 per annum, motor vehicle fueling N1,519,800, personal assistance N506,600, domestic staff N1,519,800, entertainment N911,880, utilities N607,920, monitoring N405,280 and newspapers N303,960.

The N7,801,640 annual salary for a minister does not include other allowances approved for them by the RMAFC.

These allowances are accommodation of N16.20m for four years, furniture N6.079m, severance gratuity N6.079m. leave allowance of N0.81m and motor vehicle allowance of N8.1m.

Based on these packages, if all of them are eventually cleared by the Senate, the 48 ministers will be earning N28.61m as salary monthly, which translates into N374.48m annually and N1.497bn for the four-year period.

In addition to their salary, each minister is entitled to the other allowances of N37.28m giving a total of N1.789bn for the 48 of them.

For the 20 Special Advisers, they are each entitled to a monthly salary of N590,957 per month which translates into N11.219m monthly, N141.82m annually and N567.31m for the four years.

Just like the Ministers, the Special Advisers are also entitled to other allowances approved for them by RMAFC.

These allowances are N15.54m for accommodation for four years, furniture N5.828m, severance gratuity N5.828m, leave allowance of N0.78m and motor vehicle of N7.7m.

The amount that would be spent on these cabinet members may go up based on the plan by RMAFC to conduct a review of the remuneration of political office holders.

Over the years, fingers have continued to point at the over-bloated bureaucracies- large ministries, agencies and parastatals- that have become a cog in the wheel of Nigeria’s progress.

Experts are of the opinion that the costs of governance in Nigeria are exceptionally high, and the benefits of that governance go to a small number of the elite group who demonstrate too little concern for the welfare of the Nigerian people.

Nigeria’s constitution mandates the appointment of at least one minister from each state of the federation. This makes for the appointment of ministers who are actually neither needed nor able to make critical impact.

In 2012, the ‘Oronsaye report’ was submitted to government. The 800-page report recommended the abolition and merger of 102 government agencies and parastatals, while some were listed to be self-funding.

The report revealed a high level of competition among several overlapping agencies, which had not only created ill feelings among government agencies but also brought about unnecessary wastage in government expenditure.

Speaking on the high governance cost, a developmental Economist, Afeez Balogun said there is need to reduce the members of the cabinet as this show that the government is willing to implementation the Stephen Oronsaye committee report.

He said, “There is need to reduce the size of the federal cabinet through amendment of the Constitution to ensure that federal ministers do not exceed 15 in number and also limit the number of assistants and advisers to the President to a reasonable number.”

He also urged the government to reduce the number of members on each of the governing boards or councils of all agencies, parastatals and commissions to not more than seven.

He said the membership and composition of boards and commissions should be based on merit and competence.

A Harvest Of Deaths

It has been a harvest of deaths in the judiciary. Justice Raphael Chikwe Agbo, a ranking Justice of the Court of Appeal, died on July 3, 2023. Then Justice Chima Centus Nweze died on Sunday, July 30 2023. The Hon. Justice Kate Abiri, erstwhile Chief Judge of Bayelsa State, who retired only on 13th January 2023, died on 3rd August, 2023. To say I am heart-broken by this harvest of premature deaths is an understatement. More so for Justice Abiri, who only at 6. 51am on the 3rd, August, 2023, had sent whatsapp messages to me, which was her usual daily morning devotional prayers. She had done this for years. The title of this particular prayer that she posted obviously few hours before the Lord’s call was, “How lovely is your Dwelling place, Lord”. (Thursday, 3rd August, 2023). Did the beautiful and ageless late Justice Abiri foresee her death coming and yearned for my “Lord’s lovely Dwelling place”? I do not know. Or, do you?

Death, The Ultimate End Of Mortals

Given the human nature of our frail bodies, everyone must experience death. God almighty, from whom every living being and thing springs forth, determines when we must experience death. Death is therefore like the second skin we wear. It follows us everywhere like a shadow in the morning, afternoon and night. Yes, at home, in the market, farm, work place, school, road, river, air- just any and everywhere. It is the surest thing about a man’s sojourn on earth: we must all die. What we do not know is when, where, why and how. And what happens thereafter still lies with God only. This is one of the reasons I do not discredit the dead no matter the occasion. They should be honoured, with their sins forgiven; rendered clean like a tabula rasa; as white as snow.

Who Was Justice Chima Centus Nweze?

Late Justice Centus Nweze was a prominent figure in the Nigerian legal system, better known for his deep commitment to justice, impeccable integrity and a brilliant legal mind. Throughout his illustrious career as a Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria, he left an indelible mark on the country's jurisprudence and stood tall as a beacon of hope for the rule of law. His demise, though a very painful one, is something we have to accept as one of the vicissitudes of life. This piece seeks to extol the virtues of this remarkable Jurist, while also shedding light on the challenges he faced in his pursuit of justice, like his peers.

From Tender Feet To Adulthood

Born on the 25th of September, 1958, in Obollo, Udenu Local Government Area of Enugu State, Nigeria, Hon. Justice Chima Centus Nweze's early life was driven by a passion for knowledge and justice. He was very determined in his pursuit of excellence. He bagged all his degrees – from Bachelors and Masters, to Ph.D – from the same University of Nigeria, Nsukka. He was called to the Bar in 1984 (39 years ago).

Justice Nweze engaged in private legal practice for ten solid years (1985 – 1995), where he quickly gained reputation for his brilliance, erudition and integrity.

Here Comes The Cerebral Judex

Justice Nweze’s dedication to the legal profession earned him recognition and respect, leading to his appointment as a Judge in the Enugu State Judiciary in 1995. He served variously as Chairman, Robbery and Firearms Tribunal, Nsukka (1998 and 1999); Member, Ondo State Local Government Election Petition Tribunal (1999); Chairman, Ogun State Governorship and Legislative Houses Election Petition Tribunal (1999); and Administrative Judge, Nsukka Judicial Division, Enugu State, 2001. His Lordship also served in various other capacities in extra-judicial vocational activities. A cerebral Author, Nweze wrote many books on advocacy, human rights, Sociology of Law, Judicial Sustainability of Constitutional Democracy in Nigeria, etc. He was very well-read. A deep researcher, Nweze had authorities to support all his verdicts. His scholarly depth and breadth in legal matters were simply ineffable.

Climbing The Judicial Ladder

On the 15th of February, 2008, His Lordship was elevated to the Court of Appeal, where he continued to distinguish himself as a conscientious Jurist. Nweze reached the pinnacle of his legal and judicial career when he was appointed a Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria on the 29th day of October, 2014. From this esteemed position, he contributed significantly to the development and interpretation of Nigerian laws, ensuring justice for all and upholding the principles of the Constitution and constitutional democracy. Nweze broadened the scope, plenitude, amplitude and landscape of Nigerian legal jurisprudence.

              Nweze’S Unwavering Commitment To Justice

Late Justice Nweze was widely admired for his boldness and unwavering commitment to justice and the rule of law. He firmly believed that justice should be blind and applied equally to all, regardless of their station in life, background, wealth, or influence. Throughout his career, he consistently demonstrated fairness and impartiality in his judgments, earning him the respect of both legal minds and the general public. He is popularly known as the “dissenter” in the Supreme Court, for his many telling dissenting judgements that open up new vistas of law.

One Case That Exemplified His Strength

In his dissenting judgment in the application for review filed by Emeka Ihedioha and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) (Uzodima & Anor v. Ihedioha & Ors (2020) LPELR-50260(SC)), one of the most popular of them all, Nweze held that the apex court had the power to revisit or review its decisions. He noted that the bad decision of the Supreme Court in the matter which made a number four candidate to become number one and Governor, will “sooner or later, hunt our electoral jurisprudence”. Though this resonating verdict could not overturn the majority decision of his learned brothers who insisted on the finality of their decisions, history and posterity will continue to remember and judge him fairly for his boldness, passion and courage in taking on all his colleagues, notwithstanding that he was in the minority.

Nweze did not believe that the finality of the Supreme Court should necessarily amount to its infalibility; contrary to the earlier opinion expressed by the apex court in the celebrated case of Adegoke Motors Nig Ltd v. Adesanya (1989) LPELR-94(SC).

Not Rosy All The Time

It was not all the decisions in every case in which he participated that however went down well with the Nigerian people. In the Ahmad Lawan v. Bashir Machina case (the decision of which I have sine approached the apex court for a kind calm review), some people felt that the learned Justice sacrificed justice on the altar of mere form and technicality. His lead judgment in that 3-2 split decision case, has been widely criticized as a very unfortunate one. Many Nigerians believe that the then Senate President, Lawan, never participated in the APC Senatorial primary for the Yobe North Senatorial District, held on 28th May, 2022, as he had voluntarily withdrawn to participate in the Presidential Primary held on 8th June, 2022, in clear breach of section 82(5) of the Electoral Act, 2022. It is widely believed that Machina had duly and lawfully emerged as the unopposed winner of the primary; while Lawan contested and lost the presidential ticket to Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Indeed, INEC had never supported Lawan on this. Both the Federal High Court and the Court of Appeal affirmed Machina’s victory. The apex court in a verdict led by Nweze upturned the two lower courts’ decisions on the ground that Machina ought not to have commenced the suit by Originating Summons without leading oral evidence to prove allegations of fraud. Yet, there were no averments bordering on allegations of fraud in the entire affidavit deposed to by Machina. More significantly, the very Pre-Election Practice Direction had prescribed Originating Summons as the only mode to approach the court on matter concerning party primaries. Many could not understand (I am one of them), why a party should be penalized for obeying the law. Many felt the decision was too technical as it dwelt more on form, rather than on substance and justice. See the case of Bello v. Attorney-General of Oyo State 1986) LPELR-SC.104/1985; (1986) 5 NWLR 820.

Dealing With Complex Legal Issues

Justice Nweze left his huge indelible imprints in many other cases.

In the case of Bio v The State (2020) 7 NWLR (Pt. 1723) 218, an appeal that the Supreme Court unanimously dismissed, Justice Nweze elucidated:

‘“Fair hearing”’, in essence, means giving equal opportunity to the parties to be heard in the litigation before the court. Where parties are given opportunity to be heard, any of them that abuse such opportunity, for example, by not presenting his case or by absenting himself, cannot complain of denial of fair hearing.”

On probative value of an unsigned document, Nweze waxed lyrical thus:

“Documents which do not bear the signatures of their makers should attract little or no weight. An unsigned document is lacking in value and is worthless. An instrument that is unsigned is inadmissible”. Per Nweze, JSC, in the case of APGA v Al- Makura [2016] 5 NWLR  (pt 1505).

On the legal effect of not complying with statutory procedure for the commencement of an action, Nweze enlightened and dissented in the recent case of Riok Nig. Ltd v. Incorporated Trustees NGE (2022) 16 NWLR (Pt 1857) 725, as follows:

“Where a procedure for carrying out a matter is clearly spelt out in a law, a party has no choice but to comply fully with the procedure. Failure on the part of a plaintiff shows that he has not fulfilled the condition precedents for commencement of such action”.

As a ranking member of the Supreme Court, Justice Nweze often faced many complex legal issues that required careful analysis and interpretation. Some cases involved intricate constitutional matters. Striking a balance between different legal principles and competing interests which demanded exceptional legal acumen and judgment, always reared their heads. One of such was the Machina case. The negative reactions generated from this case, appeared to have elicited some coldness towards Justice Nweze, given that Ahmad Lawan never participated in the primary election organized by his party and duly supervised by INEC in that appeal.

Even then, notwithstanding the negative reactions that greeted the judgment in Machina’s case, Justice Nweze’s integrity, brilliance and legal acumen were palpably evident in the eloquence and depth of his judgment. That was how he saw the issues. Nweze simply possessed a keen understanding of the law, which he artfully applied to unravel many complex legal issues. His judgments were often characterized by well-reasoned arguments, meticulous research and a profound knowledge of legal precedents, making them valuable guides for future cases. Nweze’s oratorial prowess and the admissible way and manner with which he simplified complicated legal concepts will be missed by all, especially the legal profession.

That Justice Nweze committed human errors like all of us mortals is to be expected. Afterall, can a man ever attain infallibility? Are we God? No. His lead judgement in the Machina case, I humbly submit therefore, should be seen as one of such mere human mistakes of the head, and not of the heart. May God, forgive him for this only one misstep. Amen.

Nweze’S Integrity And Moral Compass.

Thus, integrity remained the cornerstone of Justice Nweze's entire being. His personal and professional conduct was guided by a strong high moral compass, earning him the trust and admiration of his peers and members of the public alike. His numerous writings and judgements are clear attestation of this inclination. Nweze had a high reputation for honesty and incorruptibility; and served as examples for others in the legal profession and beyond to follow.

Challenges Faced By Justice Centus Nweze And Other Judges

Case Overload And Judicial Backlog

One of the most significant challenges faced by Justice Nweze and his colleagues on the Supreme Court Bench is the overwhelming case backlog. Nigeria's judicial system has long been plagued by inordinate delays, with a backlog of cases piling up over the years. This situation limited the Court's ability to deliver timely justice. This has led to frustration for litigants seeking timeous resolution of their cases. The Nigerian Supreme Court is unarguably the busiest in the whole wide world, with inconsequential matters from villages meandering and snaking their labyrithine ways to a whole apex court, in Abuja. A decentralization of the court system as operates in America is what we desire. In the USA, each of the 50 states has its own court hierarchy from the lowest court up to the Supreme Court; with the Federal Supreme Court situate in Washington DC reserved for more important national and constitutional issues.

Corruption And Influence-Peddling.

The Nigerian judiciary has, at times, grappled with numerous allegations of corruption and influence-peddling. While Justice Nweze maintained an impeccable reputation for integrity, these issues within the broader legal spectrum pose a major threat to the administration of justice. The presence of corruption could undermine public perception and trust in the Judiciary; and ultimately erode confidence in the rule of law. Justice, says the Supreme Court, is rooted in confidence. See the case of Imam v. FRN (2019) LPELR-49468(SC). It is obvious that Justice Nweze was not corrupt. His Spartan-like life exemplified this. When I visited the bereaved larger family, including his very wife and children at his Maitama home, Abuja, after his demise, I beheld a surprisingly sparsely furnished nondescript duplex, bereft of any sign of opulence, luxury, gravitas or panache. It is just like any other ordinary duplex built by some low income workers; or at best, middle level Civil Servants. Is this accommodation for a whole Justice of the Supreme Court (the highest court of the land)? Is that what other Justices of the apex court go through? I shuddered and wondered! Haba! I was and I am still dazed and pained as to why the Judiciary is so marginalized, neglected, ignored and despised. Yet, everyone runs there for succor. Perhaps, Alexander Hamilton was right afterall in his Federalist paper No. 78 that the Judiciary is the weakest arm of government, for it has neither purse nor sword. Imagine a whole Chief Justice of Nigeria, being ranked number 5 in the official order of precedence, after the President, Vice President, Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives. Yet, he is the head of one of the three arms of government. This is absurd and shameful. The proper order should simply and commonsensically be President, (Executive, section 5); Senate President (Legislature, section 4); and Chief Justice of Nigeria (Judiciary, section 6), all of the 1999 Constitution, as altered. That was the tripartite division of government functions that Baron de Montesquieu taught us as far back as 1748, in his doctrine of the separation of powers. Imagine the news that Justice Nweze was said to have died after a brief illness occasioned by a surgery in a Nigerian hospital. Such a surgery is usually taken for granted in more advanced countries of the world. Was it due to paucity of funds and impercuniosity that prevented him from seeking better medical attention abroad? I do not know. Or, do you? Justice Nweze’s sad case shows how the Nigerian society kills its best. A great pity indeed.  

Conclusion

Late Justice Chima Centus Nweze was an exceptionally outstanding Jurist of impeccable credentials. His legacy continues to inspire the Nigerian legal and non-legal community. His resolute, unflunctuating and untrammeled erudition, deep commitment to justice, exceptional legal acumen, penetrating lucidity and fecundity of mind and thought, and his unwavering integrity and character, have all combined to set a very high standard and benchmark for his peers and future generations yet unborn. Despite the challenges he faced, Justice Nweze remained steadfast in his pursuit of justice, equity, egalitarianism, rule of law, respect for human rights and nation-building. He dutifully upheld the values, virtues and ethos that form the very foundation of a just society. As Nigeria's legal system continues to evolve, the probity and uprightness exemplified by Justice Nweze will serve as a guiding light for the Judiciary and those who strive for justice in the nation. This is why he will never be forgotten. His noble deeds and pro-masses judgements, driven by his perception of issues from justice to law, rather than from law to justice, has inducted the Honourable Justice Chima Centus Nwezw into the pantheon of Nigerian juristic icons and heroes.

Adieu, milord. Good bye sir. Farewell, cerebral mind who never called me by my name, but by my popular traditional title of “Akpakpa Vighi vighi Edoland) (Generalissimo). May God Almighty forgive you your earthly sins and eternally rest your kind soul in His warm bosom. Amen, amen and amen.

The Fountain of Life Church Family headquarters in Lagos has announced the death of their founding pastor, Taiwo Odukoya (67).

The church disclosed this via its official Facebook page on Tuesday, adding he passed on in the United States.

“The Fountain of Life Church Family, in total submission to the will of God almighty, announces the passing unto greater glory of our father, teacher, a great servant of the most high God, pastor Daniel Taiwo Odukoya, Founding Pastor of The Fountain of Life Church, who passed unto glory on the 7th of August 2023 in the USA.

“We are in total submission to you LORD!!! We thank the Lord for the gift of a greater leader!!!” the church wrote while not providing details of the cause of his details.

Recall that in November, 2021, his wife, Pastor Nomthi Odukoya, died after battling with cancer.

“She battled cancer for the better part of 2 years, she stood on the Word of God, and she fought.

“We loved her with all our heart, but who are we to fight with the will of God.

“The truth is, at one point in our lives, we all will have to say goodbye. So for now, till we meet again in glory, Goodbye Pastor Nomthi,” the church had stated.

Nomthi became Odukoya’s wife after the death of his first wife, Bimbo – a leading relationship speaker.

Bimbo was involved in a plane crash.

Content creators and social media influencers in Nigeria have started receiving their first payout from X, formerly known as Twitter through its ad revenue-sharing program.  

While the payouts had started for X users in the U.S. early last month, X announced the extension of the gesture to the global users by the end of July.

With this, verified users in Nigeria and across other countries who have met the threshold of impressions on their content are now getting paid.  

Many of the content creators who have received the payout also took to the microblogging site to show their appreciation to the platform owner, Elon Musk.

According to them, Musk has given them a reason to remain on the platform and to continue creating engaging content.  

The payout means that many who had decided not to pay for the blue badge but continuously post content that gets good impressions will now be motivated to pay for the subscriptions, which costs N3,560 per month. 

Reactions 

Among the ecstatic voices, Napaul shares his sentiment with the unexpected joy that the new monetization system has brought him. 

  • Bruh, it’s almost like I’m dreaming tbh. unlike me, I’m struggling to put the words together. YES!! I Woke Up To Credit Alert From Elon Musk!!! & mahn for just tweeting & making myself happy?! E loud i swear

General Oluchi playfully thanked Musk for the credit alert she received, humorously saying, 

Abazz, a verified user, expressed his gratitude by sharing a screenshot of his ad revenue dashboard, simply stating, 

Solomon Buchi, while confirming his payment, expressed the delight of being rewarded for voicing his opinions. 

Even renowned Nigerian musician David Adeleke (Davido) joined in, humorously asking,  

Big Ayo, with a post on evidence of payment, greeted Elon Musk with a friendly “Good Morning.”  

Payment eligibility 

To be eligible for the payout, Twitter said the content creator must have subscribed to Twitter Blue or be a verified organization.

In addition, such a creator must have “at least 5 million impressions on your posts in each of the last 3 months,” and pass human review for Creator Monetization Standards.

In addition, the user must also have at least 500 followers.  

Twitter said creators will also need to open a Stripe account as it currently works with Stripe for payouts and is rolling out to its first batch of creators who have already signed up for creator subscriptions.  

How to join 

Eligible users will be able to join and set up payments from within the Monetization section of the app. This is found in the side menu on iOS and Android, and the overflow menu on the web. 

Once you click “Join and set up payouts” you will be redirected to our payment processor, Stripe, to set up an account to receive your share. 

This Stripe account will be where you will be able to transfer funds to your external bank account. Once you opt-in, you will receive payouts at a regular cadence, so long as you have generated more than $50 USD. 

X said it may modify or cancel the Program at any time in its sole discretion, including for business, financial, or legal reasons.  

  • “X reserves the right to accept or revoke your participation in this ads revenue share program in its sole discretion, including for business, financial, or legal reasons. Please ensure you comply with the Ads Revenue Program Terms,” the company stated. 

 [Nairametrics]

The Federal Government says it has withdrawn the contempt of court proceedings against organised labour for embarking on a nationwide protest.

This is contained in a letter addressed to the lead counsel to the NLC, Falana and Falana's Chambers and obtained by the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on Tuesday in Abuja.

The letter dated Aug. 7 to Falana's Chambers was signed by the Solicitor General of the Federation, Mrs B.E. Jeddy-Agba.

NAN reports that the Federal Ministry of Justice had through the National Industrial Court (NICN) issued the leadership of organised labour summons on contempt of court for embarking on the protest.

 

NAN also recalls that organised labour had threatened to embark on a nation-wide strike from Aug. 14, if the Federal Government failed to withdraw its contempt of court charges.

Organised Labour had embarked on mass protest over anti-poor policies of government,especially the removal of subsidy that had brought untold hardship to Nigerians.

The letter reads: "kindly recall the exchange of correspondence between the ministry and your office on the need for compliance with the extant court orders, restraining industrial action of any kind on the part of the Nigeria Labour Congress and Trade Union Congress.

"The position of the ministry was informed by the need to safeguard the integrity of the court and prevent avoidable service disruption or damage to public facilities.

"Inspite of these exchanges/interventions, the labour unions on Aug. 2, proceeded with the industrial action through public pretests".

 

It also said the protest led to disruption of work and the eventual pulling down of the gate of the National Assembly.

"The foregoing, it said, prompted the ministry to initiate contempt proceedings by tiling Form 48 on the same 2nd August 2023 in accordance with Section 72 of the Sheriffs and Civil Process Act and Order 9 Rule 13 oftlwe Judgment (Enforcement) Rules.

"It is trite that issuance of Form 48 is just the starting point in contempt proceedings which will only crystalize upon the issuance of Form 49 and the consequential committal order."

It noted that upon the intervention of President Bola Tinubu and the decision of the labour unions to call-off their industrial action after meetings with the President and leadership of the National Assembly.

"The ministry did not proceed further with the contempt proceedings, which would have required the issuance of Form 49 within two days of thc issuance of Form 48.

"It is self-evident that the none-issuance of Form 49 as at Aug. 4, renders the contempt proceedings inchoate.

"You may therefore wish to advise or guide the labour unions on the practice and procedure of contempt proceedings.

"Also particularly to the effect that the issues or concerns raised by NLC in its communique on the proceedings, have been overtaken by events,"it said.

(NAN)

Chloe Kelly says she loves being a player for the clutch moments, after yet another match-winning role for England.

Kelly, who grew up playing cage football in Ealing, thumped home the decisive penalty as the Lionesses beat Nigeria to reach the World Cup quarter-finals.

It was the third time in just over a year that the winger has settled a major match for the side.

Kelly scored the winner in the Euro 2022 Final last summer and struck the decisive penalty when England beat Brazil to win the Finalissima in April.

The Manchester City forward was handed England's fifth penalty in yesterday's shoot-out and relishes the pressure.

"Stepping up, I just thought I'm gonna score," said Kelly. "That's the way I look at penalties.

"It's confident, I know, but it's always important when you win that mental battle. I don't think too much about it to be honest, just be ready in the moment. It's just a penalty, me versus the keeper, and stepping up to it is about winning the mental battle. We have been practising (penalties) a lot and it has been working."

Kelly started her run up with a customary hop and a skip before an emphatic finish into the top corner to leave Nigeria goalkeeper Chiamaka Nnadozie no chance.

"I see Chloe Kelly do that every single day," said defender Alex Greenwood, who also scored her penalty. "That is normal Chloe Kelly… routine, focused. I had no doubt that she'd put the ball away. It's just what she does.

"I think to go down to 10 and show the resilience that we did, and to win on penalties, it shows the character in the team. "Nigeria caused us problems at times and we had to show a different side of us again, which we've done a few times this tournament. I'm really proud of the team."

 
[standard.co.uk]

As consumers fill up their tanks, there’s growing concern over the looming possibility of petrol prices surging above N700 per litre in the near future. The reasons behind this impending increase are multi-faceted, stemming from a combination of factors that are sending shockwaves through the global oil market.

One significant contributor to the potential price hike is the drastic reduction in oil production by Saudi Arabia and other major oil-producing nations. These production cuts come at a time when geopolitical tensions, including the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, have already sent shockwaves through the oil market. The result? A staggering tripling of crude oil costs over a mere eight-week period.

 

Saudi Arabia, the world’s second-largest oil producer, has been playing a pivotal role in shaping the trajectory of oil prices. By successfully reducing crude oil production and announcing further cuts, the nation aims to align with its ambitious Vision 2030 plan. This plan seeks to diversify Saudi Arabia’s economy, moving away from its traditional dependence on oil and creating new job opportunities.

To reinforce their objectives, Saudi Arabia has also made the strategic decision to decrease oil exports by a million barrels daily. These calculated moves are aimed at supporting higher oil prices, which in turn can bolster the nation’s economic transformation.

The ripple effects of these global events have been felt domestically in Nigeria as well. Challenges in the country’s fuel industry, coupled with delays in refinery projects and non-functional local refineries, have added to the complexity of the situation. However, there is a glimmer of hope on the horizon as President Tinubu has announced the projected commencement of production at the Port Harcourt refinery by December 2023.

 

Since the removal of petrol subsidies in May 2023, Nigeria’s petrol consumption has seen a noticeable decline. This decline coincides with a significant increase in monthly imports in West Africa, which jumped by a remarkable 56% in the second quarter of 2023. Daily petrol consumption has also dipped, standing at 46.38 million litres per month, down from the pre-subsidy removal figure of 65 million litres.

Market forces are playing a pivotal role in the increasing costs at petrol stations, a clear indication of the effects of deregulation. Mele Kyari, Group CEO of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), has pointed out that these market dynamics could lead to further fluctuations in petrol prices. The NNPCL’s oil swap deal, aimed at optimizing revenue, has faced its share of challenges, resulting in revenue losses, foreign costs, and escalated debts.

Despite these challenges, industry experts anticipate a potential silver lining: a potential reduction in petrol prices by N70 per litre once local refining operations reach full capacity. This projection is rooted in the anticipated benefits of the Nigerian government’s investment in functional refineries. Mike Osatuyi, National Controller of Operations for the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), expresses optimism that the completion of refinery refurbishments will significantly alleviate the pressure of imports and ultimately lead to more affordable fuel prices for consumers.

Finally, the spectre of petrol prices reaching N700 per litre reflects the complex interplay of global oil dynamics, production cuts, and domestic hurdles. As consumers prepare for potential price hikes, the prospects of market fluctuations and the promise of functional refineries will undoubtedly continue to shape the future trajectory of fuel costs in Nigeria.

Source: Legit.ng

The Senate may re-invite three ministerial nominees who were not confirmed by the chamber on Monday, pending security clearance.

POLITICS NIGERIA reports that the nominees are former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, Senator Abubakar Danladi from Taraba State, and former Nexim Bank Managing Director Stella Okotete.

 

Senate Spokesperson Yemi Adaramodu said on Tuesday that the chamber would re-invite the nominees if it is satisfied with their security clearance.

If security is not satisfied, Senate cannot be satisfied. It depends on what security agencies and the person that nominates them say,” Adaramodu said on Channels Television’s Sunrise Daily programme.

The Senate had on Monday approved and confirmed the ministerial nominations of 45 other appointees of President Bola Tinubu after a voice vote.

The 45 nominees cleared by the Senate are Festus Keyamo, Mariya Mahmoud, Lola Ade-John, Bosun Tijani, Isiak Salako, Tahir Mamman, Maigari Ahmadu, Zephaniah Jisalo, Shuaibu Audu, Yusuf Sununu, Bello Matawalle, Alkali Saidu, Ahmed Gwarzo, Atiku Bagudu, Simon Lalong, Ibrahim Gaidam, Aliu Abdullahi, Gboyega Oyetola, Heineken Lokpobiri and Tunji Alausa.

Others are Dele Alake, Lateef Fagbemi, Muhammad Idris, Ali Pate, Doris Uzoka, Dave Umahi, Wale Edun, Uche Nnaji, Adebayo Adelabu, Ekperikpe Ekpo, Hannatu Musawa, Musa Dangiwa, Nyesom Wike; Abubakar Kyari, Nkiruka Onyejeocha, Bello Muhammad, Badaru Abubakar, Joseph Utsev, Olubunmi Ojo, Betta Edu, Uju Kennedy Ohaneye, Abubakar Momoh, John Enoh, Iman Suleiman Ibrahim, and Yusuf Tuggar.

[PoliticsNigeria]

England star Lauren James has publicly apologised for standing on her opponent during the Lionesses' last-16 World Cup win over Nigeria and vowed to learn from the experience.

The 21-year-old was sent off for standing on the back of Nigeria defender Michelle Alozie with three minutes of normal time remaining in Brisbane.

England survived the dismissal to advance to the quarter-finals, winning 4-2 on penalties after the game finished goalless following extra time.

In response to a tweet from Alozie, James posted: “All my love and respect to you. I am sorry for what happened.

“Also, for our England fans and my team-mates, playing with and for you is my greatest honour and I promise to learn from my experience.”

The incident resulted in an automatic one-match ban for James that could be extended to three games.

 

Her World Cup fate will now be decided by FIFA’s disciplinary committee - a decision which could see her miss the rest of the tournament even if the Lionesses reach a first-ever final.

Although the Chelsea forward's England stars rallied round her in support, others were more critical of James arguing she could have hampered the team's victory.

Urging others to offer James some grace, Alozie had tweeted: "Abeg, rest. We are playing on the world’s stage.

"This game is one of passion, insurmountable emotions, and moments. All respect for Lauren James."

Earlier, England defender Lucy Bronze revealed she made a post-match beeline to console her “upset” teammate following the incident.

Bronze said: “Obviously she’s going to be disappointed in herself. I went straight off the pitch after the game to make sure she was OK.

“Obviously she was a little bit upset and rightfully so and more than anything she just feels bad for the team. I said to her, ‘We’ve made it through. It’s a team, it’s not just one player.'”

England will now face Colombia in Saturday’s quarter-final after the world number 25 side beat Jamaica 1-0 on Tuesday to reach the last eight for the first time in their history.

Captain Millie Bright insists England have already moved on from learning they would lose James for at least Saturday’s World Cup quarter-final.

The Lionesses were boosted by the return of Keira Walsh against Nigeria – a comeback from a knee injury few imagined possible after she was removed from the pitch on a stretcher in the first half of England’s second group match, a 1-0 triumph over Denmark.

Scans revealed the issue was not as serious as first suspected and Walsh managed 120 minutes against Nigeria, including the nervy 30 minutes of 10-woman extra time to force penalties, the result sealed 4-2 for England by Chloe Kelly’s emphatic spot-kick.

Though boss Sarina Wiegman’s switch to a 3-5-2 formation in Walsh’s absence seemed to spark the Lionesses into life in their 6-1 group-stage victory over China, her side did not play as well against Nigeria with three at the back, and in fact looked more controlled when they were short-handed.

[Itv]

Nigeria has understandable security concerns, but using force to dislodge Niger’s junta could spark a refugee crisis and regional war.

 

The capture of political power by Niger’s military junta has triggered speculation about the possibility of a regional military intervention. Niger is a landlocked West African country that remains one of the poorest in the world; it also faces a growing threat, particularly in its Tillabéri region, from violent extremist groups such as Boko Haram and the Islamic State in the West African Province (ISWAP), which have caused many deaths and mass displacement.

The putschists in Niger, led by Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani, have capitalized on this insecurity in their bid to justify their illegal, unconstitutional overthrow of Nigerien President Mohamed Bazoum’s government, which was barely three years old. Niger has experienced several military coups since its independence from France in 1960—but this one is eliciting a stronger regional reaction.

Concerned about the unfolding situation in Niger, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has risen to the challenge. On July 26, the regional body’s Authority of Heads of State and Government convened an Extraordinary Summit to discuss the political situation in Niger, under the chairmanship of Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. In describing the gravity of the situation, Tinubu called the coup a “hostage” situation, a position Bazoum himself reiterated in his recent op-ed in the Washington Post, calling on the United States and the international community to come to his rescue.

A perceived security threat along the Niger-Nigeria border is making leaders in Abuja, Nigeria, and other regional capitals nervous.

A perceived security threat along the Niger-Nigeria border is making leaders in Abuja and other regional capitals nervous, and might influence their decision to take action. But some of ECOWAS’s recent moves to pressure the junta in Niger’s capital, Niamey, could have unintended consequences.

There are doubts about whether the military junta in Niger will be able to effectively control its porous borders. After all, Niger has not been able to do so in the past. But ECOWAS’s hardnosed stance overlooks the fact that controlling the borders is even less likely in a situation in which humanitarian and foreign aid has been cut off. The consequences of unmonitored borders will be increased infiltration by terrorists across the border into Nigeria.

The nefarious activities of jihadist insurgencies across the troubled Sahel region have resulted in the influx of 300,000 refugees from Mali to Niger. That number is expected to increase significantly, with most likely to flee to Nigeria and other neighboring countries in the event of a full-scale armed conflict.

In such a scenario, Nigeria would not sit idly by, especially when it is dealing with multiple internal security threats of its own. There is also the possibility that Chad, which also has a strong army, might be inclined to intervene alongside Nigeria on security grounds. But so far, it appears that Chad is willing to give diplomacy a chance.

ECOWAS has dispatched envoys to Niger as part of efforts to explore a peaceful and diplomatic resolution to the situation. The Monday deadline for the regional body’s ultimatum, which threatened armed intervention, has passed. In the meantime, diplomacy involving current and former military leaders continues, including a visit to Niger by the leader of the transitional government of Chad, Mahamat Déby. So far, these efforts appear to have fallen on deaf ears, with the putschists remaining adamant and severing ties with France, Nigeria, Togo, and the United States. ECOWAS has since begun preparations for military intervention, albeit as a “last resort.”

As the window for a peaceful and diplomatic resolution closes, a military intervention appears to be increasingly inevitable. It would not be the first time ECOWAS has embarked on a military intervention within the region. ECOWAS intervened during the Liberian and Sierra Leonean civil wars in the early 1990s, on humanitarian grounds, as well as in more recent times in Gambia, following the refusal of then-President Yahya Jammeh’s reluctance to hand over power to Adama Barrow, who emerged as the winner of the elections in 2017.

These military interventions resulted in the restoration of peace, security, and stability in these countries and across the region. More importantly, they were welcomed by the citizens of these countries who saw the intervening forces as their saviors at the time.

However, the current realities are different. A first major impediment to a successful regional military intervention in Niger is the absence of ECOWAS’s full-scale legitimacy among the citizens of Niger. Following the coup, some Nigeriens have taken to the streets in demonstration of their support for the putschists. For as long as a significant portion of Nigerien society backs its new rulers, a foreign intervening force will struggle to win the hearts and minds of locals on the ground. The fluid nature of the situation could mean the absence of a comprehensive exit strategy or transition plan, thereby giving way to a prolonged intervention.

Given Nigeria’s current chairmanship of ECOWAS, it would be expected to take the lead in any regional military intervention in Niger. However, it is perceived to be struggling with a legitimacy crisis in the wake of a contested presidential election and much-needed reforms that have unintentionally created economic hardships for many Nigerians.

Shouldering both the financial and human costs of the intervention in this context will be difficult. Given its current economic woes, the end to its fuel subsidy regime, and the multiple internal security challenges it faces that have left its military overstretched, Nigeria’s ability to prosecute an effective foreign intervention is in no way guaranteed. This holds true, especially since both Ghana and Senegal, two other leaders in the region, are currently confronted by serious economic and political challenges, respectively.

Should Nigeria choose to intervene in Niger, it might drive a wedge between the state and society—a relationship that has been characterized by years of distrust by citizens toward the government. The Nigerian Senate has also cautioned against a military move. An armed intervention in Niger without the full backing and support of Nigerian society would cost the government significantly domestically—a situation it cannot afford at the moment, given the tensions prevalent across the country thanks to economic hardship.

A direct consequence of the potential armed conflict would be the inevitable spillover of refugees and the mass influx of displaced persons into Nigeria and other neighboring countries. There is also an increased likelihood of infiltrations by foreign terrorist fighters. This could no doubt put pressure on the limited infrastructural and social amenities across the various states in the region.

Furthermore, a regional military intervention would trigger a proxy war of state and non-state actors. Burkina Faso, Mali, and Guinea have already pledged support to Niger in the event it is invaded by a regional military force. These pledges are credible and worth taking seriously, as all three countries have weaponry obtained from years of security force assistance and can obtain logistical help from Russia to move a relatively large defensive force off their territories, irrespective of their unstable nature, to fight a foreign war.

Mercenaries from Russia’s Wagner Group, which has already made significant inroads in the Sahel region, have already been called upon for help. Plans to stop Wagner from gaining another foothold with an anti-West junta through the restoration of a pro-West government appear to be too little, too late.

It is likely the European Union, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States would provide both direct and indirect support to ECOWAS in the event of a full-scale military intervention, given the need to protect their strategic interests across the region. This situation could quickly spread across the Lake Chad and Sahel regions, with violent extremist groups taking advantage of the chaos, thereby worsening insecurity and engulfing the entire region into instability.

As ECOWAS mobilizes for military action in Niger, the prospect of a failed intervention far outweighs any projected gains. Rather, ECOWAS should tread with caution while exploring robust, diplomatic responses to the crisis. Time should also be given for ongoing mediation efforts to take root. Human lives are at stake; a non-military solution must be prioritized above all else.

Folahanmi Aina is an associate fellow at the Royal United Services Institute. His research interests include terrorism, extremism, and insurgency in Nigeria, the Lake Chad Basin, and the Sahel region.