Tinubu has become an unabashed chauvinist. It’s a hard watch. It doesn’t bode well for national unity. Tinubu’s critical appointments have become the most lopsided in the history of this country.

A Yoruba is the police Inspector General. A Yoruba is the EFCC Chairman. A Yoruba is the Head of the DSS. A Yoruba is the Attorney General. A Yoruba is the Chief Justice of the Federation. And Tinubu, a Yoruba, is the President and overseer of all instruments of coercion. The entire criminal justice system is in the hands of one ethnic group.

I sold wristwatch, did okada, keke work; now I have fame but no money — Angel Babaorobo, Skit Maker:

For so long, the Afenifere was the conscience of the Yoruba nation and Nigeria. It fought for good governance, against oppression, and against what was often pejoratively described as retrogressive and oppressive mediocrity-metastasizing Hausa Fulani hegemony. To enthrone social justice and inclusiveness and enhance freedom, the Afenifere sold the idea of a sovereign national conference as the recipe against internal colonization, disunity and marginalisation. Those days are gone. Now Tinubu, an Afenifere apostle and NADECO evangelist is going full throttle installing an ethnic hegemony.

There is now a feeling amongst many that Tinubu is settling scores. Otherwise, why is he so relentless? But what score could he possibly be settling? Obasanjo, his kinsman, was president a few years ago. The Yoruba have ruled the country longer than anyone else since the fourth republic. So why Tinubu’s ethnic patriotism so feverish that after seizing all the important criminal justice system and handing it to the Yoruba, he has also handed nearly all the critical economic roles to the very same ethnic group. A Yoruba is the CBN governor. Another Yoruba is the Minister of Finance. Yet another Yoruba is the Minister of Blue Economy. Then a Yoruba is the Minster of Digital Economy. And just two days ago, a Yoruba became the Minister of Trade, Industries and Investment . A Yoruba is the Head of the Bank of Industry. A Yoruba heads the National Social Insurance Trust Fund. A Yoruba is the Coordinating Minister of the Economy. A Yoruba is the Minister of Solid Minerals. A Yoruba is the Minster Of Petroleum. At the height of the much talked about Hausa Fulani domination in the military era, no government came close to this. What is driving Tinubu’s ethnocentrism?.

The country is reeling. It’s crime and corruption ridden. It can’t afford the distractions of corrosive suspicions of ethnic domination. It can’t conduct decent elections.

The perception that Tinubu Yorubanized the critical levers of state will only complicate the distrust. Our problems are huge. The Mo Ibrahim report is out. It says Nigeria is one of the worst-ruled countries in Africa over the last ten years. On the War Against Corruption, we scored a miserable 28%. In general leadership ,we have fallen into the same category as Sudan and Somalia. So perhaps dwelling on issues like the ethnic colouration of appointments rather than health and education and security might be idiotic. But, one of the major problems Tinubu inherited was virulent ethnic division. National unity ought to be an urgent priority. Tinubu’s devotion to rabid ‘parapoism’ is counterintuitive. Military juntas weren’t this aloof. Tinubu ought to know that Nigerians are not cows. Taxi drivers and barbers on the street know the positions that define power in a multi-ethnic third world country. Beyond sloganeering, Tinubu should know that a shared sense of belonging across ethnic divides is the beginning of unity and peace, and of sustainable progress .

A Yoruba heads the Army. A Yoruba heads the Police. A Yoruba heads the Customs. A Yoruba heads the Immigration. Again add the DSS to that. It’s staggering. The Yoruba are very intelligent. They are perhaps the most sophisticated ethnic group in Nigeria but the gap can’t be this wide. The government isn’t an Egbe Omo Oduduwa. Many blame Tinubu’s baffling tribalism on Buhari. But this is disingenuous. If anything, Tinubu should have learnt from Buhari’s shortsightedness. Buhari was a little narrow-minded. But he didn’t have the benefit of Tinubu’s political lineage and exposure. A cursory look at Buhari’s lopsided appointments will reveal that while he might have concentrated power in the north, it wasn’t this brazen. Buhari didn’t concentrate critical roles in his ethnic group or geo-political zone. Yet the country criticized Buhari heavily. Comparatively and by any scale, Tinubu’s tribalism is utterly blind and stubbornly headlong. Yoruba have taken the head, taken the heart , taken the gizzard, taken the kidneys and liver. In the third world, people know ethnic domination when they see it. People are not cows.

But don’t blame the Yoruba. Most of them are embarrassed by Tinubu’s antediluvian antics. Indeed, the Yoruba are the most welcoming group in Nigeria. They are self assured and empathetic. They are effervescent and warm. Culturally, their lives espouse harmony and freedom. They are the most religiously tolerant, too. They never seek the domination of no one. They are instinctively happy to compete on a level playing field. They have been the loudest and sincerest champions of equity and meritocracy. So this ethnic hegemony that Tinubu is weaving is patently not Yoruba. The Yoruba live and let live. They didn’t send Tinubu on this errand.

One reasonable inference is that Tinubu perhaps lost faith in One Nigeria while waiting to be president. Tinubu’s loss of faith in One Nigeria is so stark that most of his personal aides are all Yoruba . No pretence at all. The bigoted Onanuga, who thinks the Igbo are second-class citizens in Lagos, is now his spokesman. Sunday Dare has been brought back as a Special Adviser and implanted into the Ministry of Information. Tinubu’s Chief of Protocol is Yoruba. The Commander of the Brigade of Guards is Yoruba. The ADC is Yoruba. The Chief Security Officer is Yoruba.

For the first time, we have a consummate politician who prepared for the role for many years. Yet again, we have a president who trusts only his tribe. Tinubu became a prominent senator over 30 years ago. He has an enviable national reach. Yet he distributes appointments like Sunday Igboho. Tinubu’s approach should have been distilled by the heat of the struggle to restore democracy. The clannishness we see today ought to have been purified by the fire of NADECO. His critics now say that having grabbed the coveted ultimate power, Tinubu has shed his cloak and is manifesting his truest colours.

Ordinarily, nobody would bother if Tinubu went for merit and chose only the people of Iragbiji or Isale Eko to fill the most important government positions. But Tinubu’s morally flabby cabinet is full of chaff. After removing five ministers whom he deemed to have performed woefully, his cabinet is still peopled with some who lack intergrity, retired governor who looted their states according to the EFCC and got promoted to national service to be cloaked with a dubious immunity against criminal prosecution. So Tinubu hasn’t sabotaged the Federal Character spirit to drive prosperity and progress. On the contrary, many Yorubas believe Tinubu’s ‘parapoism’ is aimed at building a private political dynasty.

When Nigeria becomes truly one and we select players for government and politics as we do for sports, no president will approach governance with a Tinubu mindset. Nobody does that in the Super Eagles. That’s why many feel that the federal character principle inadvertently makes our leaders village champions. If the next president after Tinubu emulates this parochialism the country may disintegrate from deepening of ethnic cleavages . Rotation of power is supposed to serve inclusiveness not further alienation.

President Tinubu knows that in a fractious multi-ethnic third world country, the concentration of the levers of the criminal justice system, economy and security, in the hands of one ethnic group will feed the system with disenchantment and paranoia and corrode cohesion. The Yoruba don’t need this sleight of hand. So why is Tinubu hell bent on this primitivity?

The U.S. on Thursday sent a plane loaded with medical supplies to pick up Tigran Gambaryan, an executive of Binance Holdings Limited, from Nigeria.

As per The New York Times, Gambaryan departed the nation following the dismissal of money laundering charges against him by the Federal Government.

The Nation reported that the Federal Government discontinued the prosecution of official of Binance Holdings Limited, Tigran Gambaryan on money laundering related offences on Wednesday Oct 23.

Gambaryan was being tried with his employer, Binance before a Federal High Court in Abuja on a money laundering charge brought against them by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

On Wednesday, prosecuting lawyer, R. U. Adagba, told the court that the prosecution has decided to withdraw against the second defendant, Gambaryan.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken stated that Gambaryan’s release reflects the commitment of both countries to collaborate effectively.

The statement reads: “The United States thanks the Government of Nigeria for releasing U.S. citizen Tigran Gambaryan on medical grounds, allowing him to return to the United States to receive the specialized medical care he requires.

“This positive outcome demonstrates the strength of the U.S.-Nigeria partnership and highlights our shared commitment to working together to advance our common interests.  Our close law enforcement cooperation remains a cornerstone of our bilateral relationship, and the United States is committed to working closely with the Government of Nigeria to address mutual concerns and prioritize the safety and well-being of our citizens.”

Similarly, Jake Sullivan, the national security advisor at The White House, expressed that they were “pleased” to have facilitated Gambaryan’s release. 

“I am pleased that American citizen and former U.S. law enforcement official Tigran Gambaryan has been released on humanitarian grounds by the Nigerian Government and is on his way back to the United States so that he can receive needed medical attention,” the statement reads.

“As soon as we secured Mr. Gambaryan’s release, I called his wife Yuki to share this good news. I am grateful to my Nigerian colleagues and partners for the productive discussions that have resulted in this step and look forward to working closely with them on the many areas of cooperation and collaboration critical to the bilateral partnership between our two countries.”

[TheNation]

Despite President Bola Tinubu’s relieving her of her duty as Minister of Women Affairs, Uju-Ken Ohanenye has resolved that she would “fight alongside” the President to fix Nigeria.

The former minister stated this in a statement on her official X.com account @BarrUjuKennedy on Saturday.

While pledging her commitment to Tinubu’s ‘Renewed Hope Agenda”, the former minister urged Nigerians not to lose hope but to be optimistic that Nigeria will be great again.

She said, “This is a test of time, a highly spiritual movement that no human being can stop.

“President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is destined to fix Nigeria and I, Barr Uju Kennedy will fight alongside him to the last.

“Let’s be optimistic Nigeria will be great! -Barr Uju Kennedy Ohanenye.”

Recall that on October 24, Ohanenye, in a letter of appreciation said she remained committed to serving Nigeria and will do her best to contribute to the nation’s progress and prosperity.

PUNCH Online reports that Ohanenye was sacked alongside the Minister of Tourism, Lola Ade-John; Minister of Education, Prof. Tahir Mamman; Minister of State for Housing and Urban Development, Abdullahi Muhammad Gwarzo; and Minister of Youth Development, Dr. Jamila Bio Ibrahim.

This was contained in a statement by the special adviser to the President on Social Media, Dada Olusegun, on Wednesday.

The statement also announced the re-assignment of 10 ministers to new ministerial portfolios; the nomination of seven new ministers for onward transmission to the Senate for confirmation; the appointment of Shehu Dikko as Chairman of the National Sports Commission; the appointment of Sunday Akin Dare as Special Adviser to the President on Public Communication and Orientation working from the Ministry of Information and National Orientation.

Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu was appointed as Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, while Jumoke Oduwole was named Minister of Industry, Trade, and Investment.

In a letter of appreciation made available to journalists on Thursday, the former Minister thanked President Bola Tinubu for the privilege to serve as Minister, describing it as an honour and privilege to have contributed to the nation’s development.

She said, “I write to express my sincere gratitude to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for the extraordinary opportunity to serve as a Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. It has been an honour and a privilege to contribute to the development of our nation.

“Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye thanks Tinubu for opportunity to serve.”

[Punch]

For a man who warned the Igbo that they would only get bread soaked in water if they scorned him, it is a shock that President Bola Tinubu has picked one of the finest, fittest, and fondest of that race into his cabinet. The nomination of Bianca Odumegwu Ojukwu into the Bola Tinubu cabinet came from the Blues.

So also is the seeming shock that the president is changing his strategy of bread soaked in water for Ndigbo. In fact, the change from bread soaked in water came the same week that the president’s wife, the delectable Senator Remi Tinubu dispatched thousands of bags of rice to Anambra women. Since his advent on May 29, 2023 President Tinubu had fastidiously kept to his vow in terms of patronage, especially in appointments.

With the majority of appointments scaled towards the Southwest and the Core North, the Igbo intermittently cheered when their stock were appointed into federal positions. So for the people who are already on the ground, the Igbo claim, they had no fear of a fall with Tinubu. That is the reason the region largely boycotted the August end bad governance campaign. So, it was something of a shock when Bianca, former Most Beautiful Girl in Nigeria Pageant winner was nominated to replace the comedic former minister of women affairs, Uju Kennedy Ohanenye.

Of course, given her status as Igbo First Lady, no one questioned the propriety of the Enugu-born lawyer’s fitness for the slot. After all, her late husband was from Anambra State. What came as a shock was that the Tinubu camp did not mind the fact that Bianca was an undisguised supporter of Peter Obi in the 2023 presidential election. A year to the last presidential election as people complained about what they described as the stinginess of Peter Obi, Bianca came out with an unsolicited endorsement of the generosity of the former governor of Anambra State.

She drew emotions when she described her encounter with him during a visit to Dim Ojukwu at their Dallas, United States residence in 2009. She had prompted him during that visit to buy a Tom Ford suit costing $3980 to attend a state event in the city where he was to be honoured. Obi, however, refused and rather bought a suit of $200 for the event. Following that on his way back to Nigeria Obi offered her $3,800 saved from not buying the Tom Ford suit. The money was a donation to Bianca’s charity foundation in Anambra State which directly impacted on some women Bianca named.

That story went a long way in humanizing Peter Obi before the 2023 presidential election. So, given her preference for Peter Obi it was befuddling that the Tinubu Camp would reach out to bring her into the government. However, the move was not totally shocking for many who believe that Tinubu has not lost his capacity for strategic political maneuver. For one, the Tinubu camp m a y have come to the realization that it can no longer rely on the alliance with the core North for political supremacy over the nation.

That alliance has seen the majority of appointments shared between the Southwest and the Core North. Northern minorities, the Southeast and the SouthSouth have taken the short end of the stick from that arrangement. Despite the appointments and the favours, the favoured sections of the country have not benefited from lower prices of essential requirements or even petrol. It now appears to Tinubu that in a fair game that he would be badly wounded in the Core North and even the Southwest in 2027. With that unfavourable electoral prospect facing it ahead of 2027, there is no doubt that the Tinubu camp has had to rethink strategy during his United Kingdom vacation.

The result is the apparent decision to abandon the bread soaked in water philosophy for the Southeast by deciding to court the Igbo. The Tinubu camp perhaps now believes that it is possible to win over the Southeast. The camp also believes that the best way to start is through luring one of the finest, fittest and fondest of the tribe, a description that describes Bianca Ojukwu. Of course, there are some who think that Bianca should have outrightly rejected the proposal. As some Igbo argue, she cannot rationalize her presence in the Tinubu cabinet with the APC administration’s incarceration of Nnamdi Kanu, the only man who has rivaled her late husband in popularity among the Igbo.

Remarkably, Bianca has been a public agitator for Kanu’s release. Just eight days ago, and four days before her nomination, she issued a public demand for Kanu’s release. Given the way ministerial nominations are made in this country, it is obvious that Bianca was already in discussion with the Tinubu government when she made the call at the conference of American Veterans of Igbo Descent in Charlotte, North Carolina, United States of America. Your correspondent suspects that Bianca would have made a deal with the Tinubu government for Nnamdi Kanu’s release, and with it, the prospect of even winning over the secessionist leader into their camp.

Afterall, her husband was won over to the National Party of Nigeria, NPN on his return to Nigeria. Just as the NPN used Ojukwu to fight the National Peoples Party, NPP in Igbo land ahead of the 1983, the prospect of the APC using Bianca and Kanu against Peter Obi is plausible. But we all remember that after using Ojukwu, the NPN was said to have behind the scene rigged him out in the 1983 Anambra Senate race. Whatever, is the emergence of Bianca into the Tinubu government a setback for Obidients wishing for their man to win in 2027?

NEFETITI who fondly competes with Aisha Yesufu for the position of First Lady of the Obidient family thinks that Bianca’s nomination would not in any way impact against Peter Obi’s prospects in the Southeast. While she like many others believe that Bianca is more than qualified to be a Nigerian minister, she, however, believes that when it comes to choosing between Tinubu and Peter Obi that Bianca would not be a factor. 

Last week, I had a very brief encounter with the 18th Chief of Defense Staff of the Nigerian Armed Forces, General Christopher Gwabin Musa, OFR. His words were, however, enough to evoke some recollection, reflection and nostalgia.

I am, therefore, retreating into history to pay some little, well-earned tribute to some special Nigerian soldiers in sports whose footprints are etched permanently in the sands of time.

This is not an academic excursion into the history of the military in Nigerian sports. It is my very humble experience since I became a part of the Nigerian sports scene in the early 1970s. So, I apologise for its limitation.

To me, the military has always been an integral part of Nigerian sports. The story of a soldier as the first Nigerian to win a medal at any international sport (the Commonwealth Games) was common. Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna holds that distinction even though his role in the 1966 coup d’etat made him a pariah.

When I joined the national football team’s camp after participating in the 1st National Sports Festival in 1973 (the first and largest domestic sports event in Nigeria’s history) the military were in power. Their influence and presence were everywhere within sports. They had the numbers in trained personnel, good facilities in their barracks, disciplined officers, an established tradition in physical training, and the power of government fiat to get things done with military precision and ‘alacrity’ (as my late father would say) without any bureaucratic bottlenecks to worry about.

The Military was well ahead of its time in vision. It had some absolutely brilliant, well-rounded and well-educated soldiers in sports administration. That’s how the military government after the Civil war in 1970 decided to unite the country’s youths by organising (amongst other things) the National Sports Festival and several national and international competitions. The by-product of hosting these major international sports (and other social and cultural events) is to catalyse and fast track rapid infrastructural, social and sports development, not only within military institutions but in the country as a whole.

The first names I heard about in sports administration, apart from that of Isaac Akioye who was the civilian Director of Sports, were those of Henry Adefope, Alabi Isama and Joseph Garba, closely followed by Samuel Ogbemudia and David Jemibewon, my own governor in Western Nigeria.

It was Major General Joseph Garba, however, that was the most famous and glamorous amongst national athletes. He was a tall, handsome basketball ‘freak’, a player himself and a promoter. He handled the affairs of national basketball from Dodan Barracks, the official seat of government at the time, assembling the best players in the country to form a team that became the core of the national team.

He indirectly kick-started elite athletes development in Nigeria with the recruitment of an African American basketball coach to handle the team in the barracks.

That’s how Oliver B. Johnson came to Nigeria.

At the time, major events were being organised back to back – the 2nd All African Games, the Nigeria/Ghana Sports Festival, and the 1st National Sports Festival, all happened in one calendar year immediately following the opening of the National Stadium, Surulere, a beautiful, state-of-the-art edifice, a sports complex that was thepride of the nation in 1972.

The stadium was home to world-class facilities for over 20 different sports in the portfolio of the National Sports Commission, NSC, that existed at that time. It was also a massive sports and social hub, the headquarters of the National Sports Commission, thronged by athletes every day in various sports, driving an emerging sports eco-system.

There was the new National Institute for Sports in the premises, a ‘copy’ of one of the most advanced sports institutes in the world, the German Sports Institute in Hennef, Germany. The NIS had very advanced science research laboratories and a world class gymnasium that was the best such facility in Africa. The mangled skeleton still exists in Lagos for all to go and see and shed their own tears.

The model of using sports events as a tool for development-beyond-sports, has become fashionable in many parts of the world in the 21st Century, confirming the visionary outlook of the military in charge of Nigerian sports at the time. That’s what is happening in Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Australia and even Morocco presently – using sports to drive national development agenda outside sport. Nigeria was on that path over 50 years ago, inspired by the military.

It was smooth sailing through the 1970s and some parts of the 1980s. By the middle of the 1990s, corrupting influences set in, undermining the rich established foundations. They eventually halted and eroded all the previous good work.

So, Oliver B. Johnson came, and brought world class basketball to Nigeria. The octogenarian still lives and works in the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, to this day.

He discovered and guided Nigeria’s greatest basketball export, Hakeem ‘The Dream’ Olajuwon, to the USA.

His greatest contribution, however, was the smuggling of his friend, African American legendary athlete, Lee Edward Evans, into the country under the guise of hiring another basketball coach.

Lee Evans, also African American, was at the time, one of the greatest and most famous Track athletes in the world, He was a 400 meters runner, Double Olympic Gold Medalist and World record holder in eleven different sprints events.

Lee moved temporarily to coach athletics at the University of Ife before settling down as Chief coach of athletics for Nigeria. He started a world-class track-athletes development program that produced Nigeria’s first world class runners from the mid-1970s. Nigeria’s most gifted athletes grew into some of the best in the world with programs through the Collegiate systems in some Nigerian Universities and the USA, made possible by Lee and many other foreign coaches from USA, China, Cuba, Yugoslavia, Germany and so on, brought in by the military government to lay Nigeria’s solid foundation in sports development.

The military also offered gifted young Nigerian athletes the incentives to join any of the armed forces, to become soldiers and to compete for the military. Many of the athletes were NCOs (non-commissioned officers) and represented the country, enjoying the benefits of two careers – sports and the military.

The years from shortly before the Civil War and for about two decades after, were glorious years for Nigerian sports with the military in the driving seat.

The memories of that time have become nostalgic.

To do justice to their contributions, I attempt here to recall some names of some of the military actors in acknowledgement of their outstanding service to the military and to Nigeria.

This is not in any particular order of merit or period.

Major General Henry Adefope; Major General Joseph Garba, Major General Shehu Musa Yar Adua (Hockey player), Brigadier General Alabi Isama; Brigadier General Samuel Ogbemudia; Major General David Jemibewon; Major General Sho-Silva; Major General Mamman Kontagora; Major General Ishola Williams; Major General M S Toki; Major General Y Y Kure; Major General Akeju; Lt. Colonel Yèmi Akinyanju; Admiral Jubril Ayinla; Commodore Sojirin; Commodore Olumide (squash); Air Commodore Emeka Omeruah; Air Commodore Anthony Ikazaboh; Air Commodore Bayo Lawal; Group Captain Brai Ayonote; Squadron Leader Patrick Olalere; Brigadier General HOD Eghagha; Group Captain John Obakpolor; Brigadier General Dominic Oneya; Colonel Maharaja Mamudu; Colonel Abdulmumuni Aminu; Major General Emmanuel Okaro; and many more that don’t come easily to mind as I write this.

These officers served Nigeria as administrators and few as athletes.

The military also produced several outstanding athletes that represented Nigeria at major international events including the African Cup of Nations in football, the All-African Games, the Commonwealth Games, the Olympics and the World Military Games.

The following represent a few of those I can recall from my experience. They were across various sports:

Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna; Alfred Bell (Navy); Colonel Jaiye Abidoye; Kola Abdullahi (Airforce); Edward Akika (Airforce); Major Tunde Panox; Warrant Officer (WO) Inua Lawal Rigogo; WO Olusegun Olumodeji; WO Samuel Opone; Sergeant Kadiri Ikhana; WO Emmanuel Tetteh; Colonel Taiwo Ogunjobi; Abass Mohammed; Yohanna Waziri; Rufus Ejele; WO Ganiyu Salami; WO Kenneth Olayombo; WO Eyo Essien; Sergeant Emmanuel Obasuyi (1001) and others.

On behalf of all these great administrators and athletes, I salute the new ‘Sheriff in Town’, the Defence Chief of Staff, General Christopher Musa, for his present mission to revive the sports tradition in the military and, by extension, the Country.

The Confederation of African Football (CAF) has awarded three points, and three goals to Nigeria for the abandoned game against Libya.

The decision follows an investigation into the botched October 15 Africa Cup of Nations qualifier in Benghazi by the CAF Disciplinary Board.

Nigeria had walked away from the tie following poor treatment by the host country that left Super Eagles players and staff stranded at an abandoned airport for almost a day.

CAF in its ruling said it found the Libya Football Federation to have breached Article 31 of the African Cup of Nations Regulations as well as Articles 82 and 151 of the CAF Disciplinary Code.

The 5-point decision reads:

• The Libya Football Federation is found to have breached Article 31 of the African Cup of Nations Regulations as well as Articles 82 and 151 of the CAF Disciplinary Code.
• The match No.87 Libya v. Nigeria of the CAF African Cup of Nations Qualifiers 2025 (scheduled to be played on 15 October 2024 in Benghazi) is declared lost by forfeit by Libya (by a score of 3-0).
• The Libya Football Federation is ordered to pay a fine of USD 50,000.
• The fine is to be paid within 60 days of notification of the present decision.
• All other and further motions or prayers for relief are dismissed.

CAF president, Patrice Motsepe had earlier said that the continental body would not tolerate any lack of sportsmanship and unfair treatment in African football.

With the decision, Nigeria now has ten (10) points from four games and remain at the top of Group D.

[Vanguard]

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s recent appointment of Bianca Ojukwu as Minister of State for Foreign Affairs has sent shockwaves through the political landscape, sparking conversations on both sides of the aisle. Yet, beyond the surface, this appointment may not be the simple endorsement it appears to be. In a nation where politics and identity are deeply intertwined, this move seems to carry a subtle but significant message – one that could serve as a bitter pill for the Igbo community and its ongoing struggle for political inclusion.

The legacy of Bianca Ojukwu’s late husband, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, still casts a long shadow over Nigerian politics. 

As the leader of the Biafran secessionist movement, he symbolised a fight for Igbo autonomy and an end to the ethnic and political marginalisation that had, and still has, plagued the region. For many Igbos, Ojukwu’s legacy is not merely historical; it’s a living symbol of the fight for recognition and equal treatment in Nigeria’s political sphere. By extension, Bianca Ojukwu herself embodies a legacy of Igbo pride and resilience – a responsibility that makes her actions symbolic to her people.

So, why would this position be offered to someone with such a charged legacy? Some argue it might not be a genuine call to service but rather a strategic move, a way to neutralise a powerful voice within the Igbo community. In a political climate where the Southeast region has long felt sidelined, the appointment risks appearing as a token gesture, or worse, an attempt to symbolically placate a people without addressing their deeper grievances. For decades, the Southeast has been largely absent from Nigeria’s highest echelons of power, with minimal representation in key ministerial and economic positions.

The Igbo’s call for political inclusion remains unmet. Many hoped that with the 2023 elections, there would be a shift towards genuine federal character, ensuring fair representation across Nigeria’s diverse ethnic groups. However, this expectation has been met with disappointment. The recent election cycle, which saw Bola Tinubu from the South West elected, left the South East once again feeling disregarded, fuelling longstanding frustrations over marginalisation.

The Igbo community’s push for a greater share in governance has historical roots that run deep. Post-Biafran War Nigeria was marked by reconciliation efforts that, in hindsight, appear more symbolic than substantive. The South East continues to bear the scars of that era, with infrastructural neglect, economic disenfranchisement, and systemic exclusion from political power. This history underscores the sensitivity around any appointment offered to an Igbo public figure. Such an appointment can’t simply be seen as an individual achievement but will inevitably be scrutinised as a broader reflection of Igbo standing in Nigeria.

The symbolism here matters. Accepting this role could be seen as acquiescing to a system that has historically sidelined her people, potentially undercutting the long-standing fight for inclusion. Bianca Ojukwu’s acceptance would place her under intense scrutiny; every decision she makes in this role would be dissected and analysed by those seeking evidence of genuine change – or confirmation of continued disregard for Southeast concerns. With a lack of real systemic change to accompany such appointments, the risk is that her legacy, and that of her late husband, could be overshadowed by accusations of complicity in perpetuating a broken system.

Consider also the increasing calls for regional autonomy and restructuring within Nigeria. Many in the South East, and indeed other regions, have argued that without significant constitutional reform, marginalisation will persist, and symbolic appointments will remain just that – symbolic. For a community that has invested so much in advocating for federal restructuring, seeing Bianca Ojukwu in a ministerial role may feel like little more than a concessionary offering, leaving the underlying issues unaddressed.

If there’s a lesson to draw from this moment, it’s that Nigeria’s political structure must move beyond symbolic gestures and address the core of ethnic marginalisation. Appointments like Bianca Ojukwu’s cannot stand alone. They need to be part of a larger commitment to fair representation, where every ethnic group sees itself reflected in the nation’s leadership – not only in ceremonial roles but in positions of genuine influence and power.

The stakes of this decision are higher than they may appear. For the Igbo people, it’s a reminder that the battle for political emancipation is far from over. For Nigeria, it’s a call to reckon with a system that too often relies on tokenism over transformation. If genuine inclusion is the goal, then this appointment should signal the beginning, not the end, of a meaningful restructuring that honours the contributions of every region and ethnic group. Only then can Nigeria move toward the unity it has long professed but struggled to achieve.

It is often said among the Igbos and the Yorubas that the wild cat must first be chased away before we blame the hen for wandering too far into the bush. But in the case of Nigeria and her dealings with the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, we may have to actually first blame the hen for wandering away from the homestead before turning our attention to the wild cat – that is, if we can actually do anything to the wild cat.

The Bretton Woods Institutions are monsters that developing countries must avoid at all costs if their sovereignty and the well-being of their citizens mean anything to them. But as we have seen time and again, leaders of developing countries lack the capacity to look within and find lasting solutions to the economic woes of their respective nations. 

The quick fix path is usually taken: IMF and World Bank loans with stiff policies that bring about even more problems and inequality. 

During the 79th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, at the UN headquarters in New York, United States, President Bola Tinubu, through the Vice President Kashim Shettima, who represented him, called on world leaders to prioritise debt forgiveness for Nigeria and other developing countries from creditors and multilateral financial institutions. This call comes when Nigeria’s borrowing is at an all-time high. It defies logic how a president keeps borrowing and then goes on the global stage to ask for debt relief. According to the Debt Management Office in its Q1 2024 report, Nigeria’s domestic and external debts stood at N121.67 trillion ($91.46b). The less said about the amount that goes into debt servicing, the better.

Recently, the World Bank, via its Vice President and Chief Economist, Dr. Indermit Gill, incurred the wrath of Nigerians. Dr. Gill had applauded President Bola Tinubu’s economic policies, suggesting that Nigeria has to maintain its current reforms for the next 10 to 15 years to ensure a complete economic transformation. The World Bank and International Monetary Fund are known to meddle in the affairs of developing countries through their infamous structural adjustment programs. As history has shown us, the economic policies of the World Bank and IMF always end up achieving the exact opposite of what they set out to achieve. According to dataphyte.com, by 2025, for every N10 made by Nigeria, N7.6 will go to loan servicing. The remaining N2.4 will be what is left for capital and recurrent expenditure. In other words, Nigeria will be spending more than 70% of its revenue on debt servicing. 

The origin and essence of the World Bank and IMF have continued to raise many questions and debate. It is instructive to recall that as the Western world gradually began to lose its grip over its colonies around the world after World War II, it was clear that direct colonialism was gradually but surely coming to an end. Hence, there was a need for a new structure or system to ensure the continued dominance and control of the Third World and parts of Eastern Europe. 

Offering the illusion of economic aid and the myth of a more stable and prosperous global economy, the IMF and World Bank were created in July 1944 at an international conference in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, United States. In reality, the aim of the IMF and World Bank is to exercise a powerful influence on developing nations, invariably at the expense of their sovereignty. And as the leaders of developing nations are known to be puppets, the IMF and World Bank through their Structural Adjustment Programmes and Austerity Measures continue to ruin the lives of millions of people in different parts of the world under the guise of reducing poverty, increasing shared prosperity, and promoting sustainable development.

The economic policies and recommendations of the World Bank and IMF are akin to the ‘medicine’ we see charlatans sell in buses and parks with the infernal claim that it cures all ailments known to man. The one-size-fits-all remedy of the IMF is absurd, to say the least, as every country has its own peculiar economic challenges and must seek solutions that are feasible in their predicament.

The World Bank would have us believe that it is committed to reducing poverty, increasing shared prosperity, and promoting sustainable development. However, upon close examination, one realises that the economic policies the World Bank forces on countries seeking loans from them result in the exact opposite. 

At the behest of the World Bank and IMF, President Bola Tinubu embarked on his so-called economic reforms that have unleashed excruciating hunger, poverty, and hardship on Nigerians. While these World Bank backed policies take their toll on poor and helpless Nigerians, the leaders continue to live in luxury, purchasing new aircraft, and funny looking cars (to put it in the words of Oby Ezekwesili). Would these economic policies lose their potency and fail to get the desired result if the leaders practiced what they preached? What measures does the World Bank have in place to ensure that the leaders of the countries they give loans to shun extravagance and thievery?

How exactly does the World Bank demonstrate its commitment to increase shared prosperity? By making funds available to corrupt leaders who aim to loot and plunder. One begins to wonder whether the World Bank takes pleasure in seeing the citizens of countries whose leaders they have reduced to puppets starve to death. The loans granted by the World Bank go largely into funding the lifestyle of the members of the ruling class while the populace pays the price. 

As indicated earlier, the leaders of developing nations are largely to blame for the endless cycle of debt their countries are mired in. Progress cannot be made when leaders readily embrace the capitalist world rather than look inward to study the economic situation of their countries and find solutions. Sadly, electing competent leaders who proffer solutions to economic issues has proven a total impossibility, no thanks to mickey mouse electoral umpires and corrupt judiciary. 

Winston Churchill famously opined: “For a nation to try to tax itself into prosperity is like a man standing in a bucket and trying to lift himself up by the handle.” The Bola Tinubu-led government must understand that stiff taxation, arbitrary hikes in essential commodities and other ill-conceived economic policies are but temporary fix. The floatation of the naira, removal of fuel subsidy and hike in electricity tariffs all at the same time is a cocktail for economic disaster. No economy can survive the disastrous effect of the simultaneous execution of such  policies. 

In conclusion, Nigeria must find a way to break this vicious circle of borrowing by successive administrations. Fixing the Nigerian economy is not the rocket science we are led to believe it is. The first step towards freeing ourselves from continued borrowing would be the cutting of the cost of governance. This is the real cankerworm that has crippled the economy. 

Finally, a conscious effort must be made to create an enabling environment for local businesses to thrive, as the private sector is the real driver of the economy.

. Odusanya writes from This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

Don Jazzy, the head honcho of Mavin Records, and D’banj, the singer, have both launched new football clubs.

In a recent Instagram post, Lagos Liga, Nigeria’s premier private football league, unveiled Jazzy’s ‘Supremos FC’ and D’banj’s ‘Koko FC’.

Both clubs have been registered to compete in the league, which is scheduled to kick off in December.

Supremos FC and Koko FC will join ten other teams in a league that promises to be a venue for non-professional players and football veterans to compete in high-stakes matches. 

Regarding the Mavins boss’ team, Lagos Liga said “if Jazzy’s midas touch, as expressed across several other sectors, translates to football, then other teams should be worried”.

It also described D’banj’s venture into football as “one other teams should pay attention to”.

The organisers of Lagos Liga announced that N50 million prize is up for grabs.

The development comes after Burna Boy, the Afrofusion star, launched his football academy for boys aged 4 to 21.

In August, ‘Burna Boy Football Academy’ was unveiled with training centers across Lagos, Abuja, and Port Harcourt.

[TheCable]

In 2014, armed with optimism and a British accent that I was sure would fade within six months, I returned to Nigeria after 19 years of living abroad. Little did I know, I was about to enter a financial boot camp, with the naira as my drill sergeant. Fast forward to 2024, and my relationship with Nigeria’s currency has been a rollercoaster of highs, lows, and the occasional free fall. Over the past decade, I’ve learned a lot, not just about how a currency works, but about how it defines your life. Although the points below might seem bleak, this piece is just part 1 of a two-part article. In part 2 I offer some insights on how to hedge against currency devaluation and its passthrough cousin, inflation!

Here are 10 things I’ve learned about the naira’s impact on everything from personal spending to Nigeria’s economy.

1. The Naira’s Journey has been A Marathon with No Finish Line

When I moved back, the naira was exchanging at a relatively calm ₦165 to the dollar. Fast forward to 2024, and after a few detours through multiple exchange rates and a whole lot of policy drama, the naira now sits at around ₦1600 to the dollar. The naira has been on a steep decline, driven by falling oil prices, rising inflation, and weak economic fundamentals. Yet, what’s often missed in these conversations is that the naira’s volatility was also compounded by past policy decisions that distorted the true value of the currency. I’ve had to explain to both local and foreign investors that when it comes to the naira, official exchange rates often paint a more optimistic picture than reality.

Today, courtesy of the government’s much-needed exchange rate unification in 2023, things have stabilised somewhat. The unification removed the multiple rates that made doing business feel like a game of roulette. While it was a necessary step, what we rarely talk about is that the naira’s depreciation is like that friend who promises to change but never really does.

2. Purchasing Power Erosion Also Has a Psychological Impact

In 2014, ₦10,000 could take you far enough to feel like a baller at the grocery store. Today, it’ll barely get you a basket of basics, and you’ll be wondering if the price tags have been mixed up. Inflation has hovered above  20% in recent years, quietly turning the naira into a shadow of its former self. It's not just the big things like rent or fuel, it’s the little things, like realising that you can no longer afford to casually buy bottled water at every turn. Economists call this "diminished purchasing power." I call it "going broke in slow motion. The true cost of this isn’t just in food or fuel but in the psychological impact of constantly having to recalibrate one’s spending habits and lifestyle expectations.

3. Real Income: Keeping Up with the Joneses? Try Keeping Up with Inflation

Salaries may go up, but inflation runs faster. Salaries across many industries have technically increased, but the naira’s trajectory has ensured that real income has barely moved. A raise these days often feels like one step forward, two steps back. This is particularly glaring in professional sectors where the impact of global inflation is felt more acutely. The hardest pill to swallow? While you may rise up the corporate ladder, the reward often feels diminished when weighed against the relentless devaluation of your earnings. You get excited for that pay bump, only to realise that your new salary doesn’t even cover the things your old one could. It’s the naira’s way of keeping you humble.

4. Exchange Rate Unification Has Been A Tough Love Reform

In 2023, Nigeria finally unified its multiple exchange rates, ending years of confusion that made the naira seem like it had split personalities. Let’s be honest, before the unification of Nigeria’s exchange rates, the parallel market was like that dodgy guy in the corner of the party. No one admits they talk to him, but everyone does. Ignoring the parallel market before unification was like pretending it wasn’t raining when you’re soaked.

The unification has brought some clarity and, crucially, helped improve investor confidence. However, the painful part was realising that the official rate was closer to the rates everyone whispered about in the background. The upside? Investors now know what they’re getting into, and businesses can plan a bit better.

5.Currency vs. Competitiveness: The Real Debate

One under discussed aspect of the naira's decline is its impact on Nigeria’s competitiveness. On paper, a weaker naira should make Nigerian exports more attractive. But structural inefficiencies such as unreliable power, poor infrastructure, and regulatory hurdles mean that Nigerian products struggle to capitalise on this supposed advantage. Meanwhile, the increased cost of imports due to the naira's weakness exacerbates inflationary pressures. It’s a vicious cycle, and it raises a bigger question; Can a country really ‘devalue its way’ to prosperity without addressing its foundational issues?

6. The Battle for Street Credibility

No one tells you this before you move back, but you’ll find that the dollar quietly runs this town. It’s not just a foreign currency, it’s the unofficial currency of large transactions. Whether you’re paying school fees, buying property, or planning your next vacation, dollar accounting will creep its way into your calculations. For the naira, it’s a bit of an identity crisis. We live in Nigeria, earn naira, but think and plan in dollars. It should not be this way. It’s a strange existence, but one that reflects the naira’s instability over the years. It’s high time we re-write this narrative.

7. Inflation is The Silent Confidence Killer

Inflation doesn’t just raise prices, it makes you rethink every financial decision. When prices change before your eyes, it creates a sort of paranoia. Businesses jack up prices preemptively, anticipating the worst, and individuals do the same. Whether you’re buying a car, renting property or shopping for groceries, inflation has made even the simplest transactions feel like a race against time. Even in our finance world, I’ve seen how this fear plays out; clients locking in deals today because they’re sure tomorrow will be more expensive. Inflation doesn’t just inflate costs, it deflates confidence.

8. The Lost Savings of a Generation

In 2014, I naively believed in the power of saving in naira. But I quickly corrected course. Investment is a better strategy (but I’ll save the details for part 2 of this article). Inflation consistently outstrips interest rates, meaning that your naira savings today are worth less tomorrow. Many of us have been forced to become mini investors, looking for real estate, stocks, or foreign-denominated assets to preserve wealth. Today, the smart play is no longer traditional savings accounts but investments that can beat inflation. Saving in naira, without hedging against inflation, feels like a slow leak you can’t stop

9. Real Estate is a decent bet If you’re well informed

If you’re tired of chasing inflation, property is the next best thing. Real estate has been one of the few areas where Nigerians have consistently been able to protect their wealth. A plot of land in 2015 for ₦20 million? In 2024, that same plot is selling for ₦100 million. For professionals real estate has been less of an investment and more of a necessity; a tangible asset that offers a sense of stability when the currency itself doesn’t.

10. Nigerians Will Always Find a Way

Despite everything, if there’s one lesson the naira has taught me, it’s that Nigerians are masters of adaptation. We’ve turned to fintech, created e-commerce empires, and found new ways to thrive in the face of an unpredictable currency. In financial services, I’ve watched this resilience first hand. From the way people innovate in their businesses to how they plan their finances, we’ve learned to survive, and even prosper in spite of the naira’s trials.

Conclusion: The Naira Is More Than Just Currency

Ten years after my return, the naira has been more than just a currency to me, it’s been a reality check, a teacher, and sometimes, an adversary. Its trajectory has shaped every financial decision, from where I invest to how I plan for the future. While the unification of exchange rates has brought some relative stability, the naira remains a symbol of Nigeria’s deeper economic complexities. Yet, amidst all the fluctuations, one constant remains: Nigerians’ ability to adapt, thrive, and find opportunity even in the most challenging economic environments. And in that sense, the naira has taught me more than I ever expected.

In part two, I delve into some top investment strategies to hedge against devaluation and inflation, and hope to help you see some light at the end of the naira tunnel.

[Culled from LinkedIn]