There are moments in a nation’s political journey when the truth must be told, not whispered. Nigeria is at such a moment. For all who still believe in the fragile dream called Nigeria, Ugoji Egbujo’s explosive and unapologetically frank piece, “Is Nigeria Now A Yoruba Republic?” must not be brushed aside as just another column in the endless chatter of public discourse. Mr. President, this article is a mirror. And you, more than anyone else, must look into it.

Egbujo’s column is not perfect, no piece of commentary is — but it is a compelling and critical lens into the fears, frustrations, and realities that many Nigerians, both within and outside the corridors of power, are quietly whispering in beer parlours, offices, and bedrooms across the country. His message is simple but heavy: “The brazen concentration of power in the hands of one ethnic group under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is both dangerous and politically suicidal”.

Let’s get something straight, Nigeria is not a monarchy, and the presidency is not an ethnic crown. It is not a reward for electoral loyalty or ancestral heritage. The office of the President is a trust, one built on a fragile coalition of diverse ethnic nationalities and balanced expectations. What Egbujo calls “Tinubu’s Terrible Tribalism” is not merely a breach of protocol; it is a fundamental betrayal of that trust.

To be clear, this is not an attack on the Yoruba people. It is a defense of Nigeria. It is not a condemnation of merit but a call for equity. It is not an attempt to divide, but a plea to preserve what little unity we have left.

Egbujo’s article makes a blistering case that the upper echelons of Nigeria’s political, economic, judicial, and security architecture are now Yoruba-dominated, and not coincidentally. In fact, the roster of appointments reads like a roll call from a South-West regional meeting: President, Yoruba; Chief of Army Staff, Yoruba; IGP, Yoruba; DG of DSS, Yoruba; EFCC Chairman,  Yoruba; Attorney GeneraL, Yoruba; Minister of Finance,  Yoruba; CBN Governor,  Yoruba; and Oil Minister,  Yoruba.

And it does not end there. The FIRS, Customs, Immigration, Blue Economy, Digital Economy, Solid Minerals, NSITF, and even the Bank of Agriculture are all headed by Yoruba nationals. What message does this send to the other five geopolitical zones? That they are mere spectators in a play staged and directed from Bourdillon?

Even if the President insists that these appointments are based on merit, and let us assume, for the sake of argument, that this is true, what does it say about his understanding of political sensitivity and national cohesion? That the North, South-East, South-South, and Middle Belt have no equally qualified individuals to hold these positions? That only Lagos or Abeokuta can produce competent technocrats and leaders?

It is insulting, short-sighted, and reeks of a dangerous political arrogance.

Egbujo postulates that what we are witnessing is not just tribalism, but triumphalism, the idea that Tinubu, having fought hard against both PDP and Northern hegemony to ascend the presidency, now feels justified to rule as he pleases. But this is a tragic misreading of Nigeria’s political landscape. Presidential power in Nigeria is borrowed, not owned. It is conditional, not absolute.

There is no doubt Tinubu was a crucial figure in Nigeria’s democratic struggles, especially in the NADECO era. But so were many others, from the North, the East, and the South-South. Power-sharing was one of the unspoken compacts that emerged from our democratic experiment. Disregarding this compact is not only provocative, it is perilous.

Triumphalism is a fast-track ticket to resistance. It alienates rather than consolidates. The same way the perceived Hausa-Fulani dominance under past regimes fuelled calls for restructuring, secession, and devolution, Tinubu’s Yorubacentricism will spark a new wave of resentment that may ultimately destabilize the nation and cripple his administration.

In a moment of profound irony, Egbujo suggests that even Sunday Igboho, the radical Yoruba activist, might have shown more national sensitivity in appointments if he were in charge. That comparison is damning. But it underscores a truth: leadership is not about rewarding your tribe, it is about reassuring the nation.

This is where Tinubu is failing, and failing loudly. There is no visible effort to balance the national equation, no attempt to calm frayed nerves, no show of inclusion. It is full-blown ethnic consolidation dressed up as political strategy. But in reality, it is bad politics, worse leadership, and a ticking time bomb.

True statesmanship involves sometimes sacrificing political convenience for national stability. Obasanjo, despite his own Yoruba roots, bent over backwards to ensure a sense of national spread in his appointments. Jonathan, a minority from the Niger Delta, went out of his way to accommodate the North. Even Buhari, despite his lopsidedness, understood the need to at least mask his favoritism with some semblance of geographical balance.

Tinubu has thrown that playbook away, and the consequences may be irreversible.

Egbujo reminds us that Tinubu was once a fierce advocate of Sovereign National Conference, of true federalism, of equity and resource control. He was among the loudest voices railing against the perceived Northern domination. But now, with the tables turned, the very sins he condemned have become his daily practice.

This political hypocrisy is both breathtaking and disappointing. What happened to the principled fighter for justice? What became of the progressive who once stood for restructuring and inclusion? Has power so thoroughly corrupted the man that he no longer hears the echoes of his past crusades?

Perhaps this is the ultimate tragedy, that Tinubu has not only betrayed Nigeria, but betrayed the very ideals that once made him a credible candidate in the eyes of millions.

Egbujo’s article is not just a personal opinion; it is a warning. It captures the disillusionment of a nation slowly waking up to the reality that it may have replaced one ethnic oligarchy with another. And if Tinubu is truly the political strategist he is widely known to be, he should not dismiss this as just another critical piece. He should study it, absorb it, and respond to it with action.

Mr. President, silence is not golden at this point. Nigerians are watching. More importantly, they are hurting. What they see in your appointments is not inclusion, but exclusion. Not meritocracy, but monopoly. Not unity, but division.

History will not be kind to a leader who, in a moment of opportunity, chose ethnicity over equity. Nigeria is not a Yoruba Republic. It is a federation of many nations. And no tribe, no matter how politically powerful, can govern successfully without the cooperation and trust of others.

Mr. President, read Ugoji Egbujo’s article not as an insult, but as an intervention. It is not an attack, but a national alarm bell. You have time to correct the course. You still have the opportunity to prove that your presidency is for all Nigerians, not just one ethnic constituency.

Because if you continue on this path of ethnic favoritism, the question will no longer be “Is Nigeria now a Yoruba Republic?”, but rather “What remains of Nigeria?” And that, sir, is not a legacy worth leaving behind.

In an era where artists are constantly seeking relevance in Nigeria’s crowded entertainment space, Habeeb Okikiola, popularly known as Portable, has chosen a path few dare to tread, a road littered with tantrums, public fallouts, arrests, and just recently, legal action instituted against him by Fuji Star, Okunola Saheed, fondly called Osupa, and which he has terminated in his favor.  But one thing is clear: Portable is confusing chaos for branding and mistaking controversy for PR.

His public spat with Osupa, once again thrust him into the spotlight for all the wrong reasons. It will be recalled in this context that Portable had taken to social media, accusing Osupa of sabotaging his career and blocking his shine in the music industry. What followed was swift: a lawsuit, his arrest in Kwara State, and court proceedings. Luckily for him, the case against him has been withdrawn by Osupa.

One would think such an episode would be humbling, a reset button. But if Portable’s history is anything to go by, this is just another spark in his self-sabotaging pattern.

“Controversy may sell headlines, but it doesn’t build legacy,” says Ayoola Ogundele, a Lagos-based talent manager who has worked with multiple mainstream acts. “Portable’s handlers, if they exist, are either incompetent or complicit. He’s not building a brand; he’s building a bonfire.”

Let’s be clear, Portable’s rise was meteoric. His hit single Zazoo Zeh, featuring Olamide and Pocolee, turned him into a street sensation overnight. But since then, what has he built? He has burned bridges with show promoters, been arrested multiple times, engaged in public feuds with colleagues, insulted senior figures in the industry, and now, picked a fight with a revered Fuji icon. And for what? To trend?

“PR is about strategy, not stunts,” says Cyril Ugbo, a communications expert.  “It’s about shaping perception, building trust, and creating long-term value. What Portable is doing is anti-PR. He’s dismantling his brand under the guise of staying relevant.”

Sadly, in Nigeria’s entertainment culture, many mistake virality for value. But there’s a clear difference between blowing up and building up. One is sudden and short-lived. The other is intentional and sustainable. Portable is the former, a lit matchstick, not a lighthouse.

His actions also paint a larger picture about the industry itself, one where handlers and enablers fuel their talents’ worst instincts for short-term gain. If you’re a manager, and your artiste is constantly in the news for negative behavior, you’re not managing, you’re babysitting a ticking bomb.

“Someone has to sit Portable down and tell him the truth, even if it costs them access,” says Segun Durojaiye, an A&R executive at a major Nigerian label. “Because right now, he’s damaging not just his image, but also the business potential tied to his name.”

And let’s not forget the business side. Major brands don’t partner with troublemakers. Endorsements don’t go to unstable acts. Event organizers don’t book artists who may incite drama backstage. The music industry is still a business, and no business wants liability in place of an asset.

Take a cue from the likes of Olamide, Burna Boy, or even the late Sound Sultan. Their brands were forged not in controversy, but in consistency, growth, and a sense of identity. Even Burna Boy, who once had a “bad boy” rep, eventually cleaned up his image and focused on his craft, and the results speak for themselves: global tours, Grammy wins, and brand deals.

“The street gave Portable his voice. But if he keeps disrespecting that voice, even the street will tune out,” warns Chibuzor Ekeh, a street culture analyst based in Agege. “We’ve seen this pattern before. Today’s noise becomes tomorrow’s silence.”

What is perhaps most ironical is that Portable has raw talent. Beneath the madness is a street poet with rhythm, energy, and a unique sound. But talent without control is like a car with no brakes, thrilling, but bound to crash.

The Saheed Osupa case was a warning. The fact that Osupa, a man known for his calm and maturity, even considered legal action speaks volumes. That elders in the music industry had to step in to broker peace is even more telling. Portable was not just being dramatic, he was digging a hole he couldn’t crawl out of. And next time, he might not be lucky to find a ladder waiting for him.

So, who will tell Portable that controversy is not a PR strategy? Who will remind him that public sympathy fades, but reputation remains? Who will let him know that every insult hurled, every lie told, every bridge burned, comes with a receipt?

Because if nobody tells him now, it may soon be too late. When the last blog stops reporting, the last follower unfollows, and the last show cancels, he’ll realize too late that the only thing louder than controversy is silence. And by then, he’ll have no one to perform for, not even himself.

To this writer, Portable should be told that reputation is currency, talent is capital and controversy is debt. Portable must decide which one he wants to build with.

Inflation is often described as a silent thief, it does make headlines with a bang, but it steadily robs citizens of their purchasing power. In Nigeria, this economic scourge has become a near-permanent fixture, tightening its grip on households, businesses, and the broader economy.

As of March 2025, Nigeria’s inflation rate soared to 24.23%, a troubling rise from the 23.18% recorded in February. This persistent upward trajectory not only underscores the structural weaknesses in the country’s economic architecture but also raises a fundamental question that echoes from boardrooms to market stalls: Will relief ever come?

Without a doubt, Nigeria’s inflation crisis is not a coincidence. It is the outcome of a complex blend of domestic inefficiencies and global economic headwinds. A major culprit is the country’s dependence on imports, from petroleum products to basic food items. As the naira continues its free fall against the dollar and other major currencies, the cost of importing goods has ballooned.

The removal of fuel subsidies, while touted as a long-overdue reform, has exacerbated the inflationary trend. Similarly, the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) adoption of a floating exchange rate has further destabilized prices, pushing the cost of goods and services beyond the reach of average Nigerians.

Perhaps the most alarming trend is the spike in food inflation, which stood at 21.79% in March 2025. In a country where a large portion of the population spends over 60% of its income on food, this is a death sentence to the aspirations of many. The prices of staples such as rice, garri, beans, yam, and tomatoes have surged dramatically, eroding food security and exacerbating hunger.

Inflation in Nigeria is no longer an abstract economic indicator confined to economic reports; it is now a daily reality that dictates how millions of Nigerians live. Families are forced to make painful choices: food or medicine, rent or school fees. The middle class, once the emblem of Nigeria’s rising aspirations, is fast disappearing as more people slide into multi-dimensional poverty.

Meanwhile, Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), the lifeblood of Nigeria’s economy, are struggling to stay afloat. Rising input costs, inconsistent power supply, and poor infrastructure have increased operational costs, leaving many businesses teetering on the brink. Layoffs and closures are becoming more common, feeding into a vicious cycle of unemployment and reduced consumer spending.

The Nigerian government and the Central Bank have not been idle in the face of these challenges. The CBN has raised the monetary policy rate multiple times in a bid to rein in inflation, and fiscal authorities have implemented targeted interventions. However, these measures have mostly served as band-aids rather than cures.

The truth is, Nigeria’s inflation is structural, not just cyclical. The country’s economic model, heavily dependent on oil revenues and import consumption, is unsustainable. Despite Nigeria’s status as Africa’s largest oil producer, the lack of significant investment in sectors such as agriculture,

manufacturing, and technology has left the economy exposed to global oil price volatility and external shocks.

While the road ahead is undeniably rough, the situation is not without hope, if the right steps are taken.

True and lasting relief from inflation will require bold economic diversification. Agriculture, in particular, holds immense potential not only to reduce food imports but also to generate employment, boost exports, and ensure food security. Encouraging mechanized farming, improving access to credit for farmers, and investing in agro-processing industries are key strategies.

In fact, inflation is partly driven by the high cost of logistics and power. Therefore, investing in roads, railways, seaports, and power infrastructure will reduce production and distribution costs. This, in turn, will make locally produced goods more competitive, discourage overreliance on imports, and help stabilize prices.

Without a doubt, economic policies must be people-centered. Expanding and properly targeting social protection programs, such as food assistance, conditional cash transfers, and subsidized healthcare, can shield the most vulnerable from the worst effects of inflation. These interventions must be transparent and corruption-free to achieve maximum impact.

A significant contributor to inflation is policy flip-flopping and poor coordination between fiscal and monetary authorities. Nigeria needs coherent and consistent policies that create a stable environment for investment and economic planning. Confidence, both domestic and foreign, will not return until policy signals are clear and predictable.

The question remains: Will relief ever come? The honest answer is that relief will not come through empty promises, patchwork policies, or political gimmicks. It will come when there is a genuine alignment of will and action across all levels of leadership, from the executive to the legislature, from technocrats to civil society.

It will come when the government finally treats inflation not just as a statistical figure, but as a real and present danger to the quality of life of its citizens. It will come when citizens are no longer forced to choose between food and dignity.

Until then, Nigerians must continue to endure. But they also continue to hope, hope that those in power will rise to the challenge and that Nigeria will someday overcome the grip of this economic malaise.

Google has announced the rollout of Veo 2, its advanced AI-powered video generation model, for users subscribed to Gemini Advanced, the tech giant’s premium artificial intelligence plan.

This strategic move signals Google’s response to the competitive generative video AI space, as it positions Veo 2 as a direct challenger to OpenAI’s Sora platform.

The launch comes just weeks after leading AI media firm Runway unveiled the fourth generation of its own video model, while also securing over $300 million in new funding, underscoring the rapidly growing investor appetite in synthetic media.

Access to the tool 

Starting Tuesday, Gemini Advanced users can access Veo 2 through the model selection menu within Google’s Gemini apps.

The tool allows users to create eight-second video clips in 720p resolution with a 16:9 aspect ratio.

• These clips can be shared directly to platforms such as TikTok and YouTube, or downloaded in MP4 format.
• Each video carries a watermark enabled by SynthID, Google’s proprietary AI content tagging technology.
• However, Veo 2 comes with limitations. There is a cap on the number of videos that users can generate monthly, and the feature is currently unavailable to those on Google Workspace business and education plans.

Integration into Whisk 

In tandem with the Veo 2 expansion, Google is also integrating the model into Whisk, an experimental feature within Google Labs.

• Whisk allows users to generate images using visual prompts, and a new addition—Whisk Animate—lets users animate those images into short videos using Veo 2.
• These features are gated behind Google’s $20-per-month Google One AI Premium subscription, which offers early access to the company’s experimental AI tools.
• While Veo 2’s applications remain relatively simple for now, Google DeepMind CEO Demis Hassabis has hinted at more ambitious plans.

The company aims to eventually merge its Gemini models with Veo to enhance AI’s comprehension of real-world physics and dynamics.

Concerns over AI video generator 

Meanwhile, the rise of generative video tools like Veo 2 has sparked concern among creative professionals.

• A 2024 study commissioned by the Animation Guild, a U.S. union representing animators and cartoonists, projects that over 100,000 film, TV, and animation jobs in the U.S. could be disrupted by AI technologies by 2026.
• Last year, Google’s major competitor in the AI space, OpenAI, launched Sora, a generative AI that can take a short text description and turn it into a vividly realistic AI video clip.

Sora can generate 1080p movie-like scenes with multiple characters, different types of motion, and background details when given a brief or detailed description or a still image. Sora can also “extend” existing video clips — doing its best to fill in the missing details, the company claims.

[Nairametrics]

Plateau State Governor Caleb Mutfwang has stated that “every community must defend itself” in response to the growing wave of attacks and mass killings in the state attributed to suspected armed herders.

Naija News gathered that over 100 people have been killed in a series of attacks in Bassa Local Government Area of Plateau in the past two weeks. The latest attack took place early Monday morning when gunmen raided the Zike and Kimakpa communities in the Kwall District of the Iregwe Chiefdom. More than 50 people were killed, and several houses and properties were destroyed.

Governor Mutfwang, who visited the affected communities on Tuesday, expressed his concern over the security challenges, which he said have hindered the state’s growth and development. He revealed that the state government had made significant investments in technology to address these security issues.

“Immediately we assumed office, we took decisive steps and invested heavily in technology just to end these security challenges facing us,” Mutfwang stated, according to the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN).

He further explained that the security issues, including insurgency and terrorism, have deprived the state of its natural resources and slowed its development. “There is no reason for us to be where we are; our people cannot go to their farms and engage in any economic venture. But as a government, we are doing everything possible to end these cycles of attacks and killings,” he said.

The governor commiserated with the families of the victims and promised to ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. He also thanked President Bola Tinubu for his support and urged security agencies to intensify their efforts in addressing the security challenges in the state.

“We are here with all the security apparatus in the state to reassure you that we are committed to your safety. You have every reason not to be happy, but I want to assure you that we have taken steps to correct all the lapses of the past,” Mutfwang added.

Since taking office in 2023, Mutfwang stated that his administration has provided support to the military and other security agencies, ensuring that the state remains safe. However, he argued that security cannot be achieved unless communities take responsibility for their own defense.

“But let me remind you that whatever arrangements the security agencies will make may not solve the problem, the solution will come from the communities. We have come to a point in Nigeria, where every community must defend itself,” he said.

While advocating for communal defense, Mutfwang emphasized that his government would not support lawlessness. “I will not, however, support lawlessness, but we can’t afford to go to sleep,” he added, urging the youth to rise up and protect their communities.

Few things are more important to the future of the African continent than the implications of rapid population growth. We cannot wish any of its assumed potential positive implications into existence, nor should African governments wait for its equally negative possible effects to materialize, without the foundational policy and scenarios planning that is needed NOW. In 1800, the world had 1 billion people. Today we have 8.2 billion people on the planet, and we will have a population of 10 billion by 2050.

While population growth is slowing in the rest of the world, and even declining in Europe, Africa’s population is growing in leaps and bounds. Africa, with a continental population of 1.5 billion people today, will have 2.7 billion by 2050 – one quarter of the world’s projected population 25 years from now.  By 2070, Africa’s population will have doubled to 3.2 billion. Of the eight countries that, together, will make up half of global population growth by 2050, five are African – Democratic Republic of Congo, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Nigeria and Egypt. At current trends, Africa as a continent will likely be 40% of the world’s total population by 2100 according to population experts.

The future of the world is increasingly African, demographically speaking. Why is this happening? Because fertility rates remain high in our continent, combined with decreasing mortality rates.  This trend has created an extremely young continent in terms of population, one in which 70% of Africans are under the age of 30. If the future will be increasingly ‘‘African’’ with one-third of the world’s working age population being African, will Africans automatically prosper because they have multiplied on the earth? Will Africa’s population boom be an asset or a liability? Will the 21st century be the African century?

Some have argued that it will be, and, that this population explosion – the population momentum — means Africa is The Next Big Thing. It is politically correct to be optimistic.  No one wants to be a party-pooper. And yet … The question is not Africa’s population numbers. The real question is about how prosperous or poor the billions of the new African entrants to planet earth will be. Evidence abounds that projections of Africa’s imminent transformation have often been exaggerated. The post-independence euphoria about our continent’s prospects after colonial rule ended in the 1960s were not born out, while Asia, most of which also experienced colonial rule, has made remarkable progress in human development and industrialization. In the 2000s, the ‘‘Africa Rising’’ euphoria hit the airwaves. While the continent witnessed some economic progress, it certainly did not rise, and has not risen, because the structure of the continent’s economies has barely changed from reliance on raw commodities in its international trade and revenue profile, and most African countries continue to suffer from a marked deficit in leadership and governance.

Africa’s demographic trends should be understood in a clear-eyed manner to assess accurately whether it will be an asset or a liability. First, as we all know, it has resulted in a massively young population. But will this young population have the skills, jobs, and productivity that can secure the future? Without this, the phenomenon will ultimately prove a liability – a youth bulge that will foster challenges of unrest and security. Even discounting the entrepreneurial inclinations of Africa’s youth and the changing nature of work and opportunities fostered by technology including social media, the reality is that the economies of African countries are not creating jobs for young Africans at the rates that are necessary. 

Second, a massive wave of urbanization is afoot. This has implications such as the adequacy of urban infrastructure, social services, and other aspects of municipal governance. Third, Africa’s young population is putting its stamp on the world in the areas of music and the arts. Afrobeat is taking over the world. Whether in the suburban malls of Virginia, USA, or in the restaurants in Kigali, Rwanda, the likes of Rema and Davido croon away,  calming the moods of customers. I am proud of their achievement. But how many jobs do musical superstars create? We should not be misled by cliches and feel-good stories and statistics. 

Fourth, the young generation of Africans is more self-assured than their forebears, and they are more entrepreneurial. This means that African agency, a missing factor in the continent’s development trajectory, is on the rise. Fifth, the younger the African population gets, the more the possibility rises that the texture of politics and democracy could change for the better in the years ahead. The youth, especially if well educated, will likely be impatient and demand more from aspiring political leaders in the continent. We have seen this trend in countries such as Kenya and Senegal in recent months. In NIgeria, however, it remains only an unproven assumption.

Sixth, a population boom has implications for climate change in African countries. There will be increased demand for resources, including fossil fuels that drive higher greenhouse gas emissions.  Seventh, the booming youth population has triggered more and more innovation and is responsible for the rise of the Fintech industry in the continent.  But I argue that this is financialization without underlying economic productivity in goods and services.  

To future-proof Africa’s booming youth population, massive investments in education (including in education reforms that transform both what young Africans are taught and how they are taught), is required. Massively boosting skills (productive knowledge) of African youth is critically needed to increase the economic productivity of African populations. This is what drove the Asian economic miracles. Investment in energy infrastructure will also boost productivity, including in the informal economy.  

Strategic investment in science, technology and innovation as a core goal of public policy remains necessary. This is an area of natural competitive advantage for African youth, but it remains a low priority for too many governments on the continent. Innovation ecosystems need to be supported by governments in African countries. Other than South Africa, Kenya is one of very few African countries truly investing in technology and innovation as a major plank of public policy. Private sector investments without strategic policy support are unlikely to yield the kind of technological transformation that powered the industrialization of the western world and is powering the rise of Asia.

Access to capital, in a manner that is truly transformative, must be created in African countries where the lack of infrastructure and inflation drives up the cost of capital as monetary policy tackles rising prices with high monetary policy rates to achieve price stability. Governments must create alternative funding structures to support small businesses, innovation and entrepreneurship by African youth, and not leave the financial space only for central banks whose toolkits are limited. That, in turn, requires more effective mobilization of fiscal resources by governments. All of this is different from participation in financial flows through fintech. Here, what is needed is access to low-cost funds to support innovation and small businesses formation.  Giant venture capital funds established as public-private partnerships will stimulate wealth-creation by young Africans.

Expansion of agricultural value chains will create jobs for young Africans. Agriculture remains a major anchor of economic activity in most African countries. Transforming it from subsistence farming to agri-business that African youth will engage in, with value chains of mechanized agricultural production, storage, transportation, processing and export, will create wealth for young Africans.

Population policy is essential. Africa’s population growth must decline for economic growth to catch up. The best way to achieve this is through education, especially in rural areas and the education of women and girls, that changes mindsets away from cultural tendencies and reduces the number of children that women have on the average. The average fertility rate in sub-Saharan Africa is around 4.3 to 4.6 children per woman, while the global rate is 2.3 births per woman. This is what will make investments in education yield the transformations that will secure the future of Africa’s youth. This is a major lesson from China and several Southeast Asian countries.

Competent, thinking governance, including performing the basic task of providing security inside territorial states, is required overall in Africa. Conflicts and terrorism remain a threat to the future of Africa’s youth and must be tackled decisively. Nigeria has the world’s highest out-of-school age children at nearly 20 million, mainly because of terrorism and its disruptive effects on municipal and local populations. Are these children the ones that will be harbingers of The Next Big Thing?

Competent governance also includes a capacity for futures-thinking and scenario planning. The mission of the African School of Governance (ASG) is to become a pipeline for the emergence of this kind of leadership in the continent.  The question of the implications of Africa’s “youthquake”, along with that of why Africa remains poor relative to the rest of the world despite its abundance of critical natural resources, is a major reason why Rwandan President Paul Kagame, former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, and other African academics, philanthropists and policy makers founded the ASG university in 2024.

Africa’s youth population boom can be both an asset or a liability. The trajectory depends on the choices governments in Africa make today. We should not get carried away by narratives that are not created and owned by Africans themselves. Time to  end our worship at the altars of the “gods of small things’. We often get excited about trends without truly interrogating them and their implications for our present and future as a continent. There are two scenarios. One is a super story in which Africa’s youth become increasingly skilled and productive, creating broad-based prosperity.  In this scenario,  the demographic boom shifts from rhetoric about The Next Big Thing to a lived reality.  The other is a dystopian future in which increasingly unemployed and frustrated young men and women mill around in African urban centers, jobless and unskilled. No outcome from this scenario should surprise anyone, but it is likely that such outcomes will not be pleasant.

•Prof. Kingsley Moghalu, President and Vice-Chancellor of the African School of Governance in Kigali, Rwanda, delivered this keynote address to Harvard University’s African Development Conference 2025 at Harvard Law School in Boston, USA, recently.

1. My treasured people of Plateau State,

I speak to you today not only as your Governor, but as a fellow son of Plateau who shares in your anguish and feels the weight of the pain inflicted upon our people. We are once again confronted by sorrow as heart-wrenching attacks have taken the lives of innocent citizens in our communities.

2. In the late hours of Sunday, April 13th, the calm of Kimakpa area of Kwall District in Bassa LGA was shattered by violent assaults on Zike village. Innocent men, women, and children were murdered in cold blood. Homes were torched, properties ravaged, and entire families left in agony. These attacks occurred even as we were still mourning the loss of over 50 lives in Bokkos. The scale, frequency, and intent of these atrocities are unmistakable.

3. Let us be clear: this is not random violence. This is not an isolated conflict between farmers and herders. What we are witnessing is a systematic and premeditated campaign—one that seeks to displace, destabilize, and instill terror and fear on our people and communities. The tragic echoes of Dogo Na Hawa, Riyom, Barkin-Ladi, Mangu, and the Christmas Eve massacres in Bokkos remain vivid. The cycle continues, but it must not endure. ENOUGH IS ENOUGH!

4. As your Governor, I stand resolved—Plateau shall not be overrun by fear, nor shall we accept this culture of bloodshed as the new normal. My administration is intensifying efforts to protect our people and enforce the rule of law across all local governments.

5. Only days ago, I visited Hurti, Mbar, Manguna, and Daffo to witness firsthand the devastation left behind by the terrorists. I had earlier stopped at Ruwi, where mourners were brazenly attacked at a wake. What I saw moved me profoundly—the suffering of displaced families now crammed into churches and temporary shelters, their lives uprooted overnight.

6. But let me reassure you: my government is alive to its constitutional responsibility of protecting lives and property, and we are rising to the occasion more determined than ever.

7. For far too long, our beloved State has made the headlines for the wrong reasons, thereby casting a shadow over our immense potential and deterring the inflow of much-needed foreign direct and local investments.

8. These investments could have been the catalyst for harnessing our abundant natural resources and lifting our people out of poverty. We cannot afford to let this unfortunate reality persist.

9. Despite this sorrow, the strength and courage of our people continue to inspire me. I extend heartfelt appreciation to the National and State Emergency Management Agencies for their prompt response in providing emergency aid and comfort to survivors.

10. Following these developments, I convened an emergency State Security Council meeting and have been in active consultation with federal security leadership, including the President, the Chief of Defence Staff, the Inspector General of Police, and the National Security Adviser. I’m grateful to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his concern and support, and for instructing security agencies to take decisive steps to apprehend the perpetrators of these attacks.

11. Security deployments are being reinforced, and Operation Rainbow is being restructured to support community stabilization efforts. Additionally, all hospitals in the region have been directed to provide free medical treatment to victims, and relief supplies are already being dispatched to affected communities.

12. To restore calm and strengthen vigilance, I hereby announce the following measures, effective Wednesday, April 16th:
●Night grazing of cattle is strictly prohibited.
●Transportation of cattle by vehicle is banned after 7:00 PM.
●The use of motorcycles is restricted from 7:00 PM to 6:00 AM across the state until further notice.

13. We are also activating community-based response systems. I urge traditional leaders and youth associations to reactivate local vigilante groups and organize night patrols in coordination with the security agencies. We must protect our communities while upholding the rule of law.

14. Furthermore, I have mandated the newly inaugurated Inter-Religious Council to begin immediate engagement with all stakeholders to address the deeper issues surrounding these attacks. I shall also be appointing a Special Envoy on Peace to lead grassroots consultations and intelligence coordination.

15. A Fact-Finding Committee comprising respected independent voices will be constituted to investigate the root cause of this resurgence in violence and offer actionable recommendations.

16. Let it be known: the Plateau spirit is resilient. We are a people of peace, renowned for our hospitality and unity across religious and ethnic lines. Those who seek to tear us apart must not succeed.

17. To the grieving families in Bokkos, Bassa, and beyond, you may be tempted to think that our security architecture has failed, but let me reassure you that more than before, I am determined to find lasting solutions to keep you safe. I extend my deepest sympathies. Your loss is our collective sorrow. And to all Plateau people, I urge calm, vigilance, and solidarity. Report suspicious movements. Cooperate with law enforcement agents. Reject retaliation. Justice will be pursued with resolve.

18. Let us rise above fear and bitterness and unite to reclaim our land and dignity. Let us protect what is ours—not through violence, but through courage, wisdom, and love for one another.

19. To our development partners, national and international, we thank you for your continued support. Your solidarity is a source of strength in these trying times. Let me also appreciate all Nigerians home and in diaspora and our friends across the globe for your prayers, support and encouragement. We are truly grateful.

20. To the killers and their sponsors, know this: your evil shall not go unpunished. You may run, but you will not hide. Plateau will definitely continue its rise. Nothing will stop it. Plateau will prevail. Plateau will not fall. Plateau will stand tall. Plateau will continue to flourish, to the Glory of God.

May God bless and defend our land.

Amen and thank you.

Digital transformation leader AVEVA is fueling the future of clean energy by powering the nation’s largest renewable natural gas (RNG) producer with advanced industrial intelligence.

This is even as AVEVA has been selected by Archaea Energy, the top RNG producer in the U.S., to deliver a powerful operations data management infrastructure that will supercharge performance across its expanding network of renewable energy plants.

The collaboration marks a pivotal step in accelerating the digitalization of clean energy production. Archaea will leverage AVEVA’s industrial software—including the robust AVEVA PI Data Infrastructure and CONNECT cloud platform—to collect, unify, and visualize real-time operational data across multiple sites. This centralized intelligence will enable predictive performance analysis, rapid scalability, and operational excellence as the company continues its national expansion.

CEO of AVEVA, Caspar Herzberg, in a press statement, said Data is the backbone of energy innovation.

“By integrating our data infrastructure and CONNECT platform, Archaea will unlock deeper insights and greater efficiency across its RNG plants—scaling smarter, cleaner energy production to meet tomorrow’s sustainability demands,” Herzberg added.

Archaea CEO, Starlee Sykes, underscored the strategic value of the partnership.

“As the largest RNG producer in the U.S., our mission is to deliver clean, reliable energy with precision and speed. AVEVA’s technology empowers us to optimize operations in real time and drive smarter growth as we expand across the country,” Sykes stated.

The alliance reflects a broader industry shift toward digital-first energy strategies that prioritize sustainability, transparency, and innovation at scale.

[Leadership]

A former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has accused President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration of incompetence, nepotism and betrayal of the founding ideals of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

El-Rufai, who recently dumped the APC for the Social Democratic Party (SDP), alleged that Nigeria had been moving backwards since Tinubu assumed office on May 29, 2023.

He made the allegation during an interview with Deutsche Welle Hausa in Katsina. El-Rufai was in Katsina on Monday, but the video of the interview was released Tuesday.

El-Rufai, once a close ally of President Tinubu and a key figure in the APC’s electoral victories in 2015, 2019 and 2023, now presents himself as one of the fiercest critics of the administration, alleging that what the APC has become is a far cry from what its founders envisioned.

According to the ex-governor, the country is worse off today in terms of insecurity, economy and governance than it was under previous administrations.

‘Country retrogressing’

El-Rufai alleged that the Tinubu-led administration was the most intolerant since the return to democracy in 1999.

He also accused Tinubu’s administration of being insensitive to the plight of ordinary Nigerians.

“Ever since the assumption of office of Tinubu as Nigeria’s president, the country has begun to go backwards. Insecurity has increased, the economy is dwindling, affluent people are now poor, and ethnic profiling is on the rise.

“Whoever he is giving an appointment to must be someone he knows or from his tribe. They can dismiss that, but Nigerians are not stupid. There is no way your name is this, and they will say no, you are from Katsina,” he stated.

‘APC no longer represents justice, equity’

“This kind of injustice, ethnic profiling, and theft that we are seeing is not what APC was built on. What we planned when we started building APC was a platform for justice, equity, competence, and national integration. But today, we see nothing but sheer injustice, nepotism, and disregard for those ideals,” El-Rufai said.

He explained that those were the reasons behind his decision to join the SDP which he described as a party that would “rescue the masses from injustice.”

“So, whoever his party cheated or did something he felt was not right, the only party he sees is the SDP. So, don’t be surprised by the kind of people you see in this room and others that are not here—we are working together in broad daylight and midnight doing what we should do to strategise in order to salvage our people from what this government has put us through,” he stated.

Responding to concerns that his journey with the SDP could end up like his earlier alliance with the APC, El-Rufai insisted that it was the APC that strayed from its founding ideals, not him.

“I did not leave APC; it’s the party that left me. Since Bola Tinubu became president, the country has started to go backwards. We told them what they are doing is not good, and they are always behaving like nobody can tell them anything.

“Even when they deny the allegation of nepotism, people are not blind or stupid. When they see the names, they know where they come from,” he said.

El-Rufai recalled meeting with APC leaders like Bisi Akande, Adams Oshiomhole and Abdullahi Adamu to tell them that the party had deviated from its founding vision.

“I met with Bisi Akande, Adams Oshiomhole and Abdullahi Adamu, and I asked them if this was what we had planned for the people when we started and registered our party. And they said it has changed.

“So, if it has changed, then should you stay in what you are not okay with? I spoke with leaders that we should come back to the radar, but they shunned us away,” he said.

He said the fact that the APC refused to convene meetings for two years demonstrated the party’s leadership’s disregard for internal democracy and collective decision-making.

“That is why I said it is the party that left me, so I have to look for a party that shares similarity with the kind of ideology we had when 37 of us signed for the registration of the APC. I am among them. I am a founding father.

“But even if it is a child you gave birth to and he went wayward and you tried your best to bring him back on track and he refused, then you let him be. I have sworn off APC and left it with the world,” he said.

‘Ruling party only remembered Buhari after my defection’

El-Rufai also reacted to the recent visit by APC National Working Committee members to former President Muhammadu Buhari, alleging that it was an afterthought motivated by political desperation.

“Is it not the same Ganduje that called Buhari ‘Habu na Habu’ (a derogatory Hausa name)? Is it now that he knows Buhari is important?

“Since when Buhari left government, how many times did they go to him seeking for a single piece of advice? It is when they heard that I went to Buhari and I left the APC. And I told him before I left. I didn’t go to him to ask him to come to SDP or seek his permission to leave the party—I am 65 years old. I only went to tell him that this party has changed, and I want to leave it.

“Two days later, I left. It was after I left that they remembered that Buhari is important. What took them was that they understood that Atiku Abubakar went with us to pay Sallah homage; that’s all, and they went running at midnight, denying an old man sleep and disturbing him,” he added.

‘SDP building nationwide momentum’

El-Rufai said the SDP was rapidly gaining support across the country because many Nigerians had grown tired of both the APC and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

He added that the SDP was preparing a movement that would “rock the foundation of the country” and return power to the people.

“Every state you go to, you see people queuing, trying to get SDP tickets because they are tired of the injustice of these old parties — PDP and APC. And people have seen the kind of leaders coming to the SDP. They are positive that justice will be served and people will be held accountable. They believe they will be saved from hunger, poverty, and all the ills we are facing today in this country.

“Everywhere, not only in Katsina. My chairman, Bello Safana, when he goes to his office, doesn’t leave until late in the night because of the kind of people trooping in. It is the same everywhere—in Kaduna, Niger, Borno, Gombe. Everywhere it’s like that. People are tired,” he alleged.

The former governor said many Nigerians still remembered what he and others did in the past and believed in their capacity to effect positive change.

“Some of us are all aware of what we did in the past, and they know what we can do. That’s why, God willing, with the prayers of the masses, a storm is coming that will wipe off the entire country.

“All these bad leaders will go back to their villages, and SDP will form the federal government and many state governments and will come with a new form of leadership that caters to the poor,” he said.

El-Rufai’s past criticisms of Tinubu and APC

El-Rufai, whose ministerial nomination in 2023 was blocked by his opponents within the ruling APC, recently became a vocal critic of both the party and Tinubu’s administration.

At a democracy conference in Abuja in January, he had accused the Tinubu government of undermining democracy and attempting to weaken the opposition.

Following his defection to the SDP in March, El-Rufai revisited the controversy surrounding Tinubu’s academic records, saying he and other politicians were aware of the issues before the 2023 elections but supported him in the hope he would replicate his performance in Lagos.

“What pains me is that the government we supported and had confidence in would do well because we saw what Tinubu did in Lagos despite his challenges. We all knew about his issues in Chicago, but we thought if he could replicate his work in Lagos for Nigeria, let’s support him. However, he failed,” he said.

On 15 March, El-Rufai criticised the administration’s handling of the political crisis in Rivers State, particularly the suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara and other elected officials.

“In a statement on his X handle, he, at that time, described the president’s action as “wanton aggression against democratic tenets and the rule of law.”

“There are things that are so clearly wrong that the justifications summoned in their defence fall flat. The decision of Mr. President to suspend the elected officials of the Rivers State Government is one of those,” he wrote.

Presidency mum

When contacted to react to the allegations by El-Rufai, the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, told Daily Trust “I need to read El-Rufai’s statement first.”

[DailyTrust]

Agbakoba had suggested a resolution in the case by Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan against Akpabio.

He also urged her to substantiate her allegations.

But the Kogi Central Senator rejected the idea, insisting that Akpabio should subject himself to an investigation.

Asked if she would accept to settle with Akpabio, Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan told The Nation: “Out-of-court settlement? To settle how? Who? What about how I felt? I don’t know how to explain it.

“To me, am not looking for an out-of-court settlement. I don’t think I’m looking for an out-of-court settlement for today. As of now, an out-of-court settlement is out of it.

“I am not considering an out-of-court settlement because nobody has to suffer this amount of intimidation just because she is speaking out her truth.

“They should have investigated it. It is not about settlement, it is about justice. It is very painful that you subject somebody to so much.

“I am not looking forward to an out-of-court settlement. He should subject himself to an investigation.

“Besides, Akpabio is denting the image of the President. Akpabio’s actions are sending a negative signal on President Tinubu’s government.”

Agbakoba urged the senator should tender more proof as she had promised to do in her media interviews.

He reporters in Lagos that the allegations were hanging without substantial evidence.

He said: “We request Senator Natasha to provide more evidence, particularly in furtherance to the fact that she previously stated she reserves the right to provide further particulars and evidence to support the allegations against the Senate President.

“We feel like the allegation as it currently stands falls short of the threshold for proving sexual harassment anywhere in the world.”

Agbakoba, who had written to Mrs. Akpoti-Uduaghan as counsel for Akpabio to supply more proof, said he accepted the brief in a conciliatory manner.

He also “honestly wishes” that the matter is resolved without going to court, adding that he had requested a meeting with Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan’s lawyers.

Agbakoba clarified that at this stage, the Senator is not to be believed or disbelieved, stressing that she would need to clarify the difference between her behaviour between December 8 and 9, 2023.

The SAN described sexual harassment as a serious matter that deserves careful and fair consideration, adding that the difficulty faced by anyone making the allegation and the importance of treating all parties with dignity should be acknowledged.

However, the senior lawyer said the review of the available public records revealed significant contradictions that must be considered for a fair evaluation of the situation.

According to him, proper institutional processes, rather than media forums, should provide an appropriate venue for addressing serious matters.

Agbakoba insisted that while he supports a society where individuals feel safe to speak up, the principles of justice that require evidence and fairness should be upheld.

He stressed: “Allegations, however serious, must be scrutinised with diligence and care to avoid situations where they are being weaponised for vendetta.

“Our legal system is built on the presumption of innocence until proven guilty, and this fundamental principle must be respected, even in sensitive cases.”

Noting that Mrs. Akpoti-Uduaghan had said she would submit material evidence and present further particulars and facts, he expressed surprise that she had withheld the evidence.

The former Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) said this is unusual.

Agbakoba noted that Mrs. Akpoti-Uduaghan’s local and international engagements have highlighted the global attention her allegations have garnered in the past weeks.

Emphasising the contradictions between her claims and subsequent behaviour, he said Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan who made a serious allegation turned to her Instagram to also eulogise Akpabio and spoke highly of the birthday event she attended in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State.

He pointed out that while Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan claimed that sexual harassment occurred on December 8, which was her birthday and that of Akpabio, she praised the Senate President on December 9.

The lawyer stressed: “The timeline and dates are so contradictory. On one hand, you complained about sexual harassment on December 8, 2023.

“Yet, on the other, you praised Senator Akpabio who you allege sexually harassed you on December 9, 2023. 

“The juxtaposition of these two events, an alleged traumatic harassment followed by voluntary, public expression of admiration requires careful consideration.”

Agbakoba acknowledged that there is no defined or definite description of harassment, saying that it could be in words or behaviour.

He doubted any absolute physical act in respect of Mrs. Akpoti-Uduaghan and Akpabio.

Urging critics to do with unguarded emotion, Akpabio said “98 per cent of what you see on social media is not court-useable.”

[TheNation]