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Oyo State Governor, ‘Seyi Makinde has declared that the 2027 election will be a decisive moment for the Nigerian populace, stating it will be a choice between the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the citizens themselves.

He stated this on Saturday, during the commissioning of the newly built ultra-modern Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Southwest zonal secretariat in Ibadan, Oyo State, which was named in honour of the late Soji Adagunodo, a former Southwest Chairman of the PDP.

 

Makinde criticised the APC’s governance, asserting that the party has failed to deliver on its promises.

“The APC has been at the helm of affairs in this country, and they have woefully failed us. The people of Nigeria must now decide whether to retain them in power or vote them out,” he stated.

Emphasising the urgency of the situation, he added, “Nigerians are suffering, and there must be an end to it. We need to unite and push for change.”

He stressed that the forthcoming election will not merely be a contest between the APC and the PDP, but rather a referendum on the APC’s governance, with the Nigerian populace at the center of this decision-making process.

In addressing the internal conflicts within the PDP, Makinde called on the party’s leadership to take decisive action, adding, “The enemies of the party are within, not the opposition parties,” urging members to work together to heal the rifts.

He insisted that the party must maintain its unity in the Southwest, saying, “We must not allow the ruling party to disrupt the peace we have worked hard to create.”

Regarding his potential presidential aspirations, Makinde remarked, “I am old enough to make my own decisions about contesting or not. The current realities in the country will guide my choices.”

His comments reflect a thoughtful consideration of the political landscape as the 2027 election approaches.

In a related development, Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke advocated deeper introspection within the PDP to find lasting solutions to its internal conflicts.

“We must engage in honest discussions and reflections to heal our party and move forward together,” he noted, emphasising the need for unity and collaboration among party members.

“Our strength lies in our ability to come together as one. It is time to build bridges, not walls, within our party.”

He further called for a commitment to the party’s foundational values, remarking, “We must remember why we are here, to serve the people and uphold democracy.”

While addressing the gathering, PDP’s acting national chairman, Ambassador Illiya Damagum, extended his congratulations to all PDP governors for their commendable representation in their respective states, stating, “Our governors are the backbone of our party, showcasing the values we stand for across the nation.”

In his address of welcome, PDP zonal chairman Bar. Kamorudeen Ajisafe, represented by Zonal Secretary Hon. Rahman Owokoniran, acknowledged the significant efforts of party leaders and elders in restoring peace within the party.

“It is imperative that we channel our collective strength towards unseating the ruling party to ensure a better democracy for our people,” he urged.

In his remarks, one of the sons of the deceased, Soji Adagunodo Jr., expressed gratitude for the honour bestowed upon his father.

Adagunodo Jr. encouraged the PDP leadership to leverage this new space as a “solution house” for the party and the country, saying, “Let this edifice inspire us to seek real solutions for the myriad issues confronting our people and the nation.”

The commissioning event was attended by notable figures including state’s deputy governor, Adebayo Lawal; 2023 Ogun State PDP governorship candidate, Chief Ladi Adebutu, Ondo State PDP governorship candidate, Agboola Ajayi and several other party officials, such as Zonal Organizing Secretary Hon. Benson Aruwa and Zonal Women Leader Chief Mrs. Bosede Adedibu.

Former Governors Olagunsoye Oyinlola, Okezie Ikpeazu, and Samuel Ortom, along with PDP National Vice Chairman for the South, Ambassador Taofeek Arapaja, and former National Vice Chairman for the South, Dr. Eddy Olafeso, were also present, underscoring the PDP’s unity and strength in the Southwest region.

Notable senators and local representatives, including Senator Monsurat Sunmonu and Senator Gbenga Babalola, were also present to commemorate the occasion, highlighting the unity and strength of the PDP in the southwest region.

[Vanguard]

The Nigerian Copyright Commission (NCC) says its operatives confiscated alleged pirated books valued at N23.1 million during raids on bookshops in Uyo, capital of Akwa Ibom.

Speaking during the operation, John Asein, NCC director general, said the exercise aims to eradicate pirated works nationwide and establish a robust copyright framework.

Asein, who was represented by Macfoy Akachukwu, deputy director of operations, said the commission targeted piracy in Uyo and surrounding areas via this enforcement effort.

NAN quoted the DG as identifying the raided bookshops as AB Achison, God’s Own, Academic Needs, Zion in Uyo and POP Bookshop in Abak, Akwa Ibom.

 

“The books seized during the raid to include: Basic Civic Education by Dr Merry Ukaegbu, Spectrum New Further Mathematics by T.R. Moses and Essential Christian Religious Study for Senior Secondary Schools by Orovwuje B.O and Okolie E.U.,” he said.

“Macmillan Brilliant English for Junior Secondary Schools by Wale Ossianwo, New General Basic Science for Junior Secondary Schools by S. Ajayi.

“Others books seized included: New Oxford Secondary English Course for Secondary Schools by Ayo Banjo and New Concept Mathematics for Senior Secondary Schools by H.N. Odogwu and others.

 

“The books seized were those in the stables of major publishers like Evans, UPL, Lantern, Longman, TONAD, Pearson among others.”

Asein said the commission will persist in combating piracy, empowering authors and the creative sector to boost Nigeria’s economic development.

“What we have done is part of the commission’s mandate to protect and promote the rights of authors and other genuine investors in the copyright book industry,” he said.

“It is our duty to ensure that authors get rewards for their creative work. I have under my watch, zero tolerance for piracy and infringement of Copyright Laws.”

 

The NCC DG said suspects would be prosecuted to deter others, adding that the commission needs public support with credible information to combat piracy nationwide.

[TheCable]

A chieftain of the All Progressives Congress, APC, Joe Igbokwe has chided politicians, who according to him, are using poor innocent children for their selfish political gains.

This is coming amid the outrage that greeted the arraignment of minors who were arrested in August this year for protesting against hunger.

DAILY POST reports that the protesters, described as minors, were arraigned and later granted N10 million bail each on Friday, while the matter was adjourned till January 2025.

In a post on his official Facebook page on Saturday, the APC chieftain blamed the development on politicians who instigated the violent protests.

He wrote, “It is evil and despicable to use other peoples Children to play politics.  Meanwhile your Children are studying in the best Universities across the world.

“Ok, you think you can destroy other peoples Children and your own will excel abi? Oga put on your thinking cap and learn. The law of Karma is still there oooo”.

[DailyPost]

 

 

For many, Nigeria and Ghana may seem like worlds apart. Separated by geography, culture, and history, it might seem that the two West African nations would be only loosely connected. Yet, time and time again, Nigeria and Ghana have demonstrated that their bond goes beyond borders. Despite Ghana’s location, farther west and with a distinct national identity, the connection between the two countries has grown increasingly tight and uniquely supportive over the years, fostering an enduring brotherhood that transcends mere proximity.

At the core of this connection is a shared history rooted in colonial experience, migration, and early independence struggles. Both Ghana and Nigeria were British colonies before attaining independence, Ghana in 1957 and Nigeria shortly thereafter in 1960. The decolonization era brought Ghana and Nigeria closer in ideals and spirit, as both sought to build their young nations from the ground up. They embraced Pan-Africanism as a philosophy and stood united in championing African interests on the global stage.

This shared journey shaped a brotherly bond where each country could look to the other for inspiration and support. Ghana’s early post-independence leaders, particularly Kwame Nkrumah, were deeply influential to Nigerians, and Nigeria’s rapid development inspired many in Ghana. The interwoven history remains evident in both nations’ educational, social, and political landscapes.

 

Cultural exchange is another pillar of the Ghana-Nigeria bond. Nigerian Afrobeats and Ghanaian highlife music have gained international recognition, but the sounds have influenced each other in distinct ways. Pioneering artists from both countries continue to collaborate and build a Pan-African sound that is appreciated worldwide. Ghanaian artists like Sarkodie, Shatta Wale, and Stonebwoy enjoy significant popularity in Nigeria, while Nigerian artists such as Burna Boy, Wizkid, and Tiwa Savage have amassed legions of fans in Ghana.

This cross-pollination extends to cuisine as well. The debate about who makes the better jollof rice may stir friendly rivalry, but it highlights the appreciation both cultures have for one another’s dishes. The love for spicy, rich dishes with rice, plantains, and stews illustrates a shared culinary history that goes back generations, symbolizing the fusion of tastes across West African communities.

Similarly, fashion has become a common language. Both Nigerians and Ghanaians have set trends in African fashion, from the colorful Ankara prints to the elegant agbada and kente styles. Fashion designers from both nations collaborate and influence each other, creating a regional aesthetic that represents West African pride and identity on a global scale.

 

Economically, Ghana and Nigeria have long been partners, each country offering the other significant opportunities for trade and commerce. Ghanaian markets are well stocked with Nigerian goods, and Nigerian businesses have found a welcome base in Ghana. Nigerian companies like MTN, UBA, and Access Bank are deeply rooted in Ghana, providing employment, boosting local economies, and enhancing business ties.

Even during moments of tension, such as policy-induced restrictions or economic crises, the interdependence of Ghana and Nigeria’s economies has highlighted the importance of their relationship. The West African region’s dependency on intra-regional trade and free movement, symbolized by ECOWAS agreements, reflects the shared economic interests of these two nations. Each understands the other’s significance in sustaining regional stability and economic growth.

Moreover, Nigeria has supported Ghana through various economic challenges. When Ghana faced economic crises, Nigeria offered succor in the form of migration, exemplifying solidarity in times of hardship, even if it later birthed the ignoble coinage, “Ghana Must Go”. These instances reinforce the mutual respect between the two nations, showing that they are allies not just by proximity but also by choice.

 

In recent decades, Ghana has become a second home for many Nigerians, particularly students and expatriates seeking opportunities abroad. Ghana’s renowned educational institutions have attracted thousands of Nigerian students, providing an affordable, reputable option for tertiary education. This migration fosters friendships and professional networks that persist long after students return home, building a bridge of camaraderie between future leaders and professionals of both countries.

Ghana has also become a welcoming space for Nigerian entrepreneurs and professionals in fields such as technology, media, and the creative arts. Cities like Accra and Kumasi have witnessed the emergence of Nigerian-owned businesses and start-ups, adding diversity to Ghana’s economy. Despite occasional challenges, Ghanaians have largely welcomed Nigerians, who have in turn contributed to the local economy.

Even with the deep bond between the two countries, there have been periods of tension. Policies such as Ghana’s GIPC (Ghana Investment Promotion Centre) Act, which sets investment thresholds for foreigners, have caused friction with Nigerian traders. Likewise, xenophobic sentiments have occasionally flared up, impacting the relationship. Yet, both countries have continually returned to the negotiation table to maintain the peace and preserve their alliance.

 

The Covid-19 pandemic underscored this unity, as Nigeria and Ghana collaborated on health policies, shared resources, and coordinated efforts to manage the crisis in West Africa. Both nations’ leaders emphasized the importance of solidarity and the need for collective efforts in combating global health issues.

Furthermore, when Ghana faced political tensions or Nigeria experienced security challenges, citizens of each nation rallied in solidarity, standing as one against the threat to their West African brotherhood. This enduring friendship reflects the resilience and strength of their relationship, built on a foundation of mutual trust, support, and respect.

 

The relationship between Ghana and Nigeria stands as a model for African unity. While they may have their differences, both nations understand the value of shared goals and collective progress. Through platforms like ECOWAS, the African Union, and AfCFTA (African Continental Free Trade Area), Ghana and Nigeria continue to champion regional integration and economic cooperation. Their collaboration on pressing issues such as climate change, youth unemployment, and infrastructural development illustrates a shared vision for a prosperous African continent.

This bond will only deepen as both countries continue to grow. As Nigeria solidifies its position as Africa’s largest economy and Ghana continues its trajectory as a beacon of stability and innovation, they will find new areas of collaboration. This partnership holds promise not only for West Africa but for the entire African continent.

The connection between Ghana and Nigeria is more than geographical. It is a brotherhood shaped by shared history, interwoven cultures, economic interdependence, and mutual resilience. From jollof rice to highlife beats, from student exchanges to collaborative efforts in health and security, Ghana and Nigeria remain close allies in the African journey toward unity and prosperity.

 

Despite their physical distance, Ghana and Nigeria exemplify that true brotherhood is bound not by borders, but by values, shared dreams, and mutual respect. They serve as a reminder that African nations are stronger together, and that by embracing unity, they can forge a brighter future for their citizens and the continent as a whole.

 

In a nation where every kobo counts, Nigerian citizens are, once again, told that millions among them have received direct financial support from the government. The latest announcement claims that 25 million Nigerians received a conditional cash transfer of ₦25,000 as part of a welfare initiative.

For the sake of clarity, the Federal Government on Thursday, October 31, 2024, said 25 million Nigerians have so far received the ₦25,000 conditional cash transfer. The Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun, made the disclosure while briefing State House Correspondents shortly after the National Economic Council meeting chaired by Vice President Kashim Shettima.

But this is not the first time such claims have been made without much transparency. From Buhari’s eight-year administration to the current Tinubu-led government, Nigerians have been repeatedly informed of cash transfers intended to cushion economic hardships. However, questions abound: Who exactly are these beneficiaries? How was their eligibility determined, and is there a verifiable list? In a country of over 200 million people facing rising costs and economic turmoil, these questions are not trivial, they reveal a gap between policy intentions and public accountability.

 

The concept of cash transfers as a poverty alleviation tool is not new. Conditional cash transfer programs (CCTs) are used worldwide to assist low-income households and stimulate local economies. In Nigeria, these transfers are intended to serve the most vulnerable, providing immediate financial relief to those who need it most. Yet, many Nigerians struggle to believe that these promises are fulfilled, especially when no evidence supports that such payments reach the intended beneficiaries. Despite reassurances from government agencies, there is often an aura of doubt surrounding the process.

For years, Nigerians have read news of various welfare schemes and transfers. In 2020, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, Buhari’s administration reported transferring billions in palliative funds. Yet for many, it seemed like a phantom program, as countless citizens reported not receiving any assistance. Today, the scenario seems to have resurfaced, now with the Tinubu administration announcing significant cash transfers. But beyond the announcement, little information is offered to establish the program’s effectiveness or verify the recipients. With no readily accessible lists or visual proof of recipients, it is no surprise that skepticism runs high.

Nigeria is in the grips of economic strain that has touched virtually every household. The fuel subsidy removal under ongoing Tinubu’s administration, which was intended to relieve pressure on government finances, sent the cost of living soaring for ordinary Nigerians. Food prices are skyrocketing, transportation costs have either doubled, tripled or even quadrupled in various places, and inflation rates have made daily survival a struggle for many families. Amid these challenges, the public naturally demands greater clarity on where government funds are going, especially when the funds are claimed to be helping millions.

 

Kashim Shettima

In a country where transparency and accountability in public spending are often lacking, the government’s claim of distributing ₦25,000 each to 25 million people feels like a mirage. The public response is predictable: Who are these beneficiaries? Where do they live? How was this pool of 25 million selected, and under what criteria? Without straightforward answers, the program’s authenticity will likely be questioned, leaving the impression that these funds might be staying in political pockets or used for personal gain within government circles.

During Buhari’s administration, Nigeria saw a range of social intervention programs, from the “TraderMoni” initiative to the “School Feeding Program” and the earlier “Conditional Cash Transfer” scheme. These initiatives were marketed as efforts to alleviate poverty, particularly in rural areas. Yet, they were plagued with complaints. Many alleged that only party loyalists benefited, and there was widespread criticism of inadequate verification systems. Public confidence eroded over time as citizens found little evidence of the claimed funds reaching their communities.

With Tinubu’s administration now following a similar path, many Nigerians feel a strong sense of déjà vu. Despite government reassurances, there is often limited access to concrete data to substantiate these cash transfers. Nigerians, aware of the corruption that plagues the system, are asking legitimate questions. How are these beneficiaries identified, and how can the government ensure these funds are not misappropriated?

 

According to official sources, the funds are intended for “the poorest of the poor” and “vulnerable households.” The eligibility criteria, as per the government, include households with no steady income or any other means of livelihood. Yet, even with this definition, verifying eligible beneficiaries and tracking the money flow in real-time remains challenging. Ideally, an open-access database would be maintained to detail recipient names, areas, and dates of payment, fostering transparency and accountability.

The government claims it leverages data from the National Social Register to identify eligible households. However, the register itself has been criticized for its lack of transparency, with many Nigerians even unaware of its existence. If the process is to be credible, Nigerians should be able to verify the list of beneficiaries publicly or at least verify the transfer amounts within their communities. In countries with effective CCT programs, there is an accessible record of beneficiaries that can be independently reviewed by the public, non-governmental organizations, and civil society groups.

For the program to gain public confidence, the government needs to adopt a more transparent approach. Creating an online portal where beneficiaries’ names, amounts, and transaction dates can be verified would go a long way in enhancing credibility. This kind of transparency is common in many countries, where similar programs include identifiable and independently verifiable data. For a society as distrustful as Nigeria’s, such steps would bring much-needed transparency to public programs.

 

Additionally, the government must engage civil society organizations and independent auditors to monitor the cash transfer process. These groups can verify that the funds reach the intended beneficiaries and that the process is free from political bias. Independent auditing of such programs would also reassure citizens that funds are being distributed fairly and efficiently. In a democracy, citizens deserve the right to know how their public funds are spent, and independent oversight is one of the most effective ways to ensure accountability.

In fact, when governments make grand announcements of social assistance, the people they aim to help should be able to see and verify the impact. As it stands, however, the Nigerian government has yet to fully earn the trust of its citizens. Whether due to corruption, a lack of transparency, or simply poor communication, Nigerians remain doubtful. They read of billions spent on welfare programs without seeing tangible effects in their own lives or communities.

 

Until the government provides answers to pressing questions, who these 25 million beneficiaries are, how they were selected, and how the funds are tracked, Nigerians will continue to harbor suspicions. For a welfare program to truly work, transparency is essential, and the government must be proactive in ensuring that the Nigerian public can see the funds reach those who need them most.

The continued lack of transparency does more than create distrust; it has the potential to undermine public confidence in government initiatives altogether. Nigerians have repeatedly called for genuine transparency in social welfare programs and a move toward governance that values accountability. If the government wants to rebuild trust, it must make efforts to ensure that each naira earmarked for the people truly reaches them. The cost of ignoring this call for transparency is high, and ultimately, it is one Nigeria cannot afford to bear.

I share some similarities with Comrade Jola Ogunlusi. Before 1996, we were both from the old Ondo state. I am from Idanre in Idanre local government of Ondo state, while he is from Esun Ekiti in Ikole local government Area of Ekiti state. Longevity runs in his family. His father died at the age of 131 while his grandmother died at the age of 122. His mother died at the age of 110. He is just 90.

He grew up with his grandmother Princess Oguntuka also from a royal family but married to Oba Adumure, Elesun of Esun-Ekiti.

At that time only two of his mother’s children survived, himself and Mrs Idowu Aruleba, mother of Gbenga Aruleba of African Independent Television (AIT). He was given many Abiku names which he jettisoned later and adopted Emmanuel Ajibola-Iya.

He attended different schools in Odo-Oke, Aiyedun and Esun-Ekiti and finally completed his standard six in 1953. There was no job for a year. He was going to the farm with his father.

But from 1955 to 1958, he was a teacher. His first salary was 48pounds per annum. It was later increased to 56pounds a year with arrears. From his salary, he bought a bicycle which he rode to school. It was a fine, well-decorated bicycle.

His preference was to study Medicine at the University. An incident motivated him. In 1955 when he was a teacher, they sent him to his only sister, Idowu, who was ill.

He returned home late in the day. They had already presumed she was dead. He went into the room, took her hand and noticed she was warm. He used his knowledge of first aid to remove the mucus that blocked her nostrils. Then she started breathing.

Comrade Ogunlusi worked in Iroyin Yoruba, Daily Sketch, Gbohun Gbohun Nigerian Tribune and New Nigerian. He worked with Lamp magazine and also wrote for the African Arik published by the University of California.

In 1977, he rose to be the National secretary of the NUJ.

In 1972, I joined the Nigerian Tribune as a reporter. We worked under our then Managing Director, Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande (23 July 1929-11 February 2021), who was later elected governor of Lagos state in 1979.

 Those of us in the Tribune then were Mr. Osugbohun, Alfred Ilere, Soji Alakuro, Mufu Akinloye, Tope Orimoloye, Toye Akiyode (Agosco), Dan Ikuniaye, Bode Oyewole, Bayo Osiyemi, Folu Olamiti, Kayode Osifeso and others, while our news editor was Fola Oredoyin. Our Editor then was Ikhan Yakubu and our editor in chief was Mr. Kayode Bakare.

 Incidentally in 1975, I was elected the western state secretary of the NUJ. A plaque is at the press centre in Ibadan today to remind us all.

I was the last person to hold that post till Oyo, Ogun and Ondo states were created on February 13, 1976 by General Murtala Mohammed GCFR (8 November 1938 – 13 February 1976). After the creation of states, there was pressure on us to sell the assets of the Western state NUJ including the present press club in Ibadan. We resisted the pressure. That is why the press centre still belong to the journalists today.

During that time, there were newspapers and there were newspapers. That was before THISDAY, DAILY TRUST, THE NATION, THE NATIONAL CONCORD, THE VANGUARD, THE PUNCH, THE SUN, DAILY TELEGRAPH, DAILY INDEPENDENT, PILOT, THE MATRIX, BUSINESS DAY, THE POINT, LEADERSHIP and other reigning newspapers of today, were established.

At that time, we had THE NIGERIAN STANDARD in Jos, THE CHRONICLE in Calabar, THE NIGERIAN TIDE in Port Harcourt, THE NIGERIAN OBSERVER in Benin city, THE DAILY SKETCH in Ibadan, THE NIGERIAN HERALD later in Ilorin, THE NEW NIGERIAN in Kaduna and the powerful DAILY TIMES in Lagos.

During this period, THE DAILY TIMES was the most circulated. There was a column in the New Nigerian then called CANDIDO. It was during this period that the celebrant of today worked in the New Nigerian. CANDIDO was a must read for decision makers in Nigeria.

To its credit, THE NEW NIGERIAN has produced outstanding journalists in this country. Among whom were Alhaji Mamma Daura, Alhaji Adamu Ciroma, the present Monarch of Badagry, Oba Babatunde  Akran, Aholu Menu Toyi 1, Mr Mike Pearce, Alhaji Mohammed Haruna, Owolabi Ilori, Nat Balogun, Alaja Browne, Yakubu Mohammed, Nkem Agetua, Yinka Guedon, Clement Eluaka, Mr Tayo Kehinde, Alhaji Adamu Adamu, Chief Olugbayo Ogunleye, Mr. Gboyega Amoboye alias THE GOVERNOR, who is today the Chairman of Lagos wing of Veteran Journalists, Alhaji Turi Mohammed, Mr. Nvendaga Jibo, Mr. Stephen Bamigbele, Mr. Ndanusa Alao, Clem Baiye, Dan Agbese, Abba Dabo, James Jukwe, Moses Olorode, Alaye Gbenoba, Clement Agba, Buka Zarma, Buki Wilson, Adebola Idowu, Yinka Dagunduro, Sehinde Dagunduroro, Biola Ajoni, Victor Awogu, Otunba Segun Runsewe, Dayo Onibile, Fola Asiru and so many of them.

To count on positive things that newspapers have done for this country is like counting on the number of times the rain has fallen in a year. Let me refer to one, that still affect us today.

In January 1970, the DAILY TIMES published an editorial pleading that Nigeria must adopt left hand drive policy.

On January 30 of that year, the then head of state, General Yakubu Gowon GCFR (89), inaugurated a commission, to deal with the issue. The commission was headed by the then Chief Executive of The Daily Times, Alhaji Babatunde Jose (13 December 1925- 2 August 2008).

In March 1972, the then Minister of Works and Housing, whose Ministry was in charge of Transportation, Alhaji Femi Okunnu announced that with effect from Sunday, April 2, 1972, Nigeria would operate left hand policy. The policy is still operating till today unlike what operates in some Commonwealth countries like United Kingdom, Kenya, Australia, Uganda and South Africa.

I have spoken from the viewpoint of a newspaper man. I hope outstanding radio and television journalists like Mr. Gbenga Onayiga, Bayo Awosemo, Sola Atere, Bayo Adewusi, Vera Ifudu, Emman Okondo, Bisi Olatilo, Adebayo Bodunrin, Bola Oyeladun, Frank Olize, John Momoh, Nduka Obaigbena, Jimi Disu, Jones Usen, Chris Anyanwu, Jumoke Susan Fajana(now based in London), Yori Folarin, Mac Amarere, Lekan Alabi, Abike Dabiri, Bankole Laotan, Blossom Ubani, Augusta Maduegbuna, Seun Okibaloye, Stella Din Jacob, Ladi Lawal and so many others who are either here or here in spirit or have departed, will pardon me.

A journalist is a person who gathers information in the form of text, audio or pictures, process it into a newsworthy form and disseminates it to the public. 

Journalists can be broadcast, print, advertising or public relations personnel. Depending on the form of journalism, “journalist” may also describe various categories of people by the roles they play in the process. These includes reporters, correspondents, citizen journalist, editors, editorial writers, columnists and photojournalists.

A reporter is a type of journalist who researches, writes and reports on information in order to present using sources. This may entail conducting interviews, information-gathering and/or writing articles. Reporters may split their time between working in a newsroom, from home or outside to witness events or interviewing people. Reporters may be assigned a specific beat (area of coverage).

I see journalism as a way to learn more every day and try to work on my ignorance and understand the difference ways of life and how people live. Curiosity motivates every journalist. If you want to know the impact of a journalist just stay a day without listening to the news both in the radio, television or newspapers. It’s as if you are in a prison yard.

Our job is a noble profession. After waking up every morning, checking on his health and offering his prayers, the next thing an average journalist does is to listen to the news or read the papers. It is a very interesting routine.

Journalists always strive to be fair, accurate, and complete.

Fair means being fair to the evidence. A good rule of thumb is the more evidence you have, the less balance you need.

Accurate means verifying all the information in the story and being transparent about what you know, how you know it and what you don’t know. It also means remembering that journalistic truth is provisional. Like scientific truth, it changes over time as more evidence becomes available.

Complete means learning as much about the story through as wide an array of sources as possible so you can include a range of relevant and diverse points of view.

In the civil service if you reach the age of sixty or put in thirty-five years of service, you are to retire. And when you retire in the service you will collect your gratuity and continue to live on your pension. But in our profession, we do not retire. There is no such thing as a former journalist. There is no age limit to the practice of journalism.

The body that invited us to this lecture is called LEAGUE OF VETERAN JOURNALISTS. League means an association of persons or group united by common interests or goals. It could also mean fellowship or solidarity while a veteran means a person who has had long experience in a particular field or job. It is not a league of retired journalists.

The topic given to me is to speak on LIFE AFTER RETIREMENT FOR JOURNALISTS. I have been ruminating on the subject. And I doubt whether journalists really retire. I think the topic should have been LIFE WHEN JOURNALISTS STOP GOING TO OFFICES.

I remember a refrain that says OLD SOLDIERS NEVER DIE, THEY SIMPLY FADE AWAY. It originates from a stanza from the soldiers’ folklore song Old Soldiers Never Die. In the United States, the phrase was used by General Douglas MacArthur in his April 19, 1951 farewell address to the U.S. Congress (which has become known as the “Old Soldiers Never Die” speech).

Journalists are like old soldiers. They don’t really retire they just fade away when the time comes. They are active till the end if their health can sustain them. If journalists retire why should Chief Olusegun Osoba at 85, the twice elected governor of Ogun state be reporting till today. If journalists retire why should veterans like Chief Tola Adeniyi, Sam Omatseye, Dan Agbese, Dele Sobowale, Lanre Idowu, Reuben Abati, Magnus Ibe, Bunmi Sofola, Dupe Ajayi, Medline Tador, Comfort Obi, Tunde Fagbenle, Azuibike Ishiekwene, Kayode Komolafe, Yakubu Mohammed, Ray Ekpu, Soji Akinrinade, Lade Bonuola, Bayo Osiyemi, Ayo Akinkuotu, Dare Babarinsa, Dayo Sobowale, Martins Oloja, Muyiwa Adetiba and many others still be writing columns. The truth is that journalists have an active mind. They may not be rich but they perform essential services to the world.

An average journalist has a little knowledge of everything. Although his services may not be appreciated but he or she takes satisfaction in rendering services to the world. I am proud to be a journalist.

But when we stop going to offices, we still take part in communal services to the society either in the church, mosque, communities where we live or in society generally. Some write books and hardly can you find a journalist that does not read books.

In the last two decades, technology has sparked seismic shifts in journalism. Three developments stand out: the internet, mobile devices and social media. Together, they have changed the accessibility, creation and delivery of journalism. Today, almost every adult in Nigeria connects to the internet and social media through a digital service. Their extensive use makes it easy to forget that these technologies are relatively new to our daily lives.

The old journalism that we grew up with is more or less dead, thanks to advancements in technology, a new branch has emerged—digital journalism.

New organisations now use multiple media platforms to publish content online, including: websites and blogs, mobile apps, podcasts, data analysis and visualisations, photos and videos, social media, augmented reality and interactive web experiences.

Digital media has created exciting opportunities for journalists to produce and share their stories.

In Nigeria today, social media has become a powerful source of digital news. It cannot be ignored.

The widespread consumption of social media means journalists need the skills to: connect with audiences on the most popular platforms; report in real-time on the various social platforms–this involves critical and creative thinking about the most appropriate media for each platform and build a personal brand on social media.

With this development, an active journalist must adapt to this new technology and it is impossible to retire as a journalist. Journalism is a developing profession. The public’s growing preference for digital media means that digital journalism skills are now imperative. Journalists must be able to strategically use digital storytelling tools to connect with audiences on various platforms. This means thinking critically and creatively about the best forms of media to serve the target audience.

Since most Journalists can’t take part in the only lucrative business in the country now—Party Politics—they should exploit the opportunities offered by digital journalism. The opportunities are very wide. As a matter of fact, some journalists have seized on the opportunities, some of them are now bloggers and they do it from the comfort of their homes. Life itself is a continuity. You cannot withdraw from life as long as your health can still sustain you.

I can tell you blogging it’s a rewarding way to hone your writing skills, explore new ideas and build an online presence that revolves around your passions and expertise. You’ll get the chance to inspire, educate, and entertain your readers—and as your blog grows, you can even start making money and turn it into a full-time job or use it to start a business.

In other words, blogging is the first step toward finally pursuing your dream job or favorite hobby, so you really can’t go wrong. While starting a blog might seem daunting, I’m going to walk you through every step to make it as smooth and successful as possible. The process is actually quite easy, and you’ll have your blog up and running, as well as your first blog post written, before you know it. When the journalist was regularly going to the office in his prime time, the family was the victim for lack of time, care and neglect. Now that the journalist no longer go to the office, he or she must find time for his or her family—the kids and the grandchildren.

As we all know, the family is the most important thing in this world. Family is important because if offers emotional support, nurtures a feeling of belonging , encourages educational growth, and fosters cognitive development. A family meets diverse needs throughout the various phases of life, from infancy through old age. A good family is a source of emotional support and unconditional love. Families shape an individual’s identity and belonging from old age. As social creatures, belonging to a group is important for our self-concept. Families provide a sense of social identity, a sense of self, and a feeling that we belong to something larger than ourselves.

Families instill values, beliefs, and norms in children that support a peaceful, well-functioning society. They teach kids fundamental social skills like language, customs, roles, and norms. They also shape children’s prosocial behaviors like cooperation, respect, and contribution to the community. Well-socialised children grow into productive adult citizens. I don’t think there is a better alternative than a good family. No matter the power, money and fame, there is no better prize than the family. Family adds value to life.

A man who descends on a full keg of palm wine with a drinking cup and empties the contents into his innards, has written down his name in the list of those who may fall into the gutter on their way home. That is even if he actually makes it home at all after such an impressive performance at a drinking joint. He may simply fall by the wayside on his way out, or by the roadside somewhere, and sleep for hours on end.

He was the one who drank himself silly. It was he who did not have to finish the keg of palm wine, but chose to do so. Therefore, he should be held responsible if he later found himself rakishly ensconced in the untidy recesses of the public drainage system. Yes, he then has no one but himself to hold responsible for being at his new-found temporary abode.

It would be both foolish and absurd for such a person to later prance out of the gutter and declare that it was the handiwork of his enemies. He did not have to finish the keg of palm wine in one fell swoop, did he? Even if someone bough it for him, and he did not spend his own money. It was still his duty to exercise discretion as he was navigating the inebriating contents of the keg to his mouth.

But what did he do? He took violent possession of the keg of palm wine, chuckled to himself and downed the drink with reckless enthusiasm. If, later the next day, he staggers out of wherever he may have ended up and spent some hours in his drunken state, he must tell himself the truth. To cook up some delusional tale, wherein he would blame whoever or whatever catches his fancy, is simply to say that he is not yet ready to move from his unedifying circumstance and predicament.

And we are at that time in our national life when it has become impossible for us to sustain a lie that has acquired a life of its own. We are confronted on all sides with undeniable, irrevocable and incontrovertible ‘brute facts’ that put every attempt at self deception to shame. Yes! But should we refuse to admit the obvious, even to ourselves? Should we not now give up the denial and come to terms with what we really are, and where we really are today. If we choose, instead to say “Anything  but the truth”, for how long would we be able to sustain that?

A lost fight from the beginning, if you ask me. But many never give up on folly.

So, let us reason together about out current situation in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. It seems to me that we are reaping what we had been sowing decade after decade since the 1960s. Whoever puts a lot of energy into doing anything, whether right or wrong, will get results that are commensurate with his endeavours with time.

And we are all facing situations that took time to create and sustain. It is alright to pretend not to know that we are all collectively responsible for what is going on in this our season of reaping. It is also even easy to speak of ‘them’ as responsible for the terrible fruits we are harvesting, without half a thought for our reprehensible diligence of monumental proportions.

Many who, as young public servants or soldiers in our national life introduced many questionable things and got away with what they did many decades ago, are now the very old men. Many of them are still in our midst. They helped to create the Nigeria we are living in today. If you look at the massive wealth of some of them, please remember that you are not supposed to ask whether they would have been so wealthy if they did not hold the reigns of power at one level or the other. Do not also ask if their wealth can be described as ‘earned’ wealth?

And many of them are elder statesmen and women today. They have been so called for decades now. Was such eldership and statesmanship truly earned, or did it come via presumption and self-inflation? They meant well in many things they conceived and tried to do, decades ago. But how much of the nation’s troubles of today are not traceable to many of their good intentions?

Go back in history to the arrival of the British traders. Think of how the West African Frontier force established by the colonial traders became autonomous, in terms of complete disregard of indigenous and original communal norms. The concepts of traditional authority, cultural norms, inherited notion of right and wrong, etc., gave way to totally alien paradigms. These paradigms derived their validity, authenticity and credibility from the mere pronouncements of the conquering white man. Nothing more!

The resulting societal disorientation was not long in coming. And this disorientation was reinforced by almost every other thing that followed thereafter. A look at our national politics, including the military versions of same, bear the undeniable stamps of this existential violation that came with the British. It got nurtured for decades by the local replacements of the Brish rulers. The harvests are here, though; but in ways many do not see. That is because we speak of “regimes” and political parties, without paying attention to the fact that it is one single malaise with many mutations that we have been facing all along.

The Northern and Southern Protectorates of Nigeria were created in order to improve colonial control of the grabbed land and wealth of the various peoples of the area.  Then came the Amalgamation of 1914, which collapsed the Protectorates into one. Then eventually came the official, and globally celebrated, Declaration of Independence. This declaration, and all the ceremonies associated with it, did not give the new Nigeria either economic or political independence.

It also did not, in any way, make one people out of the peoples of the original Protectorates. And we ended up fighting a civil war, with the official declaration of an end to the civil war not ending the continuation of that war by other means. The creation of states did not solve the problems many expected it to solve.

As more states were created in order to address the ever-emerging, and expanding, problems of marginalization and minority representation, more individuals and groups came out to demand for the further carving up of Nigeria. The demand is still very much alive today, as I write.

Thus, as we now stagger about, blaming first PDP and, later, APC for our woes, let us not forget that those who created Nigeria did not in any way provide this new creation with ‘Nigerians’. The processes that were leading to the emergence of genuine Nigerians were truncated by a senseless mutiny. This ill-advised, amateurish and pointedly naive intervention was made all the more reprehensible by its complete ignorance of how the state works.

Just look around you and think of the past I have tried to capture in broad strove in the above paragraphs. Is our country not still wearing some of the trappings that can best be associated with a child of curious, or even questionable, primogeniture and ancestry?

Just think of the Treaty carving out Cattle Grazing Route decades ago. It marked out and approved such routes without any consultations with the various peoples and communities affected. Is there a better example of an unmodified application of what the British enacted earlier around here? It was the British, and not the peoples in the region they called Nigeria, that designed and signed the Amalgamation document.

Consider the following, in order to get the point in perspective: Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe was ten years old in 1914 when the Amalgamation document came into effect. Chief Obafemi Awolowo was two years old, and Sir Ahmadu Bello was four at the time. Sir Tafawa Balewa was also two years old, while Dr. Michael Okpara Okara was not even born at the time. Tell, me, were Okotie Eboh, Margaret Ekpo, Ransome Kuti and others there at the time?

Just as the British created Nigeria without creating Nigerians, much of what has transpired in Nigeria – more especially since after the civil war – bespeaks a reinforcement of many things we should have reviewed, changed or improved upon. Many of the initial missteps have been cheerfully nurtured in such a way that many cannot even begin to imagine that they were wrong to begin with.

As I had cause to say on this page on 28th October 2016: “We have been building a mansion on quicksand and with pillars of straw. The soil, quicksand as it is, is further infested with two species of ants, called presumption and nepotism. These ants, which feed exclusively on straw, have been nibbling away for decades. They have left us with a hollow and painted frame that conceals a lie. This lie has been on parade for decades. It is described as an architectural masterpiece by casual observers. An architectural masterpiece that is not designed to withstand the wind? Now that the whirlwind has come, and the elements are in their element, radical modifications (in design and material) have become necessary”.

One thing is clear today. That is the fact that we need to be honest with ourselves, but completely so. Is our country standing on truthful acknowledgement of its problems today?  Are the business and political elite not cheerfully carrying on as if all is well? Now that the nation can be said to have a new generation that no longer knows the difference between right and wrong for sure, should we expect El Dorado any time soon? I think not.

 Therefore, let us pause and recalibrate. The 16 years of PDP, building on decades of questionable leadership paradigms, did much damage to this country. The eight years of Buhari capped every conceivable form of maleficence in in our national leadership history.

The two dominant parties are, today, a hybrid mesh made of an amalgam of un-detangle-able components. Many members of each or both parties have moved not less than three times into and out of both parties. It’s all in the news. But just as there is often not truth in the news, major political actors see not news in the truth.

So, can we, as Nigerians, still dare to be honest about the things that really matter? Can we see that the long hand of misconduct and complicity have stretched across generations to still dog our every move and step today? Are we seeing ourselves painfully reaping the results of years of diligent misconduct and thoughtlessness?

Are we paying attention to the fact that most religious leaders are leading many away from their Creator and are not helping matters in this country? Are we honest enough to say that the Federal Government, as constituted today, is only also product of its won history? Just asking.

The pre-appearance formalities were pretty straightforward. I had gone to the website of the Nigerian Immigration Services, filled the passport renewal form online; uploaded the data page of my expired passport and my age declaration (only few people of my generation have birth certificates); and paid the princely sum of one hundred and four thousand Naira online for the renewal of my passport for ten years.

Almost immediately, the efficient Nigerian Immigration Services, promptly sent to my email a copy of the filled form; payment receipt and an appointment date for the capturing of my biodata.

 

It sounded unbelievable!

I offered silent prayers to the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, and the Comptroller General of the NIS, Kemi Nanna Nandap.

I then proceeded to the Alimosho Immigration Centre for the biometric capturing.

Getting a parking space was the first hurdle I had to cross. Mercifully, there are about four eateries around the area, so their security guards do brisk business by allowing visitors to the passport office to use their car park.

Of course, as soon as you approach the NIS gate, passport agents swarm over you, offering their services. I ignored them.

On approaching the front desk, the female immigration officer appeared surprised that I was armed with my printed form, appointment letter and my payment receipt.

“Who filled this form for you?”, she queried. I gave her a quizzical look.

“Did you fill the form yourself?” I nodded.

She grudgingly collected the papers from me and waved me to a seat under a shed, where I was in the company with other passport seekers.

I came prepared for a long wait. I had a novel, a phone charger and refreshments. Didn’t our elders say the vulture is a patient bird?

I looked around and fixed my gaze on the various inscriptions on the wall.

I began to read them one after the other: “Every interaction with you brightens our day.”

Really?

“You are not just customers, you are family. Thank you for being the reason we love what we do.”

Interesting!

Voices complaining that some officers were bringing in people who had just come or who were not on the queue interrupted my thoughts. I wasn’t bothered.

Nothing unusual, if you ask me.

I returned my gaze to the wall. I love the inscriptions: “Quality is your right; your feedback helps us grow.”

Yet another one: “Big thank you to our amazing customers. We truly appreciate your patronage.”

All these by civil servants!

Not done: “Your support means the world to us, thank you for being an incredible part of our journey.”

A thought crept into my mind: In this Tinubu economy, what kind of support are these immigration officers referring to?

A phone call interrupted my thoughts.

“Editor, you are a Prophet! You said yesterday that the Man U coach would be sacked and now, he has been sacked.”

I checked my time, it was 4pm. I had spent seven hours sitting, just to capture my face on camera.

I was called in and spent barely five minutes.

And asked to come in January to pick up the passport.

No sweat!

No plans to travel soon except I win a lottery!

But I must confess that the officials were firm, polite and professional, working under difficult conditions.

There were only two cameras to serve hundreds of applicants.

The authority may consider sending at least three more cameras to that office: one for the exclusive use of children, one for senior citizens and one for VIPs.

That’s what all civilised countries do!

 

Today, we gather not only to celebrate an important milestone — the 25th anniversary of the Women Trafficking and Child Labour Eradication Foundation, known affectionately as WOTCLEF —  but also to honour a vision that has reshaped the landscape of human rights and social justice in Nigeria.

Before I begin, I want to extend my heartfelt gratitude to each of you for being here today. Your presence underscores your commitment to eradicating the horrific realities of human trafficking and child labour, as well as your steadfast support for the rights of women and children in our nation.

 

The Journey of WOTCLEF

Twenty-five years ago, in 1999, our journey commenced. It was a year of transformative promise — a year that heralded not just the dawn of a new democracy, but also the emergence of a beacon of hope for our most vulnerable. WOTCLEF arose from a profound need for change, to confront the grim realities faced by so many, where the innocent often fell victim to human trafficking, child labour, and abuse. 

At the heart of this initiative was my beloved wife, Her Excellency Amina Titi Atiku Abubakar, who recognized the urgency to become a voice for the voiceless upon my swearing-in as Vice President.

As I stand here today, I am filled with pride and admiration for Titi. Her unwavering dedication to combating human trafficking and child labour has changed countless lives. She did not merely witness the suffering of women and children; she took decisive action to lead the charge for change.

Faced with the ravages of the HIV/AIDS epidemic and the scars left by years of military dictatorship, Titi envisioned a better future—a future where democratic governance reignites hope and empowers every individual to reclaim their dignity and rights. WOTCLEF stands as a testament not only to her compassion but also to the transformative power of our democratic journey.

Reflecting on our past, let us acknowledge the incredible strides made through this organization and its partners. Thanks to WOTCLEF’s advocacy, we witnessed the establishment of NAPTIP—the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons and Other Related Matters. This agency has become a vital ally in our national fight against the heinous crime of trafficking.

I take this moment to express our profound gratitude to members of both Chambers of the National Assembly, for their decisive action on July 7, 2003, in passing the WOTCLEF-sponsored private member bill that laid the foundation for the Trafficking in Persons (Prohibition) Law Enforcement and Administration Act 2003, which birthed NAPTIP. This legislative milestone prioritized the protection of our most vulnerable citizens.

Furthermore, I want to extend our profound and most heartfelt appreciation to President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007) for his swift assent to the WOTCLEF bill, which prohibited women trafficking and child labour in Nigeria. His courageous leadership fostered the environment that energized WOTCLEF’s mission, reinforcing our democratic values while delivering vital hope to our downtrodden communities.

Subsequent Nigerian Presidents have carried forward this noble effort, recognizing the urgency of combating women trafficking and child labour. They diligently scrutinized the 2003 Act, leading to its repeal and re-enactment on March 26, 2015, by President Muhammadu Buhari, which re-established NAPTIP as a federal agency devoted to fighting the most egregious violations of women’s and children’s rights. 

Together, these actions highlight the strength of collaborative governance, and our collective will to build a safer, fairer society for all.

As we celebrate WOTCLEF’s achievements, let us also recognize the intangible gifts it has bestowed upon our society:

1. Awareness and Education: WOTCLEF has tirelessly campaigned at all levels, raising awareness about the harsh realities of human trafficking and child labour, educating countless individuals about their rights and available resources.

2. Partnerships: The foundation has forged invaluable partnerships with local and international organizations, NGOs, and development agencies, uniting resources and expertise to effect meaningful change.

3. Rescue and Rehabilitation: Most importantly, WOTCLEF has been pivotal in rescuing and rehabilitating victims, restoring hope and dignity to lives shattered by exploitation.

Yet, our work is far from complete. As we celebrate the triumphs of WOTCLEF over the past 25 years, we must also confront the challenges that lie ahead. The journey to eradicate human trafficking and child labour remains fraught with obstacles, and it is our collective responsibility to tackle them.

1. Awareness and Education: Despite our progress, many Nigerians remain unaware of the signs and consequences of trafficking and child labour. We must enhance our outreach efforts, particularly in rural areas where ignorance and poverty abound.

2. Resources and Funding: The fight demands substantial resources—both financial and human. We need continued funding for prevention programs, community support initiatives, and legal aid for victims.

3. Strengthening Law Enforcement: Effective law enforcement is critical. We must provide ongoing training and support to law enforcement agencies to ensure they can effectively identify, investigate, and prosecute perpetrators.

4. Addressing Root Causes: Poverty and lack of opportunity fuel trafficking. We must adopt comprehensive approaches to tackle the socio-economic factors that contribute to these issues, such as gender inequality and insufficient access to education and healthcare.

5. Advocacy and Policy Reform: While we’ve made progress, continuous advocacy is vital to enforce existing laws and develop new policies that prioritize the protection of vulnerable populations.

As WOTCLEF navigates these challenges, let us draw strength from the shared vision that unites us. Together, we have the power to create a Nigeria free from the grips of human trafficking—where every woman and child can live in safety, dignity, and hope. 

Each of us has a role to play, no matter how small, in this essential endeavour.

To Her Excellency Amina Titi Atiku Abubakar, thank you for your indomitable spirit and for your unwavering belief in the possibility of change. Your legacy is one of compassion, resilience, and impact.

Together, let us commemorate this milestone and renew our commitment to the vision of WOTCLEF—a vision that will guide us resolutely into a brighter future. 

Let us continue advocating for policies that protect the rights of women and children, challenging systemic inequalities, and eradicating the scourge of child labour.

Today, we recommit ourselves to these efforts. Let us draw inspiration from Titi’s legacy of service, her unwavering courage, and her resolute spirit. 

As we look ahead, let us harness our collective strength to engage all segments of society —governments, businesses, and communities —advocating for actionable solutions that uplift our most vulnerable citizens. In the years to come, I am confident that Nigerians will build upon the foundation laid by Her Excellency Titi and the compassionate individuals dedicated to WOTCLEF’s mission. 

Let us ensure that no child is denied an education and that no woman suffers through trafficking and exploitation in silence. Let us eliminate the shadows of trafficking and exploitation from our society. Let us unite in purpose and action. Together, we can forge a future where dignity, justice, and hope triumph for every Nigerian.

Thank you for being part of this celebration, and for your dedication to this noble cause. Together, let us continue the fight, empowering our citizens and building the society we dreamed of.

Thank you.


 Atiku Abubakar’s speech at the 25th Anniversary of WOTCLEF at the Women Development Centre in Abuja.

Nigeria is doddering on the edge of never-before-seen economic desolation, but President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration’s major preoccupation is not to bring ministration to a badly hurting nation but to prosecute harmless, impoverished, malnourished, and undernourished minors of northern Nigerian origin who, months ago, joined millions of Nigerians to protest for their right to a life without crippling poverty and fear, for which the only reply from the state has been detention and starvation.

Yesterday, social media platforms were suffused with piteous, nerve-wracking videos and photos of four malnourished minors—kids in their early teens whose bones bear witness to weeks in captivity—who collapsed in a courtroom in Abuja. Their fragile, pity-inducing bodies provide evidence of the brutal conditions they’ve endured in jail. It was an unmitigated scandal, a total embarrassment, a tear-jerking spectacle.

What intolerably rank insanity is this? What halfway sensible government would arrest, imprison, and then publicly try its underage children just because they stood against the unendurable economic tyranny that has pushed millions of Nigerians into incalculable torment?

 
 

These children didn’t rise up in protest because they were troublemakers. They rose because they were hungry. They saw, in their communities, a growing tide of desperation and despair brought about by a series of misguided neoliberal policies that have squeezed every last drop of dignity from their lives.

The #EndBadGovernance protest was not an act of rebellion for the sake of anarchy or for the overthrow of the Tinubu administration. It was a scream for survival in a country that has turned a deaf ear to its poorest, youngest, most vulnerable citizens. The children joined the protest, not because they were instigators, but because they are the victims of policies that have crushed them and their parents.

Now, Tinubu is prosecuting these poor children’s audacity to feel hunger, their nerve to protest against it, and their courage to ask for a better future.

Yes, young Nigerians, weakened by malnutrition, denuded of hope by unceasingly mounting prices, and drained by the unyielding fear that Nigeria’s streets are now safer than its government, are being hauled into court as though they were hard-boiled criminals. There is no parallel for this that I can recall in Nigeria in my lifetime.

How hollow must we be, as a society, to accept that the government’s solution to rising dissent and desperation is to prosecute the youth it has left to wither? This is not governance; this is a callous persecution masquerading as law and order.

The logic is Kafkaesque: punish the hungry, hush up the desperate, and maybe, just maybe, the problem will go away. But hunger and despair don’t disappear when you throw a child in jail. Poverty doesn’t vanish when you suppress a protest. The anger and frustration simmer, unaddressed, until they spill over.

I couldn’t hold back tears at the sight of five minors, weak from hunger, fainting as they were called to stand trial. It’s a sight that would shame even the most despotic regimes.

Here were young Nigerians, handcuffed by a state that refuses to feed, clothe, or educate them, collapsing before their accusers as if in silent protest, their very bodies speaking louder than any courtroom defense ever could.

Even lawyers and court officials, perhaps briefly awakened from the stupor of compliance, rushed to assist them. But as the immediate shock subsided, what remained was an undeniable truth: Nigeria’s youth are being starved, punished, and brought to the brink, not for crimes, but for demanding their right to survive in a country that fails them at every turn.

At the heart of this blot on Nigeria’s escutcheon is a government that seems more beholden to the dictates of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank than to the needs of its own people. President Bola Tinubu’s administration has followed the familiar playbook of austerity and subsidy removal, but without the slightest regard for the human cost.

Inflation is climbing, prices are soaring, the naira is plunging, hope is walking away, and the nation is dying. Families cannot afford basic sustenance, the middle class is disappearing, the poor are being crushed beyond the bounds of tolerance, and the nation’s youth, who see no future in the darkening landscape, are told to keep silent or face untoward consequences.

These poor, hapless children are not the problem. The government’s own policies are the problem. As I have pointed out repeatedly in multiple columns, the unbending loyalty to IMF austerity measures and “economic reforms” that do nothing but deepen poverty and widen the gulf between the haves and have-nots are the problem.

So why are these policies, and those who enforce them, not on trial instead? Why are the architects of this economic catastrophe not being called to account for the collapse of hope and opportunity?

The prosecution’s temporary suspension of trial of the four, after the children slumped in the courtroom, is not mercy; it is an insult. A government that detains minors for protesting unexampled economic adversity has already lost the moral high ground.

The temporary reprieve is nothing more than a bureaucratic sleight of hand, a way to postpone the embarrassment without addressing the real atrocity: the inhumane treatment of minors for daring to stand up against systemic injustice.

In a twist of poetic irony, the administration’s heavy-handed tactics reveal a fearful truth: the voices of Nigeria’s youth are a threat to the powerful. It is their courage, their unyielding desire for a better future, that sends tremors through the halls of power.

Instead of seeing these children as a spark of hope, a chance for renewal, the government has chosen to crush that spirit. These young people are Nigeria’s conscience, and by silencing them, the state only exposes the depths of its own desperation and degeneration.

Where is the humanity, the leadership, the understanding that a nation’s youth are its most precious resource? The Tinubu government must immediately end this untenably appalling charade of prosecuting minors who have the misfortune of being born in desperately poor homes.

It should release these children to their families forthwith. What the kids need is food, opportunity, and security, not prosecution. They are the voices of a generation calling out for empathy, action, and understanding, not retribution. Their cries are not a threat; they are a call to conscience, a summons to a government that has seemingly lost its way in the maze of worthless economic jargon and self-created fiscal constraints.

Let the children heal and live free of the fear that their hunger and hardship will be met with chains. The government must prioritize people over inhuman policies dictated by distant, no-good, vampiric financial institutions in Washington. It must recognize that these policies have consequences, consequences borne not by politicians and their cronies but by millions of Nigerians who struggle daily to survive.

For every child in that courtroom, for every young voice silenced by detention, Nigeria loses a part of its soul. Let this be a warning to those in power: the future is watching, and history will remember which leaders chose compassion over cruelty, justice over vengeance.

Because if a nation’s children cannot protest peacefully without fear of reprisal if their hunger is not a call to action but an excuse for punishment, then the government itself stands on trial—and it is failing spectacularly.