I share some similarities with Comrade Jola Ogunlusi. Before 1996, we were both from the old Ondo state. I am from Idanre in Idanre local government of Ondo state, while he is from Esun Ekiti in Ikole local government Area of Ekiti state. Longevity runs in his family. His father died at the age of 131 while his grandmother died at the age of 122. His mother died at the age of 110. He is just 90.

He grew up with his grandmother Princess Oguntuka also from a royal family but married to Oba Adumure, Elesun of Esun-Ekiti.

At that time only two of his mother’s children survived, himself and Mrs Idowu Aruleba, mother of Gbenga Aruleba of African Independent Television (AIT). He was given many Abiku names which he jettisoned later and adopted Emmanuel Ajibola-Iya.

He attended different schools in Odo-Oke, Aiyedun and Esun-Ekiti and finally completed his standard six in 1953. There was no job for a year. He was going to the farm with his father.

But from 1955 to 1958, he was a teacher. His first salary was 48pounds per annum. It was later increased to 56pounds a year with arrears. From his salary, he bought a bicycle which he rode to school. It was a fine, well-decorated bicycle.

His preference was to study Medicine at the University. An incident motivated him. In 1955 when he was a teacher, they sent him to his only sister, Idowu, who was ill.

He returned home late in the day. They had already presumed she was dead. He went into the room, took her hand and noticed she was warm. He used his knowledge of first aid to remove the mucus that blocked her nostrils. Then she started breathing.

Comrade Ogunlusi worked in Iroyin Yoruba, Daily Sketch, Gbohun Gbohun Nigerian Tribune and New Nigerian. He worked with Lamp magazine and also wrote for the African Arik published by the University of California.

In 1977, he rose to be the National secretary of the NUJ.

In 1972, I joined the Nigerian Tribune as a reporter. We worked under our then Managing Director, Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande (23 July 1929-11 February 2021), who was later elected governor of Lagos state in 1979.

 Those of us in the Tribune then were Mr. Osugbohun, Alfred Ilere, Soji Alakuro, Mufu Akinloye, Tope Orimoloye, Toye Akiyode (Agosco), Dan Ikuniaye, Bode Oyewole, Bayo Osiyemi, Folu Olamiti, Kayode Osifeso and others, while our news editor was Fola Oredoyin. Our Editor then was Ikhan Yakubu and our editor in chief was Mr. Kayode Bakare.

 Incidentally in 1975, I was elected the western state secretary of the NUJ. A plaque is at the press centre in Ibadan today to remind us all.

I was the last person to hold that post till Oyo, Ogun and Ondo states were created on February 13, 1976 by General Murtala Mohammed GCFR (8 November 1938 – 13 February 1976). After the creation of states, there was pressure on us to sell the assets of the Western state NUJ including the present press club in Ibadan. We resisted the pressure. That is why the press centre still belong to the journalists today.

During that time, there were newspapers and there were newspapers. That was before THISDAY, DAILY TRUST, THE NATION, THE NATIONAL CONCORD, THE VANGUARD, THE PUNCH, THE SUN, DAILY TELEGRAPH, DAILY INDEPENDENT, PILOT, THE MATRIX, BUSINESS DAY, THE POINT, LEADERSHIP and other reigning newspapers of today, were established.

At that time, we had THE NIGERIAN STANDARD in Jos, THE CHRONICLE in Calabar, THE NIGERIAN TIDE in Port Harcourt, THE NIGERIAN OBSERVER in Benin city, THE DAILY SKETCH in Ibadan, THE NIGERIAN HERALD later in Ilorin, THE NEW NIGERIAN in Kaduna and the powerful DAILY TIMES in Lagos.

During this period, THE DAILY TIMES was the most circulated. There was a column in the New Nigerian then called CANDIDO. It was during this period that the celebrant of today worked in the New Nigerian. CANDIDO was a must read for decision makers in Nigeria.

To its credit, THE NEW NIGERIAN has produced outstanding journalists in this country. Among whom were Alhaji Mamma Daura, Alhaji Adamu Ciroma, the present Monarch of Badagry, Oba Babatunde  Akran, Aholu Menu Toyi 1, Mr Mike Pearce, Alhaji Mohammed Haruna, Owolabi Ilori, Nat Balogun, Alaja Browne, Yakubu Mohammed, Nkem Agetua, Yinka Guedon, Clement Eluaka, Mr Tayo Kehinde, Alhaji Adamu Adamu, Chief Olugbayo Ogunleye, Mr. Gboyega Amoboye alias THE GOVERNOR, who is today the Chairman of Lagos wing of Veteran Journalists, Alhaji Turi Mohammed, Mr. Nvendaga Jibo, Mr. Stephen Bamigbele, Mr. Ndanusa Alao, Clem Baiye, Dan Agbese, Abba Dabo, James Jukwe, Moses Olorode, Alaye Gbenoba, Clement Agba, Buka Zarma, Buki Wilson, Adebola Idowu, Yinka Dagunduro, Sehinde Dagunduroro, Biola Ajoni, Victor Awogu, Otunba Segun Runsewe, Dayo Onibile, Fola Asiru and so many of them.

To count on positive things that newspapers have done for this country is like counting on the number of times the rain has fallen in a year. Let me refer to one, that still affect us today.

In January 1970, the DAILY TIMES published an editorial pleading that Nigeria must adopt left hand drive policy.

On January 30 of that year, the then head of state, General Yakubu Gowon GCFR (89), inaugurated a commission, to deal with the issue. The commission was headed by the then Chief Executive of The Daily Times, Alhaji Babatunde Jose (13 December 1925- 2 August 2008).

In March 1972, the then Minister of Works and Housing, whose Ministry was in charge of Transportation, Alhaji Femi Okunnu announced that with effect from Sunday, April 2, 1972, Nigeria would operate left hand policy. The policy is still operating till today unlike what operates in some Commonwealth countries like United Kingdom, Kenya, Australia, Uganda and South Africa.

I have spoken from the viewpoint of a newspaper man. I hope outstanding radio and television journalists like Mr. Gbenga Onayiga, Bayo Awosemo, Sola Atere, Bayo Adewusi, Vera Ifudu, Emman Okondo, Bisi Olatilo, Adebayo Bodunrin, Bola Oyeladun, Frank Olize, John Momoh, Nduka Obaigbena, Jimi Disu, Jones Usen, Chris Anyanwu, Jumoke Susan Fajana(now based in London), Yori Folarin, Mac Amarere, Lekan Alabi, Abike Dabiri, Bankole Laotan, Blossom Ubani, Augusta Maduegbuna, Seun Okibaloye, Stella Din Jacob, Ladi Lawal and so many others who are either here or here in spirit or have departed, will pardon me.

A journalist is a person who gathers information in the form of text, audio or pictures, process it into a newsworthy form and disseminates it to the public. 

Journalists can be broadcast, print, advertising or public relations personnel. Depending on the form of journalism, “journalist” may also describe various categories of people by the roles they play in the process. These includes reporters, correspondents, citizen journalist, editors, editorial writers, columnists and photojournalists.

A reporter is a type of journalist who researches, writes and reports on information in order to present using sources. This may entail conducting interviews, information-gathering and/or writing articles. Reporters may split their time between working in a newsroom, from home or outside to witness events or interviewing people. Reporters may be assigned a specific beat (area of coverage).

I see journalism as a way to learn more every day and try to work on my ignorance and understand the difference ways of life and how people live. Curiosity motivates every journalist. If you want to know the impact of a journalist just stay a day without listening to the news both in the radio, television or newspapers. It’s as if you are in a prison yard.

Our job is a noble profession. After waking up every morning, checking on his health and offering his prayers, the next thing an average journalist does is to listen to the news or read the papers. It is a very interesting routine.

Journalists always strive to be fair, accurate, and complete.

Fair means being fair to the evidence. A good rule of thumb is the more evidence you have, the less balance you need.

Accurate means verifying all the information in the story and being transparent about what you know, how you know it and what you don’t know. It also means remembering that journalistic truth is provisional. Like scientific truth, it changes over time as more evidence becomes available.

Complete means learning as much about the story through as wide an array of sources as possible so you can include a range of relevant and diverse points of view.

In the civil service if you reach the age of sixty or put in thirty-five years of service, you are to retire. And when you retire in the service you will collect your gratuity and continue to live on your pension. But in our profession, we do not retire. There is no such thing as a former journalist. There is no age limit to the practice of journalism.

The body that invited us to this lecture is called LEAGUE OF VETERAN JOURNALISTS. League means an association of persons or group united by common interests or goals. It could also mean fellowship or solidarity while a veteran means a person who has had long experience in a particular field or job. It is not a league of retired journalists.

The topic given to me is to speak on LIFE AFTER RETIREMENT FOR JOURNALISTS. I have been ruminating on the subject. And I doubt whether journalists really retire. I think the topic should have been LIFE WHEN JOURNALISTS STOP GOING TO OFFICES.

I remember a refrain that says OLD SOLDIERS NEVER DIE, THEY SIMPLY FADE AWAY. It originates from a stanza from the soldiers’ folklore song Old Soldiers Never Die. In the United States, the phrase was used by General Douglas MacArthur in his April 19, 1951 farewell address to the U.S. Congress (which has become known as the “Old Soldiers Never Die” speech).

Journalists are like old soldiers. They don’t really retire they just fade away when the time comes. They are active till the end if their health can sustain them. If journalists retire why should Chief Olusegun Osoba at 85, the twice elected governor of Ogun state be reporting till today. If journalists retire why should veterans like Chief Tola Adeniyi, Sam Omatseye, Dan Agbese, Dele Sobowale, Lanre Idowu, Reuben Abati, Magnus Ibe, Bunmi Sofola, Dupe Ajayi, Medline Tador, Comfort Obi, Tunde Fagbenle, Azuibike Ishiekwene, Kayode Komolafe, Yakubu Mohammed, Ray Ekpu, Soji Akinrinade, Lade Bonuola, Bayo Osiyemi, Ayo Akinkuotu, Dare Babarinsa, Dayo Sobowale, Martins Oloja, Muyiwa Adetiba and many others still be writing columns. The truth is that journalists have an active mind. They may not be rich but they perform essential services to the world.

An average journalist has a little knowledge of everything. Although his services may not be appreciated but he or she takes satisfaction in rendering services to the world. I am proud to be a journalist.

But when we stop going to offices, we still take part in communal services to the society either in the church, mosque, communities where we live or in society generally. Some write books and hardly can you find a journalist that does not read books.

In the last two decades, technology has sparked seismic shifts in journalism. Three developments stand out: the internet, mobile devices and social media. Together, they have changed the accessibility, creation and delivery of journalism. Today, almost every adult in Nigeria connects to the internet and social media through a digital service. Their extensive use makes it easy to forget that these technologies are relatively new to our daily lives.

The old journalism that we grew up with is more or less dead, thanks to advancements in technology, a new branch has emerged—digital journalism.

New organisations now use multiple media platforms to publish content online, including: websites and blogs, mobile apps, podcasts, data analysis and visualisations, photos and videos, social media, augmented reality and interactive web experiences.

Digital media has created exciting opportunities for journalists to produce and share their stories.

In Nigeria today, social media has become a powerful source of digital news. It cannot be ignored.

The widespread consumption of social media means journalists need the skills to: connect with audiences on the most popular platforms; report in real-time on the various social platforms–this involves critical and creative thinking about the most appropriate media for each platform and build a personal brand on social media.

With this development, an active journalist must adapt to this new technology and it is impossible to retire as a journalist. Journalism is a developing profession. The public’s growing preference for digital media means that digital journalism skills are now imperative. Journalists must be able to strategically use digital storytelling tools to connect with audiences on various platforms. This means thinking critically and creatively about the best forms of media to serve the target audience.

Since most Journalists can’t take part in the only lucrative business in the country now—Party Politics—they should exploit the opportunities offered by digital journalism. The opportunities are very wide. As a matter of fact, some journalists have seized on the opportunities, some of them are now bloggers and they do it from the comfort of their homes. Life itself is a continuity. You cannot withdraw from life as long as your health can still sustain you.

I can tell you blogging it’s a rewarding way to hone your writing skills, explore new ideas and build an online presence that revolves around your passions and expertise. You’ll get the chance to inspire, educate, and entertain your readers—and as your blog grows, you can even start making money and turn it into a full-time job or use it to start a business.

In other words, blogging is the first step toward finally pursuing your dream job or favorite hobby, so you really can’t go wrong. While starting a blog might seem daunting, I’m going to walk you through every step to make it as smooth and successful as possible. The process is actually quite easy, and you’ll have your blog up and running, as well as your first blog post written, before you know it. When the journalist was regularly going to the office in his prime time, the family was the victim for lack of time, care and neglect. Now that the journalist no longer go to the office, he or she must find time for his or her family—the kids and the grandchildren.

As we all know, the family is the most important thing in this world. Family is important because if offers emotional support, nurtures a feeling of belonging , encourages educational growth, and fosters cognitive development. A family meets diverse needs throughout the various phases of life, from infancy through old age. A good family is a source of emotional support and unconditional love. Families shape an individual’s identity and belonging from old age. As social creatures, belonging to a group is important for our self-concept. Families provide a sense of social identity, a sense of self, and a feeling that we belong to something larger than ourselves.

Families instill values, beliefs, and norms in children that support a peaceful, well-functioning society. They teach kids fundamental social skills like language, customs, roles, and norms. They also shape children’s prosocial behaviors like cooperation, respect, and contribution to the community. Well-socialised children grow into productive adult citizens. I don’t think there is a better alternative than a good family. No matter the power, money and fame, there is no better prize than the family. Family adds value to life.

A man who descends on a full keg of palm wine with a drinking cup and empties the contents into his innards, has written down his name in the list of those who may fall into the gutter on their way home. That is even if he actually makes it home at all after such an impressive performance at a drinking joint. He may simply fall by the wayside on his way out, or by the roadside somewhere, and sleep for hours on end.

He was the one who drank himself silly. It was he who did not have to finish the keg of palm wine, but chose to do so. Therefore, he should be held responsible if he later found himself rakishly ensconced in the untidy recesses of the public drainage system. Yes, he then has no one but himself to hold responsible for being at his new-found temporary abode.

It would be both foolish and absurd for such a person to later prance out of the gutter and declare that it was the handiwork of his enemies. He did not have to finish the keg of palm wine in one fell swoop, did he? Even if someone bough it for him, and he did not spend his own money. It was still his duty to exercise discretion as he was navigating the inebriating contents of the keg to his mouth.

But what did he do? He took violent possession of the keg of palm wine, chuckled to himself and downed the drink with reckless enthusiasm. If, later the next day, he staggers out of wherever he may have ended up and spent some hours in his drunken state, he must tell himself the truth. To cook up some delusional tale, wherein he would blame whoever or whatever catches his fancy, is simply to say that he is not yet ready to move from his unedifying circumstance and predicament.

And we are at that time in our national life when it has become impossible for us to sustain a lie that has acquired a life of its own. We are confronted on all sides with undeniable, irrevocable and incontrovertible ‘brute facts’ that put every attempt at self deception to shame. Yes! But should we refuse to admit the obvious, even to ourselves? Should we not now give up the denial and come to terms with what we really are, and where we really are today. If we choose, instead to say “Anything  but the truth”, for how long would we be able to sustain that?

A lost fight from the beginning, if you ask me. But many never give up on folly.

So, let us reason together about out current situation in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. It seems to me that we are reaping what we had been sowing decade after decade since the 1960s. Whoever puts a lot of energy into doing anything, whether right or wrong, will get results that are commensurate with his endeavours with time.

And we are all facing situations that took time to create and sustain. It is alright to pretend not to know that we are all collectively responsible for what is going on in this our season of reaping. It is also even easy to speak of ‘them’ as responsible for the terrible fruits we are harvesting, without half a thought for our reprehensible diligence of monumental proportions.

Many who, as young public servants or soldiers in our national life introduced many questionable things and got away with what they did many decades ago, are now the very old men. Many of them are still in our midst. They helped to create the Nigeria we are living in today. If you look at the massive wealth of some of them, please remember that you are not supposed to ask whether they would have been so wealthy if they did not hold the reigns of power at one level or the other. Do not also ask if their wealth can be described as ‘earned’ wealth?

And many of them are elder statesmen and women today. They have been so called for decades now. Was such eldership and statesmanship truly earned, or did it come via presumption and self-inflation? They meant well in many things they conceived and tried to do, decades ago. But how much of the nation’s troubles of today are not traceable to many of their good intentions?

Go back in history to the arrival of the British traders. Think of how the West African Frontier force established by the colonial traders became autonomous, in terms of complete disregard of indigenous and original communal norms. The concepts of traditional authority, cultural norms, inherited notion of right and wrong, etc., gave way to totally alien paradigms. These paradigms derived their validity, authenticity and credibility from the mere pronouncements of the conquering white man. Nothing more!

The resulting societal disorientation was not long in coming. And this disorientation was reinforced by almost every other thing that followed thereafter. A look at our national politics, including the military versions of same, bear the undeniable stamps of this existential violation that came with the British. It got nurtured for decades by the local replacements of the Brish rulers. The harvests are here, though; but in ways many do not see. That is because we speak of “regimes” and political parties, without paying attention to the fact that it is one single malaise with many mutations that we have been facing all along.

The Northern and Southern Protectorates of Nigeria were created in order to improve colonial control of the grabbed land and wealth of the various peoples of the area.  Then came the Amalgamation of 1914, which collapsed the Protectorates into one. Then eventually came the official, and globally celebrated, Declaration of Independence. This declaration, and all the ceremonies associated with it, did not give the new Nigeria either economic or political independence.

It also did not, in any way, make one people out of the peoples of the original Protectorates. And we ended up fighting a civil war, with the official declaration of an end to the civil war not ending the continuation of that war by other means. The creation of states did not solve the problems many expected it to solve.

As more states were created in order to address the ever-emerging, and expanding, problems of marginalization and minority representation, more individuals and groups came out to demand for the further carving up of Nigeria. The demand is still very much alive today, as I write.

Thus, as we now stagger about, blaming first PDP and, later, APC for our woes, let us not forget that those who created Nigeria did not in any way provide this new creation with ‘Nigerians’. The processes that were leading to the emergence of genuine Nigerians were truncated by a senseless mutiny. This ill-advised, amateurish and pointedly naive intervention was made all the more reprehensible by its complete ignorance of how the state works.

Just look around you and think of the past I have tried to capture in broad strove in the above paragraphs. Is our country not still wearing some of the trappings that can best be associated with a child of curious, or even questionable, primogeniture and ancestry?

Just think of the Treaty carving out Cattle Grazing Route decades ago. It marked out and approved such routes without any consultations with the various peoples and communities affected. Is there a better example of an unmodified application of what the British enacted earlier around here? It was the British, and not the peoples in the region they called Nigeria, that designed and signed the Amalgamation document.

Consider the following, in order to get the point in perspective: Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe was ten years old in 1914 when the Amalgamation document came into effect. Chief Obafemi Awolowo was two years old, and Sir Ahmadu Bello was four at the time. Sir Tafawa Balewa was also two years old, while Dr. Michael Okpara Okara was not even born at the time. Tell, me, were Okotie Eboh, Margaret Ekpo, Ransome Kuti and others there at the time?

Just as the British created Nigeria without creating Nigerians, much of what has transpired in Nigeria – more especially since after the civil war – bespeaks a reinforcement of many things we should have reviewed, changed or improved upon. Many of the initial missteps have been cheerfully nurtured in such a way that many cannot even begin to imagine that they were wrong to begin with.

As I had cause to say on this page on 28th October 2016: “We have been building a mansion on quicksand and with pillars of straw. The soil, quicksand as it is, is further infested with two species of ants, called presumption and nepotism. These ants, which feed exclusively on straw, have been nibbling away for decades. They have left us with a hollow and painted frame that conceals a lie. This lie has been on parade for decades. It is described as an architectural masterpiece by casual observers. An architectural masterpiece that is not designed to withstand the wind? Now that the whirlwind has come, and the elements are in their element, radical modifications (in design and material) have become necessary”.

One thing is clear today. That is the fact that we need to be honest with ourselves, but completely so. Is our country standing on truthful acknowledgement of its problems today?  Are the business and political elite not cheerfully carrying on as if all is well? Now that the nation can be said to have a new generation that no longer knows the difference between right and wrong for sure, should we expect El Dorado any time soon? I think not.

 Therefore, let us pause and recalibrate. The 16 years of PDP, building on decades of questionable leadership paradigms, did much damage to this country. The eight years of Buhari capped every conceivable form of maleficence in in our national leadership history.

The two dominant parties are, today, a hybrid mesh made of an amalgam of un-detangle-able components. Many members of each or both parties have moved not less than three times into and out of both parties. It’s all in the news. But just as there is often not truth in the news, major political actors see not news in the truth.

So, can we, as Nigerians, still dare to be honest about the things that really matter? Can we see that the long hand of misconduct and complicity have stretched across generations to still dog our every move and step today? Are we seeing ourselves painfully reaping the results of years of diligent misconduct and thoughtlessness?

Are we paying attention to the fact that most religious leaders are leading many away from their Creator and are not helping matters in this country? Are we honest enough to say that the Federal Government, as constituted today, is only also product of its won history? Just asking.

The pre-appearance formalities were pretty straightforward. I had gone to the website of the Nigerian Immigration Services, filled the passport renewal form online; uploaded the data page of my expired passport and my age declaration (only few people of my generation have birth certificates); and paid the princely sum of one hundred and four thousand Naira online for the renewal of my passport for ten years.

Almost immediately, the efficient Nigerian Immigration Services, promptly sent to my email a copy of the filled form; payment receipt and an appointment date for the capturing of my biodata.

It sounded unbelievable!

I offered silent prayers to the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, and the Comptroller General of the NIS, Kemi Nanna Nandap.

I then proceeded to the Alimosho Immigration Centre for the biometric capturing.

Getting a parking space was the first hurdle I had to cross. Mercifully, there are about four eateries around the area, so their security guards do brisk business by allowing visitors to the passport office to use their car park.

Of course, as soon as you approach the NIS gate, passport agents swarm over you, offering their services. I ignored them.

On approaching the front desk, the female immigration officer appeared surprised that I was armed with my printed form, appointment letter and my payment receipt.

“Who filled this form for you?”, she queried. I gave her a quizzical look.

“Did you fill the form yourself?” I nodded.

She grudgingly collected the papers from me and waved me to a seat under a shed, where I was in the company with other passport seekers.

I came prepared for a long wait. I had a novel, a phone charger and refreshments. Didn’t our elders say the vulture is a patient bird?

I looked around and fixed my gaze on the various inscriptions on the wall.

I began to read them one after the other: “Every interaction with you brightens our day.”

Really?

“You are not just customers, you are family. Thank you for being the reason we love what we do.”

Interesting!

Voices complaining that some officers were bringing in people who had just come or who were not on the queue interrupted my thoughts. I wasn’t bothered.

Nothing unusual, if you ask me.

I returned my gaze to the wall. I love the inscriptions: “Quality is your right; your feedback helps us grow.”

Yet another one: “Big thank you to our amazing customers. We truly appreciate your patronage.”

All these by civil servants!

Not done: “Your support means the world to us, thank you for being an incredible part of our journey.”

A thought crept into my mind: In this Tinubu economy, what kind of support are these immigration officers referring to?

A phone call interrupted my thoughts.

“Editor, you are a Prophet! You said yesterday that the Man U coach would be sacked and now, he has been sacked.”

I checked my time, it was 4pm. I had spent seven hours sitting, just to capture my face on camera.

I was called in and spent barely five minutes.

And asked to come in January to pick up the passport.

No sweat!

No plans to travel soon except I win a lottery!

But I must confess that the officials were firm, polite and professional, working under difficult conditions.

There were only two cameras to serve hundreds of applicants.

The authority may consider sending at least three more cameras to that office: one for the exclusive use of children, one for senior citizens and one for VIPs.

That’s what all civilised countries do!

Today, we gather not only to celebrate an important milestone — the 25th anniversary of the Women Trafficking and Child Labour Eradication Foundation, known affectionately as WOTCLEF —  but also to honour a vision that has reshaped the landscape of human rights and social justice in Nigeria.

Before I begin, I want to extend my heartfelt gratitude to each of you for being here today. Your presence underscores your commitment to eradicating the horrific realities of human trafficking and child labour, as well as your steadfast support for the rights of women and children in our nation.

The Journey of WOTCLEF

Twenty-five years ago, in 1999, our journey commenced. It was a year of transformative promise — a year that heralded not just the dawn of a new democracy, but also the emergence of a beacon of hope for our most vulnerable. WOTCLEF arose from a profound need for change, to confront the grim realities faced by so many, where the innocent often fell victim to human trafficking, child labour, and abuse. 

At the heart of this initiative was my beloved wife, Her Excellency Amina Titi Atiku Abubakar, who recognized the urgency to become a voice for the voiceless upon my swearing-in as Vice President.

As I stand here today, I am filled with pride and admiration for Titi. Her unwavering dedication to combating human trafficking and child labour has changed countless lives. She did not merely witness the suffering of women and children; she took decisive action to lead the charge for change.

Faced with the ravages of the HIV/AIDS epidemic and the scars left by years of military dictatorship, Titi envisioned a better future—a future where democratic governance reignites hope and empowers every individual to reclaim their dignity and rights. WOTCLEF stands as a testament not only to her compassion but also to the transformative power of our democratic journey.

Reflecting on our past, let us acknowledge the incredible strides made through this organization and its partners. Thanks to WOTCLEF’s advocacy, we witnessed the establishment of NAPTIP—the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons and Other Related Matters. This agency has become a vital ally in our national fight against the heinous crime of trafficking.

I take this moment to express our profound gratitude to members of both Chambers of the National Assembly, for their decisive action on July 7, 2003, in passing the WOTCLEF-sponsored private member bill that laid the foundation for the Trafficking in Persons (Prohibition) Law Enforcement and Administration Act 2003, which birthed NAPTIP. This legislative milestone prioritized the protection of our most vulnerable citizens.

Furthermore, I want to extend our profound and most heartfelt appreciation to President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007) for his swift assent to the WOTCLEF bill, which prohibited women trafficking and child labour in Nigeria. His courageous leadership fostered the environment that energized WOTCLEF’s mission, reinforcing our democratic values while delivering vital hope to our downtrodden communities.

Subsequent Nigerian Presidents have carried forward this noble effort, recognizing the urgency of combating women trafficking and child labour. They diligently scrutinized the 2003 Act, leading to its repeal and re-enactment on March 26, 2015, by President Muhammadu Buhari, which re-established NAPTIP as a federal agency devoted to fighting the most egregious violations of women’s and children’s rights. 

Together, these actions highlight the strength of collaborative governance, and our collective will to build a safer, fairer society for all.

As we celebrate WOTCLEF’s achievements, let us also recognize the intangible gifts it has bestowed upon our society:

1. Awareness and Education: WOTCLEF has tirelessly campaigned at all levels, raising awareness about the harsh realities of human trafficking and child labour, educating countless individuals about their rights and available resources.

2. Partnerships: The foundation has forged invaluable partnerships with local and international organizations, NGOs, and development agencies, uniting resources and expertise to effect meaningful change.

3. Rescue and Rehabilitation: Most importantly, WOTCLEF has been pivotal in rescuing and rehabilitating victims, restoring hope and dignity to lives shattered by exploitation.

Yet, our work is far from complete. As we celebrate the triumphs of WOTCLEF over the past 25 years, we must also confront the challenges that lie ahead. The journey to eradicate human trafficking and child labour remains fraught with obstacles, and it is our collective responsibility to tackle them.

1. Awareness and Education: Despite our progress, many Nigerians remain unaware of the signs and consequences of trafficking and child labour. We must enhance our outreach efforts, particularly in rural areas where ignorance and poverty abound.

2. Resources and Funding: The fight demands substantial resources—both financial and human. We need continued funding for prevention programs, community support initiatives, and legal aid for victims.

3. Strengthening Law Enforcement: Effective law enforcement is critical. We must provide ongoing training and support to law enforcement agencies to ensure they can effectively identify, investigate, and prosecute perpetrators.

4. Addressing Root Causes: Poverty and lack of opportunity fuel trafficking. We must adopt comprehensive approaches to tackle the socio-economic factors that contribute to these issues, such as gender inequality and insufficient access to education and healthcare.

5. Advocacy and Policy Reform: While we’ve made progress, continuous advocacy is vital to enforce existing laws and develop new policies that prioritize the protection of vulnerable populations.

As WOTCLEF navigates these challenges, let us draw strength from the shared vision that unites us. Together, we have the power to create a Nigeria free from the grips of human trafficking—where every woman and child can live in safety, dignity, and hope. 

Each of us has a role to play, no matter how small, in this essential endeavour.

To Her Excellency Amina Titi Atiku Abubakar, thank you for your indomitable spirit and for your unwavering belief in the possibility of change. Your legacy is one of compassion, resilience, and impact.

Together, let us commemorate this milestone and renew our commitment to the vision of WOTCLEF—a vision that will guide us resolutely into a brighter future. 

Let us continue advocating for policies that protect the rights of women and children, challenging systemic inequalities, and eradicating the scourge of child labour.

Today, we recommit ourselves to these efforts. Let us draw inspiration from Titi’s legacy of service, her unwavering courage, and her resolute spirit. 

As we look ahead, let us harness our collective strength to engage all segments of society —governments, businesses, and communities —advocating for actionable solutions that uplift our most vulnerable citizens. In the years to come, I am confident that Nigerians will build upon the foundation laid by Her Excellency Titi and the compassionate individuals dedicated to WOTCLEF’s mission. 

Let us ensure that no child is denied an education and that no woman suffers through trafficking and exploitation in silence. Let us eliminate the shadows of trafficking and exploitation from our society. Let us unite in purpose and action. Together, we can forge a future where dignity, justice, and hope triumph for every Nigerian.

Thank you for being part of this celebration, and for your dedication to this noble cause. Together, let us continue the fight, empowering our citizens and building the society we dreamed of.

Thank you.

 Atiku Abubakar’s speech at the 25th Anniversary of WOTCLEF at the Women Development Centre in Abuja.

Nigeria is doddering on the edge of never-before-seen economic desolation, but President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration’s major preoccupation is not to bring ministration to a badly hurting nation but to prosecute harmless, impoverished, malnourished, and undernourished minors of northern Nigerian origin who, months ago, joined millions of Nigerians to protest for their right to a life without crippling poverty and fear, for which the only reply from the state has been detention and starvation.

Yesterday, social media platforms were suffused with piteous, nerve-wracking videos and photos of four malnourished minors—kids in their early teens whose bones bear witness to weeks in captivity—who collapsed in a courtroom in Abuja. Their fragile, pity-inducing bodies provide evidence of the brutal conditions they’ve endured in jail. It was an unmitigated scandal, a total embarrassment, a tear-jerking spectacle.

What intolerably rank insanity is this? What halfway sensible government would arrest, imprison, and then publicly try its underage children just because they stood against the unendurable economic tyranny that has pushed millions of Nigerians into incalculable torment?

These children didn’t rise up in protest because they were troublemakers. They rose because they were hungry. They saw, in their communities, a growing tide of desperation and despair brought about by a series of misguided neoliberal policies that have squeezed every last drop of dignity from their lives.

The #EndBadGovernance protest was not an act of rebellion for the sake of anarchy or for the overthrow of the Tinubu administration. It was a scream for survival in a country that has turned a deaf ear to its poorest, youngest, most vulnerable citizens. The children joined the protest, not because they were instigators, but because they are the victims of policies that have crushed them and their parents.

Now, Tinubu is prosecuting these poor children’s audacity to feel hunger, their nerve to protest against it, and their courage to ask for a better future.

Yes, young Nigerians, weakened by malnutrition, denuded of hope by unceasingly mounting prices, and drained by the unyielding fear that Nigeria’s streets are now safer than its government, are being hauled into court as though they were hard-boiled criminals. There is no parallel for this that I can recall in Nigeria in my lifetime.

How hollow must we be, as a society, to accept that the government’s solution to rising dissent and desperation is to prosecute the youth it has left to wither? This is not governance; this is a callous persecution masquerading as law and order.

The logic is Kafkaesque: punish the hungry, hush up the desperate, and maybe, just maybe, the problem will go away. But hunger and despair don’t disappear when you throw a child in jail. Poverty doesn’t vanish when you suppress a protest. The anger and frustration simmer, unaddressed, until they spill over.

I couldn’t hold back tears at the sight of five minors, weak from hunger, fainting as they were called to stand trial. It’s a sight that would shame even the most despotic regimes.

Here were young Nigerians, handcuffed by a state that refuses to feed, clothe, or educate them, collapsing before their accusers as if in silent protest, their very bodies speaking louder than any courtroom defense ever could.

Even lawyers and court officials, perhaps briefly awakened from the stupor of compliance, rushed to assist them. But as the immediate shock subsided, what remained was an undeniable truth: Nigeria’s youth are being starved, punished, and brought to the brink, not for crimes, but for demanding their right to survive in a country that fails them at every turn.

At the heart of this blot on Nigeria’s escutcheon is a government that seems more beholden to the dictates of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank than to the needs of its own people. President Bola Tinubu’s administration has followed the familiar playbook of austerity and subsidy removal, but without the slightest regard for the human cost.

Inflation is climbing, prices are soaring, the naira is plunging, hope is walking away, and the nation is dying. Families cannot afford basic sustenance, the middle class is disappearing, the poor are being crushed beyond the bounds of tolerance, and the nation’s youth, who see no future in the darkening landscape, are told to keep silent or face untoward consequences.

These poor, hapless children are not the problem. The government’s own policies are the problem. As I have pointed out repeatedly in multiple columns, the unbending loyalty to IMF austerity measures and “economic reforms” that do nothing but deepen poverty and widen the gulf between the haves and have-nots are the problem.

So why are these policies, and those who enforce them, not on trial instead? Why are the architects of this economic catastrophe not being called to account for the collapse of hope and opportunity?

The prosecution’s temporary suspension of trial of the four, after the children slumped in the courtroom, is not mercy; it is an insult. A government that detains minors for protesting unexampled economic adversity has already lost the moral high ground.

The temporary reprieve is nothing more than a bureaucratic sleight of hand, a way to postpone the embarrassment without addressing the real atrocity: the inhumane treatment of minors for daring to stand up against systemic injustice.

In a twist of poetic irony, the administration’s heavy-handed tactics reveal a fearful truth: the voices of Nigeria’s youth are a threat to the powerful. It is their courage, their unyielding desire for a better future, that sends tremors through the halls of power.

Instead of seeing these children as a spark of hope, a chance for renewal, the government has chosen to crush that spirit. These young people are Nigeria’s conscience, and by silencing them, the state only exposes the depths of its own desperation and degeneration.

Where is the humanity, the leadership, the understanding that a nation’s youth are its most precious resource? The Tinubu government must immediately end this untenably appalling charade of prosecuting minors who have the misfortune of being born in desperately poor homes.

It should release these children to their families forthwith. What the kids need is food, opportunity, and security, not prosecution. They are the voices of a generation calling out for empathy, action, and understanding, not retribution. Their cries are not a threat; they are a call to conscience, a summons to a government that has seemingly lost its way in the maze of worthless economic jargon and self-created fiscal constraints.

Let the children heal and live free of the fear that their hunger and hardship will be met with chains. The government must prioritize people over inhuman policies dictated by distant, no-good, vampiric financial institutions in Washington. It must recognize that these policies have consequences, consequences borne not by politicians and their cronies but by millions of Nigerians who struggle daily to survive.

For every child in that courtroom, for every young voice silenced by detention, Nigeria loses a part of its soul. Let this be a warning to those in power: the future is watching, and history will remember which leaders chose compassion over cruelty, justice over vengeance.

Because if a nation’s children cannot protest peacefully without fear of reprisal if their hunger is not a call to action but an excuse for punishment, then the government itself stands on trial—and it is failing spectacularly.

The Federal Government on Friday announced that construction on sections 3 and 3B of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road would commence by mid-December.

The Minister of Works, David Umahi, disclosed this during an inspection tour of the Lagos Calabar coastal road while leading members of the National Assembly on an on-site assessment of ongoing infrastructure projects in the southwest region, on Friday.

He revealed that the delays on the highway’s southern corridor were initially caused by rerouting to avoid militant-controlled areas.

He said, “Before the middle of December, we will flag off sections 3 and 3B because the design has been approved by President Bola Tinubu and we are ready.”

He explained, “Initially, we passed through a section where the militants are, so it was also a problem for the people.

“We saw the dangers and the ministry subsequently opted for a safer alternative route, even though it involves challenging terrain with 30-meter-high rock formations that will require blasting. But it is better to blast the rocks than to have the heads of our workers blasted off by militants.”

The minister assured stakeholders that the project remained on course.

Responding to concerns about the impact of the project on aquatic life, particularly in the Niger Delta region, Umahi assured stakeholders of the ministry’s strict adherence to environmental guidelines to preserve the local ecosystem and minimise disruptions.

He noted, “The ministry is fully compliant with the recommendations from the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment conducted along the entire project corridor.”

The minister stated that while work was ongoing on segments in the Sokoto and Kebbi areas, other segments across multiple states were yet to commence due to funding constraints.

“This project is EPC+F. The commitment in terms of cash by the federal government is 30 per cent. The other 70 per cent has to be sourced through loans which require extensive planning and approval processes.”

On his part, the Chairman, House Committee on Works, Akin Alabi, passed a vote of confidence on the Umahi, noting that lawmakers were satisfied with the progress so far.

He said, “On behalf of the Speaker of the House of Reps, Tajudeen Abbas, we are impressed with the work and we are fully behind you. I want to crave the indulgence of the public to be patient and cooperative.

“I can assure you that the project is well ahead of schedule and that the federal government is intensifying efforts to enhance the security of key infrastructure nationwide through advanced surveillance systems.

“These state-of-the-art monitoring solutions, currently in place on the Third Mainland Bridge with a dedicated 24-hour control room, would soon be deployed across other major highways, including the Lagos-Calabar, Sokoto-Badagry, Trans-Sahara, Abuja-Akwanga-Jos-Bauchi-Gombe, Keffi-Makurdi, Lagos-Ibadan, and Abuja-Kano routes.”

According to him, this initiative, in partnership with security agencies, aims to reduce response times and curb criminal activities on these critical road networks.

In a similar vein, the Deputy Chief Whip of the Senate, Peter Nwebonyi, praised the minister’s initiative, describing it as a significant step forward for Nigeria.

He said, “This system demonstrates our commitment to progress and development, enhancing the safety of both motorists and pedestrians.”

Meanwhile, Alabi hailed the minister and assured him of parliamentary oversight.

He emphasised the role of the National Assembly in overseeing government spending, particularly regarding the 2024 budget.

Kayode Egbetokun, inspector-general of police (IGP), says the fainting by some minors at the Abuja federal high court was “scripted”.

On Friday, the police arraigned 76 suspects – who are mostly minors – for participating in the #EndBadGovernance protest in August.

They are facing 10 counts bordering on mutiny, treason, and destruction of public property.

Before they could take a plea, at least four of them collapsed. The court later granted the defendants – who looked ill and malnourished – N10 million bail each.

In a statement, Olumuyiwa Adejobi, spokesperson of the police, quoted Egbetokun as saying that the police have worked to balance justice with compassion and ensured that each suspect’s basic rights and privileges are respected.

“Today, an unexpected incident in court saw six of the suspects suddenly rush out and faint, drawing media attention in a deliberate and scripted manner to draw negative attention,” he said.

“Medical aid was promptly provided to these individuals, demonstrating the Police Force’s commitment to the welfare of those in its custody, irrespective of the allegations they face.

“While committed to upholding justice, the Nigeria Police Force remains sensitive to the rights of all individuals, including young persons. Under Nigerian law, individuals who have reached the age of criminal responsibility are answerable for their actions, regardless of their age.

“This principle aligns with global practices, where accountability is upheld for young individuals who commit serious offenses. As seen in other jurisdictions, including the United Kingdom, age does not exempt individuals from facing legal consequences.

“However, each case is approached with empathy and in accordance with human rights standards.”

The IGP added that the police would maintain “professionalism” throughout the legal process.

[TheCable]

After he won the Big Brother Naija, BBNaija, season 2 in 2017, Michael Efe Ejeba, popularly known as Efe Money, delved into music.

Though many doubted his talent in music, Efe didn’t give up, as he continued chasing his dream in music.

Today, his resilience and hard work has paid off, having been making waves beyond the shores of this country as one of the rising Afrobeats stars. In this engaging encounter, he reflects on his musical journey and why he created “Une Bounce” , which is a fusion of Urhobo traditional sounds and Afrobeat in his new EP.

My musical journey

How I gradually made in-road into the Nigerian music space after people had earlier doubted my talent in music was to just stay consistent in doing what I know how to do best, which is to make music and ignore all the naysayers.

Inspiration to make smash hits

I developed more interest in my culture as I grew older and it led me to be inspired by the rich sound and melodies of my people, the Urhobo.

Growing up, my dad used to play some Urhobo traditional music on cassettes and CDs at home. Now that I’m grown up and attending weddings, burials and other social functions in my hometown, I felt a sense of nostalgia listening to those local sounds. It dawned on me to question why this unique and rich sound wasn’t on the global stage. So I decided to fuse it with contemporary sounds and share it with the world.

Why I introduced ‘Une Bounce’

The reason for creating this sound I call “Une Bounce” is to introduce the world to the rich traditional music of Urhobo people that has been under the radar for a long time. Another reason is to bridge the social gap between the young and the old Urhobo people through music.

How people are receiving this brand of music

The reception has been amazing since I dropped the first single “Money Talk” in October 2023. I got calls and videos of people vibing and dancing to the song from all over the world. It inspired me to drop an EP of five tracks to further explore the sound which I titled “Une Bounce.”

Urhobo singers are embracing the genre and I’m excited about it because a lot still needs to be done to take Urhobo music to the next level but I can not do it alone.

Releasing my debut album in 2024

Unfortunately, my team and I have decided to move the release of my debut album to 2025. This is due to circumstances beyond our control.

Collaborating with some A-list artistes lately

There are more to come, keep your fingers crossed. Shout out to Vector for featuring me on “No Apologies”. That was a smash hit in the rap industry. My music is gaining global acceptance.

Fusion of Urhobo, Hausa and English in my next projects

This is because music is an expression of myself and my life experience. Growing up in Jos influenced me a lot. Being Urhobo also shaped my personality.

My greatest challenges

I’ve always been into full time music since 2010 when I first stepped into a studio and I’ve not stopped or taken a break. As an independent artist, the greatest challenge is finance because music is capital intensive and more budget is needed for promotion and marketing in this day and age.

Music acts I would like to work with

Quite a lot, but I’ll prefer not to mention their names. Shout out to King Enakpodia for taking the hook in Money Talk, Otacha and Solo Kings for being part of the Une Bounce EP.

[Vanguard]

The Afenifere can’t condone inequity. Tinubu’s tribalism has been alarming. They are embarrassed. It’s uncultured. The Yoruba are relatively too advanced for such a retrogressive political palliative scheme .They need neither  to be pushed like a battery-handicapped  kabukabu  nor to be fed mashed food like a toothless adult. On no scale are they backward, comparatively.

They are the proud champions of equity, industry and merit. Tinubu’s  untiring devotion to sectionalism serves neither the values of the Yoruba nor the interests of the country. On the other hand, Afenifere’s  response could be summed up as a disdainful smirk. Perhaps, Tinubu’s tribalism is a glimpse of the  long-prophesied  denouement. The belated coming out of the shadows. Are we then now condemned to  a few more years of startling self-debasing shenanigans?  

The name ‘Progressive’ which Awolowo, Bola Ige and Abraham Adesanya cherished has already become almost redundant, a hollow moniker. Perhaps, worse. A useful piece in the paraphernalia of many a Nigerian  political sorcerer. Used to bewitch and hold spellbound the famished and luckless electorate thirsting for a democracy that yields development and moral reformation. Tinubu is the last apostle of old school progressivism.  

Now, the people  must realize that  they have been hoodwinked and accept that progressivism in Nigeria politics has been almost irreparably contaminated. It now accommodates all shades of political yahooyahooism. If the nostalgic lovers of progressives remain  enthralled with the sentimental idea, then, they  can continue to wallow in their delusion that progressivism in Nigeria is  moral and people oriented rather than manipulative shallow machiavellianism. 

That whole idea of a Sovereign National Conference, it now appears,  was an elaborate  ruse. It’s erstwhile imperativeness was carefully contrived. Sovereign National Conference, the sort peddled by NADECO activists as the alchemy for  national preservation, unity and  progress must now be seen as  specious sophistry.  It has fallen into comical disuse. It has outlived its dubious usefulness. The pro democracy sermons have yielded the long desired fruit. The foil of democracy was used  to conceal  lust for power  and  a predilection  for rabid opportunism. Is the denouement just beginning? That’s the question. Are we destined for more shege?

The Yoruba elite are cringing. Tinubu’s tribalism has no clothes. Those not cringing are sneering at the nation. The stark nudity suggests benign aloofness  or devious shamelessness. They say the electorate is to blame. The finger-pointing is now happening in all directions. Yet  a few cannot understand the hullabaloo. They are irritated by the effete sensibilities of their detribalised kinsmen. Power has been grabbed.

Northerners are more fatalistic, they say God gives it. So whether Emilokan, Awalokan or  Yorubalokan, it must be attributed to God. So these few  have no apologies. Because, it’s turn by turn. “Omo Igbo will be worse”, they say. Though they  had a recent turn in Obasanjo, but he wasn’t a turn. It was a forgettable turn, they say. Tinubu, the Asiwaju of the universe, has come to make audacious amends. To give them two turns in one. A reparative double portion. So, he is probably  settling many scores. If so, why did Tinubu bother changing the national anthem? Perish the thought that the idea came from the NASS. 

Our lawmakers will rather discuss Bobrisky in the plenary. Back to Tinubu. He didn’t revert to the old anthem  to motivate the nation. He has been too brazen to bother. At his level of self absorption and indulgence, he could have effected the change to satisfy the urge of nostalgia. The goal  was never  to rally the riven country or forge cohesion. No, that’s not his current priority.  Tribes and tongues may differ all they care, all he wants is for folks to ‘stand on his mandate.’

For grown men to fawn and genuflect and mutter  self-deprecating gibberish to lionize the man. Beyond the settling of scores, there could be the other objective of  a kinsmen-assisted transmutation into emperorship. A tax obsessed man who perpetually demands sacrifices of the poor while living lavishly.  His choices do not reflect any concept of national broadminded brotherhood, but the narrow brotherhood of self perpetuating sectionalism.  Nigerians, all Nigerians are proud to serve the fatherland. But it appears, Tinubu thinks more like a  prime Sunday Igboho than Tinubu of 2004. 

Igboho, before his native charms failed, lost  signals, in Cotonou,  allowing  the Beninoise police to subject him to an impromptu  sabbatical . If Tinubu’s tribalism is actually borne of  uncomplicated Yoruba exceptionalism, then we must  liken him to Nnamdi Kanu, who thinks the Igbo are a special breed and their neighbours, genetically inferior. As it stands,  the fatherland during Tinubu’s  reign is best served by Omoluabis who can stand on the mandate with religious loyalty. Who knows? When the  Ooni went into a frenzy marrying fair women, many  hissed derisively. But those in the know say it wasn’t him. It was the oracle. So who knows what’s really driving Tinubu’s parochialism. 

We must then be charitable . We must extend  pity to all the  non Yorubas in Tinubu’s  government. They must know by now that they are mere furniture, positioned  deftly to satisfy all that is left of a dispensable righteousness. No matter how servile they become, they can’t earn the trust. Technical impostors, all of them, when they speak with any certainty about government policy or direction. They  don’t belong. They should tiptoe.  They can’t shout. Like black Africans working for the office of district colonial power. Their zealousness is naivety or mischief.

They must mew and whisper. It’s not their turn. They are free riders. No matter how important they might feel or how large they once thought they were, they must now contain themselves . When they get to their distant villages, like Agulu, they can drop names. There,  they can brag about their ownership  of  Tinubu and co-ownership of the government. But they must not let it get into their heads. Around Abuja, they must behave. Blood is thicker than water. For this regime right now, blood is trust, blood is intelligence, blood is beautiful.  Outsiders must be sniffed. They are potential moles who are potentially slothful. Only a few of them must be given sensitive roles. 

Buhari once said he belonged to no one, though many swore that  he belonged to the north. It’s difficult to know what he did to Tinubu. Tinubu appears to be saying that everybody belongs to him. He has left  nobody guessing. Once you  list the critical offices, ministries and juicy agencies, you know the tribe of the man in charge. These are the leaders of the party that enchanted the people  with the promise of Change. We rotate power to share sense of belonging and build cohesion.

A man takes the rotated power, out of turn, to settle scores and transmogrify in the Oba of Nigeria. Where will he stop? We can absorb more tribalism. Allow Tinubu select only the Yoruba to head all powerful and lucrative minsteries and agencies to retsore hope.  We are that elatsic. We can even embrace some rituals of obeisance,  like go round to compel  all Radio and TV stations to sing On Your Mandate  every morning at 7am. To appreciate his long standing dedication to the cause of democracy and social justice.

We can also allow his business partners start building multi trillion naira coatal roads all around the country without due process. We can just say that they are the best builders in the country. But will that be enough? At some point we might just adopt Yoruba as a national language and change the title of president to Oba. I will suggest it to Akpabio,  Mr President will like that. Then we can change the tenure to ten years.  To deepen democracy. That’s a progressive idea.

I am worried that Nigerian leaders have captured the Nigerian state, taking beleaguered citizens hostage in the process and yet carrying on as if all is well. I am even more worried that the grossly abused citizens, afflicted with the debilitating Stockholm syndrome, rather than standing up to their abusers are actually coping, having over time developed positive feelings toward those who have persistently treated them cruelly, violently and unfairly in the name of leadership. But I am most worried that with the way Nigerian politicians are carrying on, sooner or later something will give and we will all be worse for it.

Nigerian leaders, particularly the political class love clichés. So, most often, they mouth former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s quip: “Democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time” and harangue everyone with the “democracy is the best form of government” platitude even when they wilfully rubbish the very idea.

The word democracy, which comes from the Greek words demos (people) and kratos (power) as a governance paradigm may well be the best form of government but that is predicated on the conditions that the people freely choose their rulers and it guarantees them inalienable freedoms. In other words, democracy is a value-driven governance model that celebrates the three totems of freedom, respect for human rights and the principle of holding periodic, genuine elections by universal suffrage.

Holding free and fair elections periodically is the leverage the electorate have in a democracy. The idea is that if an elected official does not perform, the people in whom the sovereign powers of the state reside, will not re-elect him.

It is in this context that the definition of democracy by Abraham Lincoln, the 16th president of the U.S. in his November 19, 1863 address at the Gettysburg National Cemetery in Pennsylvania, remains immortal.

In the 271-word Gettysburg address widely considered one of the most notable in American history, Lincoln said: “that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.” Five years earlier – three years before he became President in 1861 – Lincoln on August 1, 1858 also drew a fundamental parallel between democracy and freedom using the anecdotal scourge of slavery. “As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no democracy,” he said.

So, democracy without the fundamental freedoms it guarantees the people, particularly the freedom of choice is a misnomer and an aberration. Therefore, any system of government in which the supreme power is not vested in the people and exercised directly by them or by their elected agents under a free electoral system, can be anything else but democratic.

If these are incontestable truisms, why then are Nigerian politicians behaving in a manner that suggests that the people don’t matter in the country’s democracy? Who will tell them that by so doing they are endangering democracy?

How is it that those who insist the worst democratic government is better than the most benevolent military junta and who aver that the antidote to bad governance is a change through the electoral process are not worried that politicians are working assiduously at ensuring that votes do not count in elections?

So, which democratic process are they talking about? While it may be true that democracy is the best form of government, the question needs to be asked whether a system where the sovereign powers do not reside in the people who in turn use same during periodic elections to determine those that should make the authoritative allocation of their collective values, qualify to be called a democracy.

Can we equate civilian rule with democracy? No! Granted, there is a school of thought that believes democracy is an illusion, but some countries are thriving democracies because the people exercise their inalienable right of determining who governs them in free and fair elections.

A lot is wrong with Nigeria’s democracy. There seems to be a conspiracy among politicians to undermine it by unconscionably subverting free, fair and credible elections. To be fair, these shenanigans didn’t start today. Olusegun Obasanjo, as president between 1999 and 2007 shredded the democratic rights of the people to decide who governs them by making elections a do-or-die affair.  

But things have gotten a lot worse in the nearly ten years since the All Progressives Congress, APC, supplanted the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, at the centre in 2015. But even as toxic as the eight years of Muhammudu Buhari’s stint in Aso Rock was to the health of Nigeria’s democracy, things are a lot worse today under President Bola Tinubu’s watch. It is as if all caution have been thrown to the wind as politicians continue to act without regard for risk or negative consequences.

What is worse, the judiciary has been sucked into the maelstrom orchestrated by actors in the executive arm of government with judges giving judgements that are overtly partisan.

In the 2023 elections, politicians, particularly of the APC hue, spurred by Tinubu’s hackneyed political philosophy of power not served à la carte, became more brazen in their malfeasance. Time was when the popular refrain in the political circles is that you can only rig elections where you are strong politically. That was the era of voter inducement, ballot box snatching and burning of ballot papers. Not anymore!

Today, nobody cares about those gambits. All anyone needs to win elections in Nigeria today is to control the structures of criminality. Politicians don’t care about the people anymore if only they are able to suborn officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, security agencies and thugs. Today, thugs no longer snatch ballot boxes after the votes have been cast. Days before elections are held, they send out messages that if you are not going to vote for their political party of choice, don’t come near any polling booth on Election Day. The reprehensible act started in Lagos before it was adopted by political actors in different parts of the country.

And because Nigerian politicians don’t take prisoners, they have elevated their devious gambit by writing election results weeks before the first ballot is cast. As if what happens during general elections are not frightening enough, governors have upped the devious ante through the so-called local government elections, which in all the states, without any exception have become a ruse.

To make matters worse, the electorate who should be mourning at the very ugly turn of events, quaff at their own political castration by applauding their tormentors, who they, nevertheless, hail as astute politicians for the simple reason that they are adjudged adept at subverting the electoral will of the people.

Today, many Nigerians believe that Tinubu’s “re-election” in 2027 is already a fait accompli not because of the yeoman’s job he is doing in Aso Rock but because he is the only one that has the capacity to win elections the Nigerian way. That is unbecoming. And many would-be voters have decided not to give such shenanigan any legitimacy by keeping their distance from the polling booths henceforth.

I am worried for Nigeria and its democracy. The questions that concentrate my mind everyday as I reflect on the shamelessness of the political actors and their unbelievable lack of emotional intelligence are: Who will call Nigerian politicians to order before it is too late? Who will tell them that they are endangering Nigeria’s democracy by denying the people the right to decide who governs them through the ballot box?