I was watching the evening news on Monday night when two presenters used a word at different times that jolted me. I’ve heard and seen that word used often, especially by millennials and Gen Z, but I didn’t entirely pay heed because they were mostly in informal settings.

Anyways – I meant to write, anyway – I was jolted to hear that word, anyways, twice from two TV presenters on different programmes on the same station just minutes apart! My Use of English teachers would have beaten the straying “s” out of me if I had used that word even in error.

But that was at another time, before young adults invented more new words and other tokens of social expression, including memes and abbreviations, than at any other time in recent lexical history, thanks to technology and the prevalence of social media.

Words avant-garde

I’m trying to adjust, but I’m not quite there yet. And in this transition to a brave new world of avant-garde lexicography dominated by young adults, it’s improbable that I would have considered, anyways, a jarringly colloquial word, as proper form.

However, Oxford United Press (OUP), the bastion of rectitude, is leading the world in de-sensitising squeamishness in the use of the English language. In other words, sooner than later, I might well find myself loving and even using, anyways, in proper communication.

In a language and literary study in 2023 for the Word of the Year, OUP crowned “rizz” as the winner. The Press said it created a shortlist of eight words “all chosen to reflect the mood, ethos, and preoccupations” of the previous year and “rizz” emerged as the favourite after over 30,000 language lovers worldwide pared down the word soup to four finalists: rizz, Swiftie, prompt, and situationship.

Rizz up, darling!

In case you’re interested in a brief history of the etymology of how rizz might soon become mainstream, OUP explained that just as the fridge was from refrigerator and flu was from influenza, rizz (a noun), which can also be used as a verb, as in “to rizz up,” meaning to attract, seduce, or chat up), has its roots the word “charisma.”

I’m unsure which word might win OUP’s crown in 2024, but I have an in-vogue word slate that would be difficult to ignore. Perhaps lovers of language, especially millennials and Gen Z, the generational curators of these species of unusual words, might help crown a winner from my list for 2024 and share that list on any of my social media handles @azu ishiekwene or email This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.. Or text Word of the Year to +234 805 210 0356.

The first candidate for me is “steeze.” I was confused the first time I heard it and couldn’t immediately determine its meaning. An English language coach and content creator on Quora, Jasveer Kaur, described “steeze” as “A slang term which is a mix of ‘style’ and ‘ease’, that means ‘looking effortlessly cool, i.e., charisma or grace.” It’s a cousin of rizz, or “composure”, another synonym for steeze from the Gen Z corpus.  

The lit vs the ill-lit

And how about “lit?” When I first heard that someone was “lit”, I thought they were alight, literally burning! It turned out that I was hugely mistaken. “Lit”, I later found out, means something different. It’s a slang derived from African American Vernacular English, which gained popularity in the 2000s. It’s been around for quite a while, but somehow, the “ill-lit” like me never quite thought it would soon be making its way to the mainstream.

But thanks to hip-hop and pop culture, it has become a favourite expression among millennials and Gen Z. If you say, “The concert last night was lit,” for example, or “Her performance in the game was lit,” there’s nothing more to add. It’s the highest expression of excitement and enthusiasm. In the same way, my father’s highest compliment was “noble”, as in “You’ve done noble!”

Rizz, lit, and dope, I’m told, are in the same class, with ritz (derived from the ostentation of Ritz, the famous hotel and hospitality brand) being at the higher end of the word spectrum.

Who’s the simp?

How about “simp”? It’s not exactly a new word. It has evolved, losing five original letters in the process, but gaining new meaning and currency with TikTokers. Back in the day, that word used to be “simpleton”, a man or woman generally thought or believed to be naïve, foolish. Hip-hop culture in the mouth of younger adults gave it a makeover.

They twisted it against men today, and now a simp is often used to describe a man who is overly anxious to please women. This seems to be the opposite of “demure,” a word formerly used to describe modesty in young ladies but now repurposed to convey cuteness in both sexes.

Instead of the “50-50 Love” Teddy Pendergrass crooned about in his album, a “simp” is a man who doesn’t mind five percent or less back for his affection and empathy in exchange for 100 percent. He is if you get my drift, a woman wrapper. 

If you are already “vibing”, millennial-speak for “losing oneself in great music or conversation”, or feeling “shook”, the colloquial noun or verb for “surprise”, then welcome to the evolving vocab world of young adults fostered by the Internet. From activism to fashion, sports and dating, the language topography is changing, leaving older adults in a trail of incomprehensible slang.

Simply steeze

In the slang line-up for 2024, anyways, steeze, lit, rizz, vibing, shook, and simp are in the race. But the stage would be incomplete without “ghost” (to suddenly stop communicating with someone, as in ‘he ghosted me after our last meeting’), “no cap”, (the damn truth, no embellishment), as in ‘petrol prices will never return to N470/litre, no cap, or “snack”, (someone attractive, as in ‘she’s looking like a snack in that outfit’).

While these words have a global resonance, one would undoubtedly be at the top of your final list if you were a Nigerian young adult—at home or in the Diaspora: “E choke!” The harsher, more menacing version is “Hunger dey!” However, this latter expression has a broader application and is quite popular among older adults.

When young Nigerian adults say, “E choke,” they express the country’s severe economic hardship. This hardship has left many of them unable to have that shawarma or pizza, fix the braids they’d love to, or even chat for long without resorting to data mincing.

This ethos was expressed in the streets of many Nigerian states in August, when protesters, mostly angry youths, staged demonstrations captioned #Endbadgovernance, the lightning rod for economic hardship. But the word is used in more than one sense. It also conveys overwhelming pleasure, as in “Give me more, even if it kills me!”

E choke!

My five finalists for the words that most captured younger adults’ moods, feelings, imagination, and ethos in 2024 are e choke, steeze, no cap, vibing, and composure. I struggled to get the language tool on my laptop to accept these words. I had to overwrite them many times to retain them, as I wondered how examination bodies, like the West African Examination Council (WAEC), would cope with this lexical insurgency.

Is it an indication of the distance these words still have to travel in the transition from fad to mainstream? Or is society just too slow to catch up? No matter, as they say in millennia-speak, las, las, culture, language, and tool developers would be alright.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu extends his heartfelt congratulations to Abdulkabir Adisa Aliu, the founder and CEO of Matrix Energy Group, as he marks his 50th birthday on December 5, 2024.

This significant milestone not only commemorates Abdulkabir's personal journey but also highlights his remarkable contributions to the energy sector and his profound impact on fostering economic growth and social development in Nigeria.

President Tinubu commends Abdulkabir for his transformative role in Nigeria’s energy landscape and his unwavering commitment to economic progress.

As an entrepreneur, Abdulkabir has successfully broadened the scope of Matrix Energy Group to encompass logistics, shipping, LPG distribution, and fertiliser blending. His leadership has spurred innovation and excellence across these vital industries.

The President recognizes Abdulkabir’s philanthropic endeavours, which have led to the construction of a state-of-the-art Kidney Complex in Maiduguri and at the Obafemi Awolowo University Teaching Hospitals Complex (OAUTHC), the renovation of healthcare centers, and the provision of essential medical supplies to host communities.

Additionally, he has endowed scholarships for over 4,000 students and empowered women through skills training and financial support.

“Abdulkabir Adisa Aliu exemplifies the spirit of resilience, innovation, and service that elevates communities and strengthens our nation,” President Tinubu stated.

In his capacity as a member of the Presidential Economic Coordination Council (PEEC), Mr. Aliu continues to play a pivotal role in advancing Nigeria’s economic agenda.

The President wishes him continued success, robust health, and personal fulfilment in the coming years.

Bayo Onanuga
Special Adviser
Information & Strategy to the President

Gov. Sanwo-olu presents cheques to 150 beneficiaries as compensation for lands acquired by lagos state govt for public use, held at adeyemi bero auditorium, alausa, ikeja, on tuesday, 3^rd December 2024

See Photo Below:

l-r: Permanent Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mr. Kamal Olowosago; Opeluwa of Lagos, High Chief Yusuf Ajose Aderibigbe; Commissioner for Women Affairs & Poverty Alleviation, Mrs. Cecilia Dada; member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, representatives of Ogunsanya and Ogunsanya; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat; Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi and Head of Service, Mr. Olabode Agoro during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December

 l-r: Commissioner for Women Affairs & Poverty Alleviation, Mrs. Cecilia Dada; member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, Alhaji Muritala Abubakar; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat; Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi and Head of Service, Mr. Olabode Agoro during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December 2024

l-r: Member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, Estate of Chief Robert Jaiyeola; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat; Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi and Head of Service, Mr. Olabode Agoro during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December 2024

l-r: Permanent Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mr. Kamal Olowosago; Opeluwa of Lagos, High Chief Yusuf Ajose Aderibigbe; Commissioner for Women Affairs & Poverty Alleviation, Mrs. Cecilia Dada; member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, Mr. Olawale Jimoh; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat; Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi and Head of Service, Mr. Olabode Agoro during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December 2024

 l-r: Opeluwa of Lagos, High Chief Yusuf Ajose Aderibigbe; Commissioner for Women Affairs & Poverty Alleviation, Mrs. Cecilia Dada; member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, Mr. Samuel Kalu; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat and Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December 2024

l-r: Commissioner for Women Affairs & Poverty Alleviation, Mrs. Cecilia Dada; member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, Mr. Adebayo Adekoya; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat and Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December 2024

There is something really intriguing and fascinating about having a wonderful friend of yours grow into the septuagenarian circle. And this is even more crucial when that colleague has a history of stubborn ideological inclination that has kept him in shape as a scholar of note within Nigeria’s combustible intellectual firmament. From our mutual commitment to the political science scholarship and different approaches to the understanding of the Nigerian nation-building project, Professor Jibrin Ibrahim—Jibo to all of us—and I have become intellectual partners in progress. Both of us keep investing our intellectual and scholarly resources in the ongoing commitment to the understanding of the task of making the Nigerian state, on the one hand, more meaningful from the perspective of scholarship, and on the other hand, more citizen-friendly in terms of its capacity to leverage advocacy and discourse to achieve good governance. 

Jibo is one academic that one can really say has kept up a coherent ideological trajectory since he emerged in the heydays of the radical Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movement as a key figure in the Nigerian Marxist circle. And yet it would seem that Jibo has made a critical shift away from the Marxist ideological framework that enabled his intellectual stature in the 1970s and 1980s. This shift says a lot about the current ideological state of the postcolonial Nigerian society. Professor Ibrahim was educated at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and in the virile Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at a time when the university campuses in Nigeria constituted the hotbeds of ideological theorizing and mobilization; when scholars from Bala Usman to Mokwugo Okoye and Eskor Toyo to Molara Ogundipe-Leslie to Patrick Wilmot to Bala Takaya, and from Claude Ake to Edwin Madunagu to Bade Onimode to Akin Oyebode rallied round Marxism as the pathway to radical intellectual traditions. For these intellectuals, Marxism provided the ideological commitments to reflect on the possibility of a progressive framework through which Nigeria could be re-visioned as a postcolonial state. 

I do not know whether there is still any coherence to the concept of the Nigerian Left—a body of progressives that are connected by the collective Marxian ideological framework for rethinking the dynamics of the Nigerian developmental and national manifestations. And my reason is not far-fetched. It would seem that the depth and extent of the Nigerian postcolonial predicament, the reach and strength of the neoliberal capitalist hegemony, and the fluctuating fortunes of Marxism have outstripped the capacity of the Nigerian Left to keep up their intellectual mapping of the relationship between ideology and reality. Indeed, it would seem that the Nigerian Left has become so fragmented as to be incapable of mustering the coherence required to push a progressive front. And this could also be because the fortunes of Marxism keep shifting conservative Marxism to Antonio Gramsci, and from the neo-Marxism of Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse and Max Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School to the post-Marxism of Chantal Mouse and Ernesto Laclau, and from Samir Amin to Immanuel Wallerstein. 

Maybe the fundamental issue in keeping Marxism relevant to the Nigerian postcolonial predicament would be how theoretically congruent Marxism and postcolonialism are. How, for instance, is Marxism’s Eurocentric foundation to be squared with the anti-Eurocentric stance in that animate postcolonial scholarship? Maybe this significant tension to get the utmost from an ideological position without any intellectual baggage is what led to the subtle shift of Jibo away from Marxism—or specifically activist Marxism—towards a more resilient and contextually malleable paradigm that enables the facilitation of radical politics within a space like Nigeria. For Jibo, the political end should justify the ideological means. He believes there must be a better way than doctrinaire Marxism to achieve radical politics that will reorient democracy and democratic governance on behalf of Nigerians. 

This is where Jibo and I share many seminal platforms. The first critical platform is the political science scholarship in Nigeria. While I was the permanent secretary at the Ministry of Communication Technology in 2015, Professor Jibrin Ibrahim was asked to deliver the keynote paper at the 60th anniversary celebration lecture of the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. I was to be the chairman of the occasion. Jibo regrettably could not make the occasion. And the Department prevailed on me to take his place as the guest lecturer. In that lecture, titled “The Legitimacy of Political Science Scholarship in Nigeria,” I made the pungent argument that Nigeria’s postcolonial predicaments since independence have thrown series of debilitating unresolved challenges to query the relevance of political science scholarship in the country. Insurgency, corruption, youth unemployment, insecurity, dysfunctional federalism cum constitutional order, misgovernance, bad leadership—the list is endless—raise the critical question of the role of the Nigerian political scientists in the articulation of frameworks or paradigms of understanding and resolutions for redressing the Nigerian state and redesigning democratic governance. 

These are not strange questions for me to ask as I have been a theorist and practitioner of public administration scholarship since I became a public servant many years ago. On resuming at the Presidency first in 1988, and much later in 1992, I was nudged by mentors to take on the additional task of studying the civil service as a means of understanding the dynamics of its dysfunction and the possible paths towards its institutional redemption. It was not too long for me to determine that the (mis)fortunes of the civil service system are tied in with those of the Nigerian state. My search for paradigms of institutional reform in Nigeria inevitably took me to expressing concerns for all forms of institutional reformative transformation, including those that affects political science scholarship. In that same lecture, I lamented not just the invisibility of Nigerian political scientists in the critical matters of the state, but also the ailing of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA), a reality that has since significantly improved. 

However, one political scientist that constitutes the exception in my lamentation is Professor Ibrahim. He is not just the political scientist par excellence since he completed his doctoral dissertation at the University of Bordeaux in 1990. He has become the lone ranger in the fight to deepen democracy through civil society activism. Civil society for him was the continuation of the struggles for progressive politics by another mean. It was simply the other side of the same coin in the fight to entrench radical politics that put people on the front burner of government’s policy decisions. I would say, on his behalf, that civil society engagement is closer to realizing the objective of democratic reforms than academic Marxism that leans more on the theoretical than the practical. But that is not to say, as most scholars believe, tragically, that theory and practice are disjointed. As a development expert, civil service engagement allows for a cogent involvement with the public policy processes in ways that pushes the boundaries of policy participation and ideological influence. Civil society allows Professor Jibrin Ibrahim to keep democratic and policy discourses at the level of ideological fundamental, without the baggage of Marxism.

And this brings me to the second seminal platform that connect me with Jibo. When I had to also make the critical decision to continue my reform advocacy by other means; at the point when I had to painfully exit the civil service as a critical insider, the establishment of the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP) in 2016 was a most viable institutional platform that permits the articulation of my insider’s perspectives from the outside. And that “outside” allows me to deploy the critical significance of kindred intellectual, activist and advocate spirits in the task of making Nigeria work better for democracy and development. One of such is Jibo, of course! At the inauguration of ISGPP and in one defining piece in his celebrated column in the Premium Times, Jibo was enthusiastic about the determination of the School to return the discourse on government back to the table. According to him, “I welcome the idea, after twenty-seven years of discourse on that elusive and nebulous World Bank concept of GOVERNANCE, let’s get back to the essentials and start studying what ‘government’ actually does when it governs.” 

This fundamental discursive element connects with, say, Jibo’s presence in journalism. The fight to raise the bar of fundamental issues that impacts the issues of political emancipation and democratic liberation cannot be limited to the pages of books and monographs. It must be delivered in digestible soundbites that an average Nigerian can understand and relate with. Indeed, the journalistic space further allows Professor Jibrin Ibrahim to bring the challenges of fixing the Nigerian state right into the context of the Nigerian masses and the need for them to also weigh into the determination of their destiny. And this speaks critically to the emergence of the post-truth social media. If democracy must be deepened through civil society vigilance, then Nigerian scholars, intellectuals and advocates need to mediate the tight rope between traditional journalism and the new media, plus the dangers of challenging social facts. 

Professor Jibrin Ibrahim is a critical septuagenarian, the type of intellectual who never stops fighting, who is never slowed down by age, who keeps pushing the boundaries of what they believe. We can only pray that your dream for the Nigerian masses may be realize just in time.                     

A major policy of the Tinubu administration designed to overhaul the nation’s inefficient tax codes and enhance fiscal performance of the government has run into unexpected opposition from key members of the President’s party and important stakeholders. I’m convinced that the reason some governors and lawmakers do not seem to understand or appreciate the intentions and objectives of the tax reform bills is because there was no adequate consultations and communication to sensitize and educate them. As we know, the Tinubu administration is not good at engaging with the citizens before it announces any policy decision. The fuel subsidy removal and the return of the old National Anthem are just two instances in which the administration rushed through decisions without deep thinking, planning and consultations. That most of the governors and lawmakers who are against this legislation are members of the President’s party is a pointer to its internal weakness as a political platform.

For a policy initiative to succeed, it must have the support of a cross section of citizens, particularly those for whom the policy is designed, and to gain such a support, there should be a well designed and implemented package of strategic communication strategy and engagements with the relevant stakeholders. From what we now know from the government, the tax bills are meant to eliminate double taxation; remove low income earners from the tax bracket, reduce the federal government’s share of VAT income and change the sharing formula for VAT to achieve equitability. Had the government mounted an effective communication and stakeholders’ engagement, some of the misunderstandings about the bills’ objectives, benefits, impacts on the revenues of the Northern States and the fates of some agencies like TETFUND would have been addressed. It’s a shame that there was no public hearing on the Tax Reform Bill before it was rushed to the National Assembly. It speaks to the hubris of the administration which is obsessed with overwhelming sense of self importance

In the absence of effective communication strategy, the bills became a subject of rumours, misleading information and wrong interpretations of its provisions. For an administration that has 17 spokespersons and is headed by a man who owns a TV station and a newspaper house, it is a surprise that citizens’ engagement is lacking in its staple. It’s an unspeakable mediocrity in a democracy to treat the people with so much disdain.

In 1988, the IBB military government rolled out a massive privatization programme which led to the sale of over 300 government’s assets to private and institutional investors. Before the programme kicked off, the agency that managed the massive sale, a massive sensitization programme was launched to educate Nigerians on why privatization was inevitable and that helped to blunt some of the criticisms. The communication team was headed by Emeka Maduegbunam, a seasoned TV anchor and PR professional. The messages were lucid, vivid, logical and convincing. I give kudos to Dr. Hamza Zayyad and Dr. Shamsuddeed Usman for the competencies with which they ran the privatization and commercialization programme. In March 2010, President Barrack Obama signed the Affordable Care Act (ACA) into law, making it one of the landmark legislations of his Presidency. Commonly known as the ObamaCare, ACA is the comprehensive health care reform law that addresses health insurance, health care costs and preventive care. The bill was widely opposed by the Republicans, but through a combination of masterly political skills, exceptional communication strategies and advocacy, the law was passed by both houses. I will advise the Tinubu team to read the relevant chapter of President Obama’s memoir, A Promised Land, on details of how he secured the vote at Congress and the support of Americans for this important legislation. Leadership is a serious business.

But what do we get from the Tinubu media team? A constant barrage of lengthy insulting and abusive press releases targeted at Peter Obi, Olusegun Obasanjo and just about anybody who tends to hold a different view from the government. Uncouth, abrasive and full of hubris, the team is obsessed with constant power struggle and jostling for power which has sapped it of energy and creativity. It lacks overall strategic focus and coherence in message and messaging. I do not know any member of the team that has impressive credentials in strategic communications and PR.

In terms of discipline, APC has not done well either; otherwise the party would have addressed the concerns of its vocal members like Prof. Zulum ; Senator Ali Ndume and a few others who have been constantly attacking the legislation and the perceived intentions government. It’s unusual for party luminaries to disagree so openly with their President and his policy. It is telling that Prof. Zulum is the successor to Vice President Shetima as Borno State Governor. While the governor is huffing and puffing, the VP has been quiet. Does it mean that the VP has not been able to convince Zulum on the good intentions and benefits of the bills, or is the VP himself not well briefed on them? If this were a parliamentary government, the lawmakers would probably be going for a No Confidence vote as we saw in France this week.

Effective communication and stakeholder engagement is an integral part of modern governance. Unfortunately, this administration has been very weak at it. This President has not held a news conference; press interview or town hall since he took office. He has only been to one or two states on a condolence visit. But we have seen harassments of many journalists and read so many derogatory press statements. It is just as well that President Tinubu has instructed the Ministry of Justice to work closely with the National Assembly to review the contentious portions of the draft legislation and the Senate, ever so compliant to to the Presidency, has suspended deliberations on it. While the review proceeds, the government should develop strategic communications and engagement plans to explain the bills better to stakeholders. They should keep in mind the seven Cs of communication (Clear; Correct; Complete; Concise; Concrete; Considerate and Courteous) as the engagements proceed.

As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration embarks on its ambitious economic reforms, one of the most contentious and consequential initiatives is the proposed overhaul of Nigeria’s tax system. Not only been touted to be a critical measure to revitalize the nation’s finances when fully implemented, the reform aims to address chronic revenue shortfalls, curb tax evasion, and expand the tax base. Yet, as with any transformative agenda, the tax reform has sparked a wave of apprehension across different sectors of the economy. 

The proposal to expand the country’s revenue streams, including through a harmonized Value Added Tax (VAT) system, has drawn criticism from various quarters. Notably, governors in the northern region of Nigeria have raised objections to certain aspects of the reform. Their resistance, combined with a broader cultural and socio-political debate, underscores the complexity of implementing such a sweeping policy.

Despite the baseless apprehension which the move has sparked across the nation, there is no denying the fact that there is an urgent need for tax reform.  As gathered, Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio, which stands at about 6.1%, is one of the lowest globally, far below the average of 16.5% for sub-Saharan Africa. This anomaly has long hindered the nation’s capacity to fund essential services and infrastructure. Given the foregoing statistical backdrop, which is no doubt appalling, Tinubu’s tax reform seeks to correct this by improving compliance, plugging revenue leakages, and promoting equity in tax collection.  

The proposed reforms include measures to simplify the tax code, introduce digital tax systems, and ensure progressive taxation where wealthier individuals and corporations contribute a fairer share. While these changes promise to boost government revenues, they have also unearthed deep-seated fears among key stakeholders.

Governors from northern Nigeria, who are no doubt largely guided by Islamic principles, have expressed reservations about elements of the tax reform, particularly those relating to VAT. A significant portion of VAT revenue in Nigeria comes from alcohol sales, a product prohibited in many northern states under Sharia law.  

Despite their objections to alcohol and their enforcement of bans on its sale and consumption, northern states have consistently benefited from the federal allocation of VAT, including revenue generated from alcohol sales. This paradox has fueled widespread criticism, with observers pointing out the inherent contradiction: how can states destroy beer trucks on one hand and still partake in the sharing of revenues from alcohol taxes on the other?  

The issue raises fundamental questions about equity and consistency. If northern states wish to remain beneficiaries of national VAT revenues, they must adopt a fairer stance towards products and industries contributing to the tax pool. Alternatively, they might need to advocate for a regional or state-specific VAT system where revenue generation and allocation align more closely with local practices and laws.

While the political pushback from northern governors garners significant attention, the business community has also voiced apprehension. Many private-sector players worry that increased tax obligations could exacerbate the financial strain on businesses already grappling with inflation, high energy costs, and foreign exchange volatility. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs), in particular, fear that stricter compliance measures might disproportionately affect their operations, pushing some to the brink of closure.  

Corporate executives argue that implementing new tax measures during an economically turbulent period could stifle investment and innovation. They call for a phased approach that allows businesses time to adapt to the changes while safeguarding their profitability.

For ordinary Nigerians, the fear is more visceral. With rising living costs and dwindling purchasing power, any hint of increased taxes feels like a dagger to the heart of survival. Tinubu’s administration has repeatedly assured citizens that the reforms are designed to target high-income earners and large corporations rather than the poor. However, skepticism remains widespread, fueled by a history of mistrust in government initiatives.  

The question lingers: “Will these reforms truly avoid cascading effects on consumer prices, or will Nigerians find themselves paying more for basic goods and services?” For many in the northern region, where poverty levels are disproportionately high, the fear is even more pronounced.

At the heart of the controversy surrounding the VAT allocation is the question of alcohol taxes. In northern states where Sharia law is enforced, alcohol is often treated as contraband. This has led to frequent raids and destruction of alcohol products being transported to markets.  

While these actions reflect the cultural and religious sentiments of the region, they also create an ethical dilemma. Should states that actively prohibit and destroy a taxable product be entitled to share in the revenues derived from its sale? This question has ignited debates across the country, with many southern stakeholders calling for a reevaluation of the VAT-sharing formula.  

Critics argue that it is unjust for northern states to reject the production and consumption of alcohol while benefiting financially from its taxation. This situation, they contend, highlights the need for a more transparent and equitable revenue allocation framework that respects regional differences without fostering dependency or contradiction.

In fact, Tinubu’s tax reform has also faced resistance within political circles. Critics argue that the administration should focus more on cutting government waste and improving expenditure efficiency before increasing taxes. Some elites, accustomed to exploiting loopholes to avoid paying their fair share, are predictably unsettled by the prospect of tighter enforcement.  

Political analysts suggest that these opponents may deploy their influence to stymie the reform’s progress, framing it as anti-business or punitive. This opposition underscores the high stakes of the reform agenda and the entrenched interests it threatens to disrupt.

Without any iota of exaggeration, it is not a misnomer to opine that the success of Tinubu’s tax reform will hinge on the administration’s ability to address these regional and sectoral concerns transparently and inclusively. This is as public engagement is crucial to dispel fears and garner support. The government must also demonstrate fiscal discipline by addressing corruption and ensuring that revenues generated through the reform are channeled into tangible improvements in infrastructure, education, healthcare, and social services.  

For the northern states, this may require a difficult but necessary reckoning. If they wish to continue benefiting from national tax revenues, they must adopt a more equitable stance on industries contributing to the tax pool. Alternatively, Nigeria may need to explore a federal VAT system that allows states to keep revenues generated locally, incentivizing them to adopt policies that encourage economic activity.

Without a doubt, Tinubu’s tax reform is a litmus test for his administration’s resolve to address Nigeria’s fiscal challenges. While fears abound, they should not overshadow the reform’s potential to catalyze a more sustainable and equitable economy.  

The controversy over northern states’ stance on alcohol taxes encapsulates the broader challenge: balancing cultural, religious, and economic considerations in a diverse nation. The question is not just “Who is afraid of Tinubu’s tax reform?” but also, “Who is willing to embrace it for the greater good of Nigeria?”  

In navigating this delicate terrain, the government must remember that meaningful reform requires not just bold ideas but also empathy, fairness, and inclusivity. If managed correctly, these reforms could lay the foundation for a stronger, more unified Nigeria where all states contribute equitably and benefit proportionately.

In the labyrinth of Nigerian politics, where loyalty is often sacrificed at the altar of ambition, the story of Donatus Matthew, a former Okada rider turned federal lawmaker, serves as a glaring illustration of opportunism. Matthew’s remarkable ascent to the House of Representatives as a representative of Kaura Federal Constituency in Southern Kaduna under the Labour Party (LP) banner was a beacon of hope, a testimony to the power of grassroots support. However, his recent defection to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) reveals the darker side of Nigerian politics: the propensity to betray the very platform and people who propelled one to power.  

Matthew’s journey from being an Okada rider to a federal lawmaker captured the imagination of many Nigerians. His victory over Gideon Gwani, a four-term incumbent and Minority Chief Whip of the House of Representatives under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), was nothing short of revolutionary. It symbolized a shift in the political dynamics of Kaura Federal Constituency, fueled by the “Obidient wave” led by Peter Obi’s Labour Party.  

His story resonated deeply with Nigerians disillusioned by the political status quo. Matthew embodied the aspirations of ordinary citizens seeking representation by leaders who understood their struggles. His victory was celebrated far and wide, with activists like Stephen Kefason hailing it as a victory for the people of Southern Kaduna.  

Yet, less than two years into his tenure, Matthew has dealt a heavy blow to his supporters by defecting to the APC. This defection, coming from a man whose rise was rooted in the grassroots mobilization and ideological fervor of the Labour Party, is nothing short of a betrayal. It is a painful reminder of the opportunistic tendencies that plague Nigerian politics.  

Activist Stephen Kefason, one of Matthew’s early supporters, expressed his disappointment in a scathing post on X (formerly Twitter). Kefason did not mince words, describing Matthew as “opportunistic” and accusing him of capitalizing on Peter Obi’s popularity to secure his position, only to abandon the movement once his political ambitions were achieved.  

Matthew’s defection is not an isolated incident. It is symptomatic of a broader culture of political nomadism in Nigeria, where politicians shift allegiances for personal gain rather than ideological convictions. This behavior erodes the foundation of democracy, which thrives on accountability and trust between leaders and the electorate.  

In Matthew’s case, the timing and nature of his defection suggest that it was motivated by political convenience rather than any principled disagreement with the Labour Party’s ideology. The APC, as the ruling party, offers access to resources, patronage, and political cover, temptations that many politicians find irresistible.  

However, this culture of defection has far-reaching consequences. It diminishes public trust in politicians and undermines the credibility of political parties. When leaders like Matthew abandon the platforms that brought them to prominence, they send a message that political promises and commitments are expendable.  

Matthew’s actions raise serious questions about his character and priorities. His victory was not merely a personal achievement but a mandate entrusted to him by voters who believed in the ideals of the Labour Party and the broader “Obidient movement.” By defecting to the APC, Matthew has disregarded the trust of his constituents and aligned himself with a party that many of his supporters view as emblematic of the problems they sought to change.  

Critics have also pointed to Matthew’s underwhelming performance as a lawmaker. Since joining the National Assembly, he has reportedly not sponsored any bills or motions. This lack of legislative activity further fuels the perception that his defection is less about serving his constituents and more about securing his political future.  

Matthew’s defection underscores a troubling reality in Nigerian politics: the absence of ideological commitment among many politicians. Parties are treated as mere vehicles for achieving power, with little regard for their principles or the electorate’s aspirations. This trend undermines the development of strong political institutions and perpetuates a cycle of instability and disillusionment.  

For voters, such betrayals deepen cynicism and apathy, making it harder to mobilize grassroots support for future movements. Why invest time, energy, and hope in a leader who might abandon their mandate at the first opportunity?  

At its core, Matthew’s defection is a betrayal of trust. The Labour Party and the “Obidient wave” represented more than just a political movement; they symbolized a collective desire for change, for a new kind of politics that prioritized the needs of the people over personal ambition. By abandoning the Labour Party, Matthew has not only bitten the hand that fed him but also trampled on the hopes of those who believed in him.  

Matthew’s defection should serve as a wake-up call for political parties, voters, and institutions. Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to opine that a few steps that can help mitigate the damage caused by such betrayals cut across strengthening party discipline, instilling voter accountability, instilling civic education, and reforming the political system. 

The put the foregoing steps in details, it is expedient to opine that political parties must establish mechanisms to discourage defections, such as requiring defectors to relinquish their seats. This would ensure that mandates remain tied to the parties that earned them.  

In a similar vein, constituents must hold their representatives accountable, demanding transparency and engagement throughout their tenure. Defections that betray the electorate’s trust should be met with public condemnation and political consequences.  

Also in a similar vein, there is the need for the education of voters about the importance of ideological consistency and the role of political parties in governance can help create a more informed electorate.  

Added to the above steps is that Nigeria’s political system must be restructured to prioritize service delivery over personal gain. This includes addressing the excessive perks and privileges that make political office so attractive.  

In fact, Donatus Matthew’s defection from the Labour Party to the APC is more than a personal decision; it is a reflection of the broader challenges facing Nigeria’s political landscape. By biting the hand that fed him, Matthew has not only betrayed his party and supporters but also highlighted the urgent need for reform in how politics is practiced in the country.  

For the electorate, Matthew’s actions serve as a stark reminder to scrutinize leaders not just for their promises but also for their commitment to principles. Trust is the currency of democracy, and when it is squandered, the cost is borne by all.  

As Nigeria grapples with its political challenges, one thing is clear: the path to a better future requires leaders who are not just opportunists but true representatives of the people. Donatus Matthew’s story is a cautionary tale, a lesson in the dangers of placing hope in leaders who prioritize ambition over service.  

Afe Babalola, at 95 years old, your name carries immense weight in Nigeria. You are a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), a legal titan, and a celebrated builder of institutions. You have lived a life many could only dream of—a career that began in the 1960s, when you returned from London armed with degrees and a calling to shape Nigeria’s legal landscape. Your influence spans decades, reaching your birthplace, Ado Ekiti, where you are not just a son but a kingmaker. But now, at the twilight of your life, you have allowed anger, ego, and a thirst for vengeance to taint the legacy you spent a lifetime building. Good God, Afe Babalola—at 95, what are you doing?

Farotimi and the Unchecked Wrath of Your Ego

Dele Farotimi, a human rights lawyer and fearless critic, dared to write something that bruised your pride. In his book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, he accused you of influencing the judiciary—words that clearly struck a nerve. Yes, defamation can sting; it challenges how others perceive you. But Babalola, was this how you chose to respond? By unleashing AK-47-wielding police officers to storm his legal office, abduct him like a fugitive, drag him across state lines to Ekiti—your birthplace and sphere of influence—and lock him in prison?

This wasn’t a pursuit of justice; this was rage, unchecked and weaponized. At 95, instead of offering a dignified rebuttal or seeking redress through lawful civil processes, you turned to brute force and intimidation. Babalola, are you proud of this road you’ve taken—a road paved not with law and reason, but with power and vengeance? Does this bring you peace, or does it simply reveal the fragility of a legacy built on influence but now shaken by a single book?

This is not the justice you spent decades advocating for. This is not the Afe Babalola who established institutions to educate the next generation. This is not the legacy of a man who became a beacon of excellence in the legal profession. This is something else entirely—an act of revenge, a misuse of influence, and a display of unchecked power. At 95, is this the story you want to be told about you? That you used the police, the judiciary, and your immense sway in Ekiti to crush a man who dared to say something that offended you?

Your Place of Birth and Influence: A Stage for Intimidation

Ekiti State, your birthplace, carries a legacy intertwined with your name. Ado Ekiti is more than a town; it is the foundation of your life’s story, a place shaped by your influence. Yet, like so many parts of Nigeria, it is not immune to whispers of judicial compromise—where magistrates often face undue pressure, judges tread carefully under the shadow of reprisal, and the decisions rendered sometimes reflect the weight of power more than the rule of law. It is within this complex and fragile system that Dele Farotimi now finds himself, facing circumstances that call into question the very principles of justice and fairness.

Farotimi was hauled into an Ekiti magistrate court and denied bail in a state where your word carries the force of law. A man locked in a cell not because he committed a heinous crime, but because he wrote words that angered you. Good God, Babalola, think about the pain you are inflicting on this man—not just the physical pain of imprisonment, but the mental torment of being victimized by a system you so thoroughly dominate. Is this what you want for your birthplace? For Ekiti to be remembered not as the home of a great legal mind but as a place where the powerful crush dissent?

What Will You Tell the Next Generation?

You are a teacher, a builder, and a mentor to countless lawyers. What will you tell them about this chapter of your life? That you used your immense legal knowledge to teach the importance of justice, or that you used your influence to exact revenge? What do you want young lawyers to learn from this? That defamation, an emotional wound, justifies weaponizing the police and judiciary? That the power you’ve built over a lifetime is best spent silencing critics rather than uplifting the law?

At 95, you are closer to meeting your Creator than most of us. When that time comes, what will you say to Him? That you allowed your anger to overshadow your achievements? That you used the police not as enforcers of justice but as tools of intimidation? That you let ego, not wisdom, guide your final years?

Farotimi’s Pain: What Have You Done?

Dele Farotimi’s arrest has not silenced him. It has amplified his voice. The pain you have inflicted on this man—dragging him from his legal office, imprisoning him in Ekiti, forcing him to endure a system that you know is broken—has not made you stronger. It has exposed the very abuses he speaks of. Farotimi has long said that the powerful in Nigeria use the police and judiciary to serve their interests, and here you are, proving him right.

What satisfaction have you gained from this? A fleeting sense of power? A temporary quelling of your wounded ego? Or are you simply consumed by anger, unable to see the damage you are doing—not to Farotimi, but to yourself, your legacy, and the place you call home?

A Judiciary Under Pressure, a Police Force Without Direction

Babalola, you know the judiciary in Nigeria is compromised. You’ve seen it all—the bribes, the pressures, the rulings dictated by influence. Judges in Ekiti, like in most parts of Nigeria, often act under duress, fearing the repercussions of defying powerful figures like you. You know this, and yet you allowed Farotimi to be locked up in this system. What does this achieve? What is the point of having a magistrate remand him when the system itself is so riddled with flaws? Is this the justice you want to be remembered for?

And the police—those who stormed Farotimi’s office with rifles, as though they were capturing a dangerous criminal—what message does this send to the world? That in Nigeria, a man can be treated like a fugitive for words he wrote in a book? That the police exist not to protect citizens but to serve the anger of the elite? Babalola, this is the system you have chosen to align yourself with. This is the system you now represent.

Afe Babalola’s Painful Choices—Will the Nightmares Ever End?

Here you are, going to sleep tonight with Dele Farotimi locked up in prison, awaiting his next hearing on December 10, as ordered by Magistrate Abayomi Adeosun. For defamation—a matter long recognized as civil—and with the police attempting to justify their actions under the pretext of cybercrime, this charade is nothing short of tragic. Cybercrime, a convenient catch-all accusation in Nigeria’s legal landscape, was introduced here as a desperate attempt to add weight to a case that should never have escalated beyond civil litigation.

How do you reconcile this with your legacy, built over decades of legal excellence? Will the nights ahead be haunted by dreams of him, locked behind bars because of your wounded ego—a 95-year-old man with a name revered across Nigeria, now risking it all in an act of power-driven vengeance?

What justice is there in using your influence to imprison a man for words? Your legacy deserved better, but now it will carry the weight of this moment—a moment where wisdom gave way to anger, and power overshadowed fairness. Will these decisions let you sleep in peace, or will they leave you questioning the choices that have brought you here?

Afe Babalola: Fighting Words with Guns—Is This the Legacy You Want?

No matter the AK-47s or the heavy-handed tactics, at the core of this spectacle lies a wounded ego, Babalola. Farotimi’s 2024 book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, questioned your legacy with allegations that you influenced Supreme Court judgments for your clients, casting shadows over the judiciary’s integrity. Instead of meeting these words with truth, debate, or the dignity expected of a man of your stature, you chose a path of force—arming the police to silence a critic. Babalola, do you truly believe this brutal display of power will restore your name, or does it reveal a deeper fear of the very words that challenge your legacy? At 95, is this what your decades of excellence have come to—a battle against words with guns?

Turning Farotimi’s Book Into a Symbol of Resistance

Oh Babalola, in your fit of emotional outrage and abuse of power, you have achieved the very opposite of what you intended. By targeting Dele Farotimi, a human rights lawyer, you have turned him into a symbol of defiance against oppression. His book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, once an underappreciated critique of systemic corruption, is now a sensation. Thousands are Googling it, publishers are overwhelmed with orders, and now, more than ever, they will know the rot you sought to bury.

The words you tried to silence are echoing louder than ever, exposing the very system you are a part of. Afe, your actions have amplified his truth, and this is what you get—turning a critic into a hero and your legacy into a cautionary tale of ego and misused power.

What Will You Tell God?

At 95, you have seen more of life than most. You have achieved what many can only dream of. But in these final years, what will you tell God when you meet Him? That you used your influence to lock up a man who challenged you? That your anger over words in a book drove you to misuse the very institutions you once upheld? That the power you spent a lifetime building was ultimately spent silencing dissent? Babalola, is this how you want to go out of this life?

A Civil Matter Turned Cruel—Why Has Justice Been Forsaken?

Babalola, this is the painful ending you have chosen for yourself at 95. A legacy built on decades of legal excellence and national respect now overshadowed by an act of vengeance. Dele Farotimi, a human rights lawyer, sits locked in a Nigerian prison—a place of overcrowded cells, no sanitation, and unimaginable suffering—all for words he wrote in a book. Words.

Defamation, firmly rooted in civil law, should never have spiraled into this grim spectacle. Criminal defamation, long abolished in Lagos and dismissed by modern legal standards, has no place here. And even if it did, the principles of bail and humane treatment demand fairness. Yet here we are, with a man stripped of his freedom, dragged from Lagos to Ekiti, and left to endure conditions that break the human spirit.

This was never about justice. It’s about a chilling message—not just to Farotimi but to anyone who dares to speak truth to power. Why, in a matter so clearly civil, must the punishment be so brutal and disproportionate? Even if the system could somehow justify these charges, why take a route so steeped in cruelty and ego-driven vengeance? Why allow your towering legacy to be tarnished by actions that defy compassion, fairness, and wisdom?

A Legacy at Risk: Your Final Chapter Is Being Written

Babalola, your legacy, built over decades, is being rewritten—not by your achievements but by this act of anger. It is no longer about the institutions you built or the respect you earned. It is about this moment, a moment where your choices have overshadowed everything else. Farotimi’s imprisonment is not just a story about him; it is a story about you, your choices, and the path you have taken in the twilight of your life.

At 95, you stand at a crossroads. Will this be the final chapter history remembers—a man who let ego and wounded pride define his legacy? Or will you step back, release Farotimi, and allow wisdom to guide your final years?

The world is watching, and history will not forget. Good God, Babalola—at 95, is this really how it ends?

Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in Nigeria have criticised the federal government for labelling some citizens’ opposition to the four tax reform bills as ignorance.

The director general of the National Orientation Agency (NOA), Lanre Onilu, said that various quarters in the country are resisting the tax bill because they lack proper awareness regarding the benefits of the proposed tax reforms.

Speaking on Wednesday at the Federal Secretariat, Bauchi, during a press briefing with journalists on the potential benefits of the tax reform bills submitted by the presidency to the National Assembly for consideration, Mr Onilu insisted that the reforms offer many advantages, particularly for the poor. He added that those opposing them are political figures who stand to pay more taxes under the new regime.

The NOA Director General, represented by the National Director of Planning, Research, and Strategy, Nuru Kobi, said the agency is committed to promoting awareness of ethical values and national development.

He added that, in addition to tax reform, the agency is initiating sensitisation campaigns in other areas, including HIV prevention, security awareness, human rights, and discouraging “get-rich-quick” schemes.

Mr Onilu argued that critical stakeholders, including the media, must be involved in shaping positive public perspectives on these key issues. He revealed that the tax reform bill would soon be made available in local languages to enhance understanding.

For her part, Bauchi State director of the agency, Mrs Theresa Omaga, stated that officials intend to lead efforts in every community within Bauchi State’s 20 local government areas.

According to her, amplifying these efforts to ensure the message resonates with every Nigerian is paramount.

However, civil society organisations have criticised the government for chiding citizens on an issue the government has failed to provide adequate public education.

The CSOs that spoke to LEADERSHIP include the Transition Monitoring Group (TMG), Transparency International (TI), and the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC).

“It is not wise to attack Nigerians. The government should engage in sensitisation. If the bills benefit Nigerians, they will accept them with adequate sensitisation. Bullying will not solve the problem. If the bills benefit Nigerians, the government should sensitise the people and dialogue with them,” the CSOs said while urging members of the National Assembly to be patriotic.

LEADERSHIP reports that the CSOs have advocated for fiscal policy reforms that address Nigeria’s socio-economic challenges while promoting transparency and inclusiveness. They described the Nigeria Tax Bill 2024 as a landmark legislative initiative that could transform the country’s fiscal framework by consolidating legal provisions, enhancing tax administration, and promoting economic transparency.

“However, we strongly urge the National Assembly and the Executive to critically examine and address key gaps in the bill to ensure its implementation fosters inclusivity, economic equity, and sustainable governance,” the CSOs said.

CISLAC executive director, Auwal Musa Rafsanjani, highlighted several critical concerns within the bill.

He said: “The proposed derivation model for VAT revenue distribution risks deepening economic disparities among states. Addressing such systemic inequities requires a constitutional review. To mitigate these challenges, we advocate establishing an Equalisation Fund to support less-developed states in building their human capital and institutional capacity until 2030. Additionally, VAT must be collected at the point of sale rather than remitted to corporate headquarters to enhance transparency and prevent regional disparities in revenue allocation.

“The proposed increase in VAT rates, which are set to double by 2030, raises significant concerns about its impact on inflation and poverty. We recommend maintaining the current VAT rate of 7.5% until the economy stabilises, coupled with measures to shield vulnerable populations from price shocks. It is also imperative that the list of VAT exemptions be expanded to include essential items such as cooking energy (LPG and kerosene) and electricity for consumer use, to mitigate the regressive effects of taxation on low-income households.”

“To ensure tax incentives are administered equitably, we emphasise the need for transparency in their implementation. Strengthening the enabling laws of the Nigerian Investment Promotion Commission (NIPC) is critical to preventing misuse and ensuring inclusivity. Furthermore, the bill’s provisions for an effective tax rate on multinationals and high-turnover companies must be backed by clear and enforceable guidelines. Strengthening compliance mechanisms will ensure that large corporations and multinational enterprises contribute their fair share to national revenue.”

“Revenue from the Development Levy must be transparently utilised to enhance education and institutional capacity in underserved regions, supporting long-term human capital development,” Rafsanjani stressed.

The CSOs underscored that fiscal policies should bridge socio-economic divides while fostering trust between the government and citizens.

He further urged the National Assembly to engage with stakeholders, including civil society organisations, to ensure the bill reflects the aspirations and needs of all Nigerians.

 Senate Suspends Legislation

Meanwhile, the Senate has directed its Committee on Finance to halt further deliberations on the proposed tax bill until the outcome of a high-level meeting with the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF).

The announcement was made on Wednesday during the plenary session presided over by Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin, who revealed that a special committee had been formed to address the bill’s contentious provisions.

The meeting with the AGF to resolve the issues is scheduled for today, Thursday, December 5.

This decision follows intense discussions among lawmakers to resolve disagreements on key aspects of the proposed legislation. The contentious provisions have sparked debates among stakeholders over the past few days.

The Senate leadership also announced plans for a special meeting at the National Assembly, to be chaired by the Minority Leader.

The session aims to provide a platform for lawmakers to harmonise their positions and ensure that the bill aligns with national priorities while addressing concerns raised by stakeholders.

The special committee tasked with resolving the issues has the following members: Senators Abba Moro (chairman), Tahir Monguno, Adamu Aliero, Orji Uzor Kalu, Seriake Dickson, Titus Zam, Yahaya Abdullahi, Solomon Adeola, Sani Musa, and Mukhail Abiru.

The committee and Senate leadership are expected to lead efforts to ensure a balanced and inclusive approach to the proposed tax legislation.

[Leadership]

For northern politicians, accusations of acting against “northern interest” can be politically perilous. This is the charge the Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Barau Jibrin, has been battling since the controversy over the tax reform bills caused an uproar in the Senate.

Last Tuesday, Senator Barau, presiding over the Senate plenary in the absence of Senate President Godswill Akpabio, faced one of the most challenging moments of his political career. He clashed with Senator Ali Ndume (APC, Borno) during debates on the bills and permitted the presidential committee on tax reform to address the senators—a decision that has since sparked a storm of criticism.

The backlash, particularly on social media, has been intense. Critics accused the Kano North senator of betraying northern interests by allegedly supporting the controversial bills. He was also the focus of Friday sermons in some mosques, with a cleric in a widely shared video calling for divine judgement against him and other supporters of the bills.

A satirical video by social media influencer Dan Bello further inflamed tensions, portraying Barau as complicit in advancing policies that would impoverish northern citizens. Originally posted on TikTok, the video amassed over 100,000 likes, 2,000 comments, and 10,000 shares. It also gained traction on X (formerly Twitter) and WhatsApp, where users widely shared it to accuse Barau of supporting the bills to curry favour with the presidency.

While some analysts argued that Barau may be a victim of circumstance, others added that the widespread distrust of the Nigerian government and his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), has made him an easy target. Many critics contended that Barau should have found a way of excusing himself from presiding over the plenary last Tuesday or should have opposed the bills outright, including denying the presidential committee a platform to address lawmakers. Others, however, argued that as the presiding officer, Barau’s duty was to the Senate’s procedures, not regional sentiments.

Speculation about Barau’s political ambitions has also fuelled the controversy. Though he has not declared an intention to run for Kano State governor in 2027, some observers believe the incident has been politicised by rivals within the APC and the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP). These opponents are alleged to have amplified the narrative that Barau supports the bills, branding him as working against northern interests.

An X user, @Mk__maitama, highlighted this political dimension, accusing members of the NNPP’s Kwankwasiyya Movement—who have been among Barau’s harshest critics—of hypocrisy. He noted their silence when Hon. Abdulmumin Jibrin Kofa (NNPP, Kiru/Bebeji) openly championed the tax reform bills and granted interviews supporting them.

Some commentators also linked the relocation of Barau’s son’s wedding fatiha to Maryam Nasir Ado Bayero from Kano to Abuja to the public outrage.

However, the family of Alhaji Nasir Ado Bayero dismissed these claims, explaining that the change was to accommodate dignitaries from across Nigeria and abroad. In a statement, Alhaji Aminu Babba Dan Agundi, chairman of the organising committee, clarified that the relocation was a decision by the bride’s family and unrelated to the controversy.

Amid the uproar, prominent lawyer and social commentator, Bulama Bukarti, called for a fair assessment of Barau’s actions. “We need to be fair to him. Honestly, he hasn’t stated his position on this bill, whether in favour of or against it. People should calm down; the second reading is not the end of a law,” Bukarti said.

Barau also defended himself in an interview with the BBC Hausa, stating, “Nobody will come and do something that will cheat his people; nobody will do that.” 

He explained that he allowed the presidential committee to address the Senate because further clarification on the bills was deemed necessary, as had been done in the House of Representatives.

“They [the committee] were invited, but some senators claimed they weren’t informed despite announcements on our platform. Nevertheless, the law allows us to proceed,” Barau said. 

Addressing the social media backlash, he remarked, “Some people are already on standby to insult and defame others. They do this without understanding proper procedures. We politicise everything.”

In a show of support, a coalition of youth groups from northern states held a solidarity rally at the National Assembly on Tuesday, hailing Barau as the “Sardauna of our era.” A former president of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), Comrade Tijjani Kabiru Mohammed, reiterated that Barau had neither endorsed nor opposed the tax reform bills but instead advocated for public sensitisation.

Observers believed the rally demonstrated that while some clerics and youths have criticised Barau, others stand firmly with him. They also opined that the protest underscored the political undertones of the development.

They suggested that this support might explain why Barau presided over Wednesday’s plenary, where the Senate announced the decision to step down legislative action on the bills.

[DailyTrust]