When information minister Mohammed Idris addressed the public on the Daily Trust’s recent controversial report, he took the worn path of adding moral panic to the existing one. Rather than address the matter at stake straightaway, he first went on self-justificatory explanations before whipping out the All Progressives Congress’s favourite allegations of ethnic bias and how everything else—except their poorly run government—can lead to potential social breakdown. While Daily Trust did not give a good account of themselves on that issue, we must keep in mind that they are a private media house that caters to an audience in a free market. They do not owe it to the current administration to be fair, just as the Bola Tinubu-owned media houses too were never nice to the past Peoples Democratic Party government.

For those whose memory of that controversy has receded, this is about the recent sensational report about the so-called Samoa Agreement the Federal Government signed. According to Daily Trust, the agreement contains clauses that compel underdeveloped and developing nations like Nigeria to support the advocacy by the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender community for legal recognition as a condition for getting financial and other support from western countries. Daily Trust’s report did not quite say how much we would be getting, but they hinted that some $150bn was involved. Merely implying a link between LGBT and money was enough for that story to be multiplied in the imagination of poor Nigerians. It got to a point that some people expressed their belief that Nigeria was getting $150bn for signing a LGBT agreement.

When you consider our society’s tendency to believe virtually anything, then you will understand why a Warri prophet is selling “miracle soap” and other magical items to his beguiled congregation. When a society’s moral ecosystem is already rigged with lies, there is no amount of absurdity people will not tolerate. Human gullibility is such a perpetually inelastic market that no matter how outrageous it gets, there are always people willing to buy falsehood.

The Federal Government vs Daily Trust debacle, at least while the sensation lasted, was perhaps the most amusing drama I have seen in our public space this year. Yes, it was most laughable to find out that there are actually Nigerians out there who believe that they—and their leaders—have moral values that can withstand a $150bn inducement. For the newspaper to have even drawn the associative line between the money and the agreement, they must know the peculiar disease of numerical a-literacy that afflicts their countrypeople and choose to exploit it.

Ours is a country where we mention “millions” and “billions” without corresponding association of value. There was a time in this country when corruption was measured in millions.  In the 1990s, the $12bn Gulf oil windfall seemed like the peak of financial corruption. Today, no self-respecting administrator goes that low. Even corruption to the tune of billions of dollars no longer scandalises.

The desensitisation also impacts how we understand and relate to figures. Ask a Nigerian what the population of their country twice in a day, and you might hear them say “200 million” in the morning and “250 million” in the evening. They will easily add zeroes to arrive at whatever they feel it should be without being struck by the absurdity. It is the same way we report casualty figures and hype the numbers. One death is not enough disaster in our part of the world; we must exaggerate just so the incident can register.

To the numerical a-literate, figures are just a bunch of zeroes written one after the other. Since they cannot conceptualise the inherent value, those numbers mean nothing. Because the figures have been de-anchored from reality, we can easily lie with figures.

Here is a quick example: In December 2022, the Independent National Electoral Commission announced it would spend N117bn (about one third of its budget) on technologies that prevent hacking and other electoral issues. When the election took place three months later, Minister of Communications and Digital Economy Isa Pantami claimed they managed to prevent 12.9m cyberattacks on the INEC server. That was an election in which 26 million people (likely inflated too) were recorded to have voted. How does it make sense that for every two votes cast, there was a cyberattack? That figure had to have been a statistical contraption by people who not only needed to justify their inflated budget, but also lay a firm ground for another future electoral corruption. Come 2027 election, you will see how much they will budget for anti-hacking technologies.

Whether willful mischief or just illiteracy on the part of the media, Daily Trust took advantage of our mathematically-challenged climate. The first proof that the story was bunkum was the amount they insinuated was involved. How much is the budget of Nigeria—or even the entire West Africa—that anyone would give us that much to decriminalise sexuality? According to the BBC, the said money (€150bn, not dollars) was not even dedicated to Nigeria but provided to Africa through a scheme known as Global Gateway to boost “smart, clean and secure links in the digital, transport, energy and climate-relevant sectors.”

But if truly we were being given the money for LGBT reasons, who says we would have resisted it? We have sold our souls for far less sums and not even for noble reasons. Nigerian—nay, African—leaders have acceded to far more terrible deals that will enslave people across generations for mere millions.

There must be a huge cognitive dissonance between reality and Nigerians’ processing of it for anyone to assume they can put up any resistance if truly western countries want us to change LGBT laws in exchange for money. Think of the World Bank loan of $2.25bn recently approved for Nigeria. Despite how much of our blood repaying that loan will draw, finance minister Wale Edun still described it as “the closest you can get to free money.” You think if the situation ever arises for that one to exchange Nigeria’s LGBT laws for actual free-no-strings-whatsoever-attached money, he will resist? And if that day comes, what can any of those raving and ranting against “LGBT and western agenda” do? Nothing.

Here is a counter-intuitive truth about western power and LGBT in Africa: they simply do not care enough to compel it. If that day ever comes that western powers decide that they need African leaders to decriminalise homosexuality, it will happen. A country like Uganda made one of the world’s most repressive LGBT laws to loudly signal its virtues of defying western nations. Yet, the same country lives off western charity. If their sponsors truly want them to reverse their anti-LGBT laws, do they not have the leverage? Think about it, if a Nigerian president sends a bill to decriminalise sexuality to the National Assembly, is it the Senate led by a morally lapsed fellow like Godswill Akpabio that will stand against it in the name of fighting for African values?

The best you will get from him and his fellow ideologically uninclined lawmakers in their hollowed chambers will be a tepid debate rapidly mouthed by people whose only conviction is money. They will pass the bill, and with even far more efficiency than they did with the national anthem. It will become a law, and there will be nothing any one of us can do about it. Even the religious leaders currently whipping up moral panic over nothing will sing a new song.

In Africa today, there is a lot of decay, disease, and decay because our leaders betrayed us for a mess of pottage. To think those who could do that will somehow develop the will to resist any more money—especially in billions—is just hilarious.

The Management of Dangote Industries Limited has insisted that the international oil companies are still frustrating crude supply to its 650,000-capacity refinery.

The management said this even as it commended the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission for its various interventions in the oil company’s crude supply requests from IOCs, and for publishing the Domestic Crude Supply Obligation guidelines to enshrine transparency in the oil industry.

In a statement on Wednesday, the Dangote Group alleged that the IOCs insisted on selling crude oil to its refinery through their foreign agents, saying the local price of crude would continue to increase because the trading arms offer cargoes at $2 to $4 per barrel, above NUPRC official price.

The group also alleged that the foreign oil producers seemed to be prioritising Asian countries in selling the crude they produced in Nigeria.

The Vice President, Oil & Gas, Dangote Industries Limited, Mr DVG Edwin, said, “If the Domestic Crude Supply Obligation guidelines are diligently implemented, this will ensure that we deal directly with the companies producing the crude oil in Nigeria as stipulated by the Petroleum Industry Act.”

Edwin insisted that IOCs operating in Nigeria had consistently frustrated the company’s requests for locally-produced crude as feedstock for its refining process.

IOCs trading arms

He stated that when cargoes were offered to the oil company by the trading arms, it was sometimes at a $2 to $4 (per barrel) premium above the official price set by the NUPRC.

“As an example, we paid $96.23 per barrel for a cargo of Bonga crude grade in April (excluding transport). The price consisted of a $90.15 dated Brent price plus a $5.08 NNPC premium plus a $1 trader premium. In the same month, we were able to buy WTI at a dated Brent price of $90.15 + $0.93 trader premium including transport. When the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited subsequently lowered its premium based on market feedback that it was too high, some traders then started asking us for a premium of up to $4m over and above the NSP for a cargo of Bonny Light.

“Data on platforms like Platts and Argus shows that the price offered to us is way higher than the market prices tracked by these platforms. We recently had to escalate this to NUPRC,” Edwin said, urging the commission to take a second look at the issue of pricing.

Edwin was reacting to a statement by the Chief Executive of the NUPRC, Gbenga Komolafe, who in an interview on national television said, “It is ‘erroneous’ for one to say that the International Oil Companies are refusing to make crude oil available to domestic refiners, as the Petroleum Industry Act has a stipulation that calls for a willing-buyer, willing-seller relationship.”

While noting that the commission had been very supportive of the Dangote refinery as it had intervened several times to help secure crude supply, Edwin, however, insisted that the NUPRC boss might have been misquoted by some people hence his statement that IOCs did not refuse to sell to us.

“To set the records straight, we would like to recap the facts below. Aside from the NNPCL, to date, we have only purchased crude directly from only one local producer, Sapetro. All other producers refer us to their international trading arms. These international trading arms are non-value-adding middlemen who sit abroad and earn a margin from crude being produced and consumed in Nigeria. They are not bound by Nigerian laws and do not pay taxes in Nigeria on the unjustifiable margin they earn.

“The trading arm of one of the IOCs refused to sell to us directly and asked us to find a middleman who would buy from them and then sell to us at a margin. We dialogued with them for nine months and in the end, we had to escalate to NUPRC who helped resolve the situation,” Edwin stated.

He spoke further, “When we entered the market to purchase our crude requirement for August, the international trading arms told us that they had entered their Nigerian cargoes into a Pertamina (the Indonesia National Oil Company) tender, and we had to wait for the tender to conclude to see what is still available. This is not the first time. In many cases, particular crude grades we wish to buy are sold to Indian or other Asian refiners even before the cargoes are formally allocated in the curtailment meeting chaired by NUPRC.”

He urged the NUPRC to take a second look at the issue of pricing, having severally asserted that transactions should be on a willing-seller, willing-buyer basis.

For this to work, he said that there must be market liquidity (many sellers/many buyers in the market at the same time) unlike where a refinery needs a particular crude grade loading at a particular time then there is typically only one participant on either side of the market.

“It is to avoid the problem of price gouging in an illiquid market that the domestic gas supply obligation specifies volume obligation per producer and a formula for transparently determining pricing. The fact that the domestic crude supply obligation as defined in the PIA has gaps is no reason for wisdom not to prevail,” Edwin stated.

The PUNCH reported earlier that the President of the Dangote Group, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, told editors during a tour of the refinery that the refinery was set to roll out its petrol in August 2024, having resolved its crude oil supply issues through the help of the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited and the Federal Government.

Dangote’s comment came a few days after the NUPRC said crude oil producers in Nigeria had committed to working towards a sustainable supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries under a market-determined pricing system.

Both parties had said the commitment aimed to ensure that while the operators (crude oil producers) do business optimally, the refineries are not starved of feedstock. 

Accordingly, the industry regulator, the Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission has directed oil refiners to provide monthly price quotes on crude supply.

Refiners accuse IOCs

Meanwhile, the Crude Oil Refiners Association of Nigeria has also alleged that IOCs in the country have been selling crude to CORAN members through their trading agents in Europe instead of engaging in direct sales to local refineries.

CORAN, while expressing optimism that the recent intervention of the Federal Government would help in stopping the practice, described it as an illegal act that requires immediate government attention.

In an interview, CORAN Publicity Secretary, Eche Idoko, told The PUNCH that the oil companies engaged in the act despite the regulations of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission on the Domestic Crude Supply Obligation.

“To be fair to the Federal Government, the NUPRC has set up the Domestic Crude Supply Obligation that is meant to mandate the crude producers to supply to the Nigerian market.

“But as I speak to you, the IOCs are still kicking to see how they can whittle down the effect of the DCSO guideline, which said they should sell crude to Nigeria on a willing-buyer, willing-seller basis, but under a favourable term to Nigerians.

“What the IOCs are pushing for is that the agreement is signed between the refineries and their trading agencies instead of themselves, but the Petroleum Industry Act says it should be with them. Why they want us to sign with their trading agencies or partners is that most of their trading agencies are in Europe,” Idoko stated.

The oil refiners’ spokesperson added, “So, it means we are buying crude from a European country while the producer is in Nigeria. This is the same thing the Dangote refinery was complaining about. We will be buying our crude oil like it is from an international market. Those are the issues we’ve been grappling with.”

Idoko added that the IOCs want to be paid through the A-rated banks, meaning the cost could only be paid in dollars.

“Another issue is that the IOCs want us to pay with an A-rated bank and no Nigerian bank is A-rated, so we have to buy with dollars. The clauses they are trying to smuggle into this trade agreement will make it more difficult for us to buy from them under a domestic trade term. This technically places us at a disadvantage,” he said.

NUPRC recently announced that it had resolved the controversies between oil producers and local refineries, a development that was re-echoed by the Dangote Petroleum Refinery at the time it said the plant would release petrol to the market in August.

However, CORAN called for concerted efforts to prevent a situation whereby the Dangote refinery would resort to the importation of its crude due to an unfavourable Nigerian market.

Idoko told our correspondent that Dangote and other local refiners were in the oil business to ameliorate the sufferings of Nigerians, especially in having access to cheaper fuel and ending years of recurring fuel scarcity.

“Most refiners in Nigeria went into the business out of passion. We really want to see the sufferings of Nigerians ameliorated. But what I can say is that Dangote will definitely sell his product to make profits. He has done a lot to have sighted the refinery in Nigeria.

“The Federal Government also has to do the needful to ensure he also gets the crude at a cheap rate. If the crude is not sold to him cheaper, we will not get the anticipated price reduction the refinery should bring to PMS. But it will be less cumbersome for the Federal Government to buy from him,” Idoko stated.

CORAN expressed concern that the Federal Government was finding it difficult to enforce its regulations, saying the IOCs want to retain Africa as their market for imported petroleum products.

“If local refineries sell their products outside Nigeria, it will bring an inflow of foreign exchange and it will reduce the pressure on the naira. But our question is, why is it so difficult for the Nigerian government to see through the gimmicks of these oil merchants who continue to hold us to ransom? They want to guarantee supply to their refineries outside Nigeria.

“If Nigerian refineries continue to get crude supply, it means they can only get crude after the Nigerian refineries are satisfied; they might go out of market. The second reason is that they want a continuous market in Africa for their products, and Nigeria is the largest consumer of refined products in Africa. The Nigerian government should wake up.

“The refining industry in Nigeria has the propensity to create 20 million direct and indirect jobs. It can solve 60 per cent of the current forex issue with a direct impact on inflation. We have been pleading with the Coordinating Minister of the Economy to sit with us to see how we can partner together, but the trade merchants have presented themselves as the saviour and we as the enemy,” he claimed.

Idoko charged the Federal Government to implement its policies and guarantee the supply of crude to local refineries.

Meanwhile, repeated efforts to speak with the IOCs individually and as a group proved abortive. While some of them acknowledged the emails sent to them by our correspondent seeking their reactions to the various allegations against them, they refused to comment.

IOCs keep mum

An official of the Oil Producers Trade Section, a sub-group within the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry, promised to revert but he has yet to provide a detailed response up till when this report was filed.

Rather the official, who did not want his name in print, said many of the allegations were not true.

Contacted, the NUPRC spokesperson, Olaide Shonola, said the commission was not aware of claims that the IOCs sold crude to local refiners through their foreign trading agents, promising to find out.

Our correspondent recalls that Dangote’s Edwin had last week accused international oil companies in the country of plotting to frustrate the survival of the $20bn refinery.

He said the IOCs were deliberately and willfully frustrating the refinery’s efforts to buy local crude by hiking the cost above the market price by $6, thereby forcing the refinery to import crude from countries as far as the US, with its attendant high costs.

Edwin stated, “The IOCs are deliberately and willfully frustrating our efforts to buy the local crude.

“It seems that the IOCs’ objective is to ensure that our petroleum refinery fails. It is either they are deliberately asking for a ridiculous and humongous premium or they simply state that crude is not available.

“At some point, we paid $6 over and above the market price. This has forced us to reduce our output as well as import crude from countries as far as the US, increasing our cost of production.

“It appears that the objective of the IOCs is to ensure that Nigeria remains a country, which exports crude oil and imports refined petroleum products. They are keen on exporting the raw materials to their home countries, creating employment and wealth for their countries, adding to their Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and dumping the expensive refined products into Nigeria, thus making us dependent on imported products.”

It was expected that the directive of the NUPRC Chief Executive, Gbenga Komolafe, that oil producers and refiners should henceforth provide the regulator with cargo price quotes on crude supply and delivery to monitor and regulate transactions among parties would help resolve the crude controversy.

Komolafe recently warned that the pricing model from the oil producers should not be seen to be strangulating the domestic refineries.

However, the fresh lamentations from Dangote and other local refineries are an indication that the crude crisis is not yet over.

[Punch]

The unsafe working environment in Nigeria has become alarming, with a surge in industrial accidents resulting in death, maiming, and incapacitation. The inaction of regulatory authorities to address this situation is a tragedy.

Recently, Adeyemi Aderounmu, Patrick Ikenwe, Augustine Nwamba, Tukur Mohammed Kabiru Labaran, Adebanjo Adeyemi, and Yusuf Akeem lost their lives in the Maritime industry. The sector has also recorded numerous cases of maiming and incapacitation of workers. The Textile sector has also been affected, with workplace tragedies including:

- Mr. Shola Odunleye, who suffered burns on January 24, 1999, at ITI Process House, Lagos.
- Mr. Ayodele Amusan, who lost his left palm on March 9, 2000, at ITI Process House, Lagos.
- Mr. John Onyemah, who suffered a severe vertebral column injury on September 15, 2000, at ITI Process House, Lagos.
- Mr. Emmanuel Olutsosoye, who lost a finger on February 6, 2002, at First Spinners PLC.
- Mr. Ali Oloche, who suffered abrasions on two left fingers on September 12, 2000, at First Spinners PLC.
- Mr. Kareem Aderemi, who suffered abrasions on two right fingers on June 26, 2002, at First Spinners PLC.
- Mr. Rasheed Quadris, who suffered abrasions on his right fingers on March 3, 2000, at First Spinners PLC.
- Mr. Oke Olakunle, who suffered minor abrasions on his right fingers on March 3, 2000, at First Spinners PLC.

Sadly, Mr. Ekuma Sunday died on September 7, 2010, after collapsing at work at United Nigeria Textile LTD. More recently, Mr. Richard Gbadebo died on July 28, 2020, while operating a machine at Henkel Nigeria Limited, and Mr. Temidayo Kayode suffered a hand injury on April 26, 2022, at Yanou Industry Nigeria Limited, which led to amputation.

NLC President Joe Ajaero highlighted the issue of unsafe working environments in his remarks at the national retreat on Labour reforms and the quest for a living wage in Nigeria, organized by the National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies on July 8, 2024. Ajaero emphasized the need for legislative interventions to address the challenges faced by Nigerian workers, including inadequate wages, rising inflation, and an increasing cost of living.

He also mentioned the recent death of Yahaya Ibrahim, a 27-year-old worker at KAM Steel Integrated Company, who was crushed by a Roller machine on July 7, 2024. Ajaero stressed the importance of legislative oversight and the enactment of policies that protect workers' rights and welfare. He urged lawmakers to discharge their duties effectively to create a decent work environment that supports a decent standard of living for Nigerian workers.

THE Lagos State government, yesterday, has given a three months extension for owners and developers of existing buildings without Planning Approvals in the state. 

The Commissioner for Physical Planning and Urban Development, Dr Oluyinka Olumide, who disclosed this in Alausa, Ikeja, said Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu had approved the extension of the programme by another three months, starting from August 1 to October 2024, to allow more people to benefit from the programme.

Recall that in April, the Lagos State government had announced the provision of an amnesty period of 90 days, from May 2 to July 30, 2024 to enable owners and developers of existing developments obtain Planning Permits without  payment of statutory penal fees, which erecting buildings without approvals would have attracted.

Olumide said: “The Sanwo-Olu administration instituted the amnesty programme to cushion the effect of the current economic hardship on the built environment sector and equally enhance compliance to Physical Planning regulations to guarantee a livable, organised, orderly and sustainable built environment.”

[Vanguard]

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of Didi Esther Walson-Jack, as head of the civil service (HoS) of the federation.

Ajuri Ngelale, the presidential spokesperson, said in a statement on Wednesday that Walson-Jack’s appointment will take effect on August 14.

Ngelale said Folasade Yemi-Esan, the outgoing HoS, is set to retire from the civil service on August 13.

“Mrs Walson-Jack was appointed as Federal Permanent Secretary in 2017 and has served in several ministries,” the statement reads.

“The new appointee will take over from the incumbent Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Dr. Folasade Yemi-Esan, CFR, who is due to retire on August 13, 2024.

“President Tinubu, while thanking the outgoing Head of Service for her stewardship, tasks the incoming Head of Service to discharge her duties with innovative flair, integrity, and stringent adherence to the extant rules and regulations of the Civil Service of the Federation.”

WHO IS DIDI ESTHER WALSON-JACK?

Walson-Jack holds a Bachelor of Law degree from the University of Lagos. She was called to the bar in 1987.

Before joining the federal civil service, she was the solicitor-general of Bayelsa and also served as the permanent secretary of the state ministry of justice.

She was first appointed as a permanent secretary in 2017 by former President Muhammadu Buhari. She was deployed to the office of the head of the civil service of the federation.

She had served as permanent secretary at the ministries of Niger Delta affairs, power, water resources and sanitation, and education.

In 2023, she was conferred with the national honour of the Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON).

In her early days, she attended the Federal Government Girls’ College in Benin City, Edo state, and the Federal Government College in Ilorin, Kwara state.

She is married to Nimi Walson-Jack, a former general secretary of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA).

[TheCable]

The controversy began in April 2004 following the creation of 37 Local Government Areas (LGAs) by then Lagos State Governor, now President Bola Tinubu. Riled by what he considered to be an impudent act, then President Olusegun Obasanjo directed that funds for the LGAs in the state be withheld until Lagos reverted to the 20 LGA structure. As I highlighted in my book, ‘Power, Politics and Death: A front-row account of Nigeria under the late President Yar’Adua’, Tinubu filed a lawsuit against the federal government, urging the Supreme Court to determine the propriety and legality of Obasanjo’s action. And in a somewhat controversial judgment, the apex court declared the 37 LGAs created by Tinubu “inchoate and inoperable” since the National Assembly had not listed them in the Constitution. But the same court also ruled that the federal government had no right to withhold the funds.

With both the federal government and Lagos state claiming victory in what had become a personality clash between Obasanjo and Tinubu, prominent Yoruba citizens intervened through a committee of elders led by a former Attorney General of the Federation, the late Prince Bola Ajibola. That effort culminated in the 37 Lagos LGAs being rechristened Local Council Development Authority (LCDAs) by Tinubu. This brought a temporary truce and Obasanjo ordered the release of a first tranche of N10 billion from the entitlements of the 20 LGAs then estimated at about N21 billion. When Tinubu insisted on conducting elections  for the 37 LCDAs, Obasanjo viewed it as an affront. So, for the rest of his tenure, funds for Lagos LGAs were not paid. This was the situation at the time the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua assumed office on May 29, 2007.  Following consultations, he ordered the release of the accumulated council funds to Lagos State under Governor Babatunde Raji Fashola.

I therefore find it ironic that Tinubu would drag governors before the supreme court over local government funds, even though I support the idea behind it. With the apex court judgment, four key issues have been settled. One, section 162 of the 1999 Constitution is now completely redundant. Two, all funds standing to the credit of the 774 LGAs in the federation account shall henceforth be paid directly to them. Three, governors can no longer dissolve democratically elected councils, and/or replace them with caretaker committees. Four, no funds will be released to councils run by caretaker committees. But several issues beg for answers with perhaps the most significant being: What happens to the funding of LCDAs created in some states by their governors? Incidentally, Tinubu was the first governor to take that route before others followed, which is why many governors seem surprised by his move.

As I said, I support the principle behind the judgement given how governors play with local government funds. Besides, since President Muhammadu Buhari failed to achieve the same objective with ‘Executive Order 10’, I understand why Tinubu chose the apex court route. My main concern is that I do not think the judgement will change anything concerning the administration of local government in Nigeria. And that is why I believe we require a reform that is more practical. In his piece, ‘Let the Third Tier Breath’, published yesterday, Special Adviser to the president on Information and Strategy, Mr Bayo Onanuga raised pertinent issues. But I do not share his optimism that the apex court judgment will make much difference to the people at the grassroots.

Perhaps the only person who has spoken to the heart of the issue is Shehu Sani, a civil rights activist and former Senator from Kaduna State. In his characteristic way of reducing serious issues to humour, this was his summation of what will follow the judgement: “’Your Excellency Sir, I received the alert (from the federation account). What should I do with it?’ Despite the Supreme Court ruling, many LG chairmen will still behave like this when their account is credited directly,” he wrote. Before drawing my conclusion, I crave the indulgence of readers to reproduce my 27 August 2020 column, ‘Democracy and the Grassroots’.

=====================================================================

The 1999 Constitution (as amended), provides that each of the 774 local governments in the country is vested with powers to establish and maintain cemeteries, burial grounds and homes for the destitute or infirm; license bicycles, vehicles, canoes, wheel barrows and carts; regulate slaughter houses, markets, motor parks and public conveniences as well as construct and maintain roads, streets lightings, drains, parks, gardens, open spaces etc. They are also to register births, deaths and marriages and name roads, streets, and houses, while providing and maintaining public conveniences and refuse disposal among other functions. Perhaps most significantly, local governments are expected to provide and maintain primary, adult and vocational education and health services. 

These, no doubt, are heavy responsibilities for which 20.60 percent of our total national earnings is allocated from the federation account. That is one fifth of the entire resources accruing to the nation. Available data from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) indicates that no less than about N25 trillion has been shared by the 774 local governments in the past 21 years. Even if we use the prevailing exchange rate, that still exceeds $60 billion! For instance, last year (2019), all the local governments shared N1.649 trillion; In 2018, they shared N1.667 trillion; in 2017, they shared N1.502 trillion; in 2016, they shared 1.011 trillion; in 2015, they shared N1.205 trillion; in 2014, they shared N1.557 trillion; in 2013, they shared N1.708 trillion; in 2012, they shared N1.535 trillion; in 2011, they shared N1.255 trillion; in 2010, they shared N1.328 trillion; in 2009, they shared N976.817 trillion and in 2008, they shared N1.206 trillion.

Despite such huge financial resources, local governments are not playing their roles because governors have conspired to render them completely prostrate. The national president of the Nigeria Union of Local Government Employees (NULGE), Comrade Ibrahim Khaleel once argued that “the concept of bringing governance closer to the people through a third-tier participatory form of government has not materialized in Nigeria.” After tracing the history of reforms of local government from the Dasuki Committee of 1976 to the Etsu Nupe report of 2003 and several Supreme Court rulings, Khaleel gave a damning verdict: “there is no state in Nigeria where one form of illegality or the other is not committed with the funds of local governments. Through over deduction of primary school teachers’ salaries; spurious state/local government joint projects, sponsoring of elections, taking over the statutory functions of local governments and handing them over to cronies and consultants; non-payments of pensioners and non-utilization of training fund despite the mandatory deduction of stipulated percentages for these purposes, we can go on and on. Most of these shameful activities are known to all of us.”  

To be sure, local government administration in Nigeria has always presented a challenge, but it has never been as bad as it is now under the current dispensation. Even though democracy is a never-ending process of inquiry that requires the validation of voters, what we have witnessed over the years in the name of local government elections has been no more than a charade. For the benefit of readers, let me highlight results of the last local government polls in all the 36 states of the federation (in alphabetical order). 

In December 2016, the Abia State Independent Electoral Commission conducted LG polls, where almost a million people were recorded as having voted. The ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state won all 17 chairmanship and 292 councillorship seats. “There was no election anywhere in the state,” the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) secretary, Sunday Onukwubiri, told reporters. A year earlier during the 2015 general election, Governor Okezie Ikpeazu had secured 264,713 votes (representing 59.4 percent of total votes cast) to defeat Dr Alex Otti, the then APGA candidate who secured 180,882 votes (representing 40.6 percent of total votes cast). Yet, APGA could not win any seat at the LG polls. That has been the pattern in all the states where the Independent National Election (INEC) results are at variance with the figures churned out by the state electoral commission that conducts LG polls. 

Last December (2019) in Adamawa, candidates of the ruling PDP in the state won all the 21 chairmanship and 226 councillorship seats. Akwa Ibom is billed to conduct the local government election on 31st October this year, but the APC has already seen the handwriting on the wall by threatening a boycott. In the last one conducted in December 2017, PDP won all the 31 chairmanship and 329 councillorship seats. “Details of scores will be made available by the field operations/logistics department of the commission,” according to the chairman, Aniedi Ikoiwak, who only gave round figures without providing any breakdown of the results! 

In Anambra State where council polls have not been held in the past six years, businessman, Chief Arthur Eze, has issued a stern warning to Governor Willie Obiano: “I want him (Obiano) to know that since he has refused to hold local government elections, he must be ready to vomit all the allocations and revenues of the councils at the end of his tenure. He will not go free. I have taken up the matter formally in writing with President Muhammadu Buhari concerning all Southeast governors who have refused to organise council elections but chose to unilaterally usurp the functions and finances of that level of government. They will all be called to account. None will get away with it.” 

It will be interesting to see how Eze executes his threat but in the last council polls held in January 2014 under Governor Peter Obi, the ruling APGA in Anambra State was ‘magnanimous’ enough to cede some councillorship seats after taking all the 21 chairmanship positions. In Bauchi State, Governor Bala Mohammed had promised to conduct council polls in June this year before COVID-19 put a spanner in the works. But in the last one conducted 13 years ago, it was 100 percent victory in both the chairmanship and councillorship positions for the then ruling PDP in the state! 

On the eve of the Bayelsa State gubernatorial election last year (2019), the PDP government at the time conducted council polls, winning all eight chairmanship positions and 105 councillorship seats. A few weeks later, it was the APC candidate who won the gubernatorial election conducted by INEC with a comfortable margin. It took the intervention of the Supreme Court for the PDP to win back the state on technical grounds that had nothing to do with how the people voted. In Benue State, COVID-19 did not prevent council polls from holding in May this year with the ruling PDP winning all the 23 chairmanship and 276 councillorship seats. But in deference to the pandemic, Borno State has postponed its own LG polls. In June this year, the ruling PDP won all the 18 chairmanship and 196 councillorship positions in Cross River State. 

The January 2018 council polls in Delta State produced an interesting outcome. After winning all the 25 chairmanship seats, the ruling PDP in the state conceded a single councillorship position in Ward 2, Aniocha North local government area, the home base of the then minister of state for petroleum, Dr. Ibe Kachikwu to APC, winning the remaining 424 councillorship positions. Ebonyi will hold its council polls this Saturday. In the last one conducted in April 2017, PDP won all the 13 chairmanship and 171 councillorship seats. In Edo State in March 2018, the then ruling APC won all the 18 chairmanship and 192 councillorship seats. In Ekiti State, the last local government poll held in December 2017 and predictably, the then ruling PDP won all the 16 chairmanship and 177 Councillorship seats. In Enugu State where the poll held in March this year, the ruling PDP won all the 17 chairmanship and 260 councillorship positions. In Gombe State, the then ruling PDP won all the 114 councillorship and 11 chairmanship positions in the February 2017 LG polls. In Imo State, in August 2018, the ruling APC won all the 27 chairmanship positions and 636 of the 645 councillorship positions. In June 2019, the ruling APC won all the 27 chairmanship and 286 councillorship positions in Jigawa State. 

In May 2018, what perhaps remains the only semblance of a competitive election was conducted by the Kaduna State Independent Electoral Commission (SIECOM). At the end, the ruling APC won in 12 local government areas, the PDP won in five local government areas, with results from three local government stalemated. In February 2018, the ruling APC swept all the 44 chairmanship and 484 councillorship seats in Kano State. In August 2014, the PDP cleared all the 34 chairmanship and 361 councillorship seats in Katsina State. In October last year, the ruling APC in Kebbi State won all 21 chairmanship and 223 councillorship positions. The last local government polls in Kogi state were held in 2013 and the then ruling PDP cleared all the 21 chairmanship and 225 councillorship positions. In Kwara State, the November 2017 LG polls also produced the then ruling APC as winners of all the chairmanship but conceded nine councillorship positions to the PDP. 

Elections into the 57 LGAs/LCDAs of Lagos State were conducted in July 2017 with the ruling APC winning all the chairmanship positions. The party also won 369 councillorship seats while the PDP won four seats, and Accord Party, the remaining three. In May 2018, the ruling APC won all the 26 chairmanship and 147 councillorship positions in Nasarawa State. In December last year, APC cleared 24 of the 25 local governments in Niger State with PDP winning one. In October 2016, the ruling APC won the chairmanship positions in all the 20 LGAs and 37 LCDAs in Ogun State. The party also won 346 out of the chairmanship and 349 councillorship seats. In January 2018, the ruling APC cleared all the 389 councillorship positons in Osun State. In the May 2018 poll in Oyo State, the then ruling APC won all the chairmanship seats in the 33 LGAs and the 35 LCDAs.  

In October 2018 in Plateau State, council polls held in 13 of the 17 LGAs. APC was declared winner in 11 (no figures were announced) with the remaining two stalemated, leading to a violent protest. In June 2018 in Rivers State, the ruling PDP won all the 23 chairmanship and 302 councillorship positions. In Sokoto, the then ruling APC (now PDP) won all the 22 chairmanship and 234 councillorship seats at the March 2016 local government elections. In June this year, after the Taraba State Independent Electoral Commission (TSIEC) chairman, Dr Phillip Duwe declared PDP candidates the winners for both chairmanship and councillorship positions in all 16 local government councils, he urged the defeated candidates and parties to understand that ‘leadership comes only from God.’ But after the February 2017 LG poll in Yobe, the state electoral commission chairman did not beat about the bush: “Having received and compiled the election results, all the 17 candidates of the APC in the chairmanship category are declared winners.” And in the council polls conducted in April last year by the then outgoing Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State, his APC cleared all the 14 chairmanship and 147 councillorship seats. 

The entire essence of voting is for citizens to decide how they are governed. But in a situation in which Nigerians have been conditioned to believe that exercising their franchise in local government elections is simply a waste of time, then something is wrong with our system. Therefore, to reform the institutions and practices that have placed structural roadblocks in the path of our democracy at the grassroots level, we must disempower the few who lord themselves over the many. Aside wasting enormous resources on these meaningless elections, the governors do not even pretend that they consider them serious. In Gombe some years ago, the state government engaged a contractor to supply ballot boxes for council polls. The contractor went to China for the procurement, but the election was conducted, and winners declared before the ballot boxes were eventually delivered. In Bauchi, a former deputy speaker of the state assembly (and a prominent member of the ruling party then serving as an aide to the governor) was once appointed chairman of the State Independent Electoral Commission!

In their book, ‘How Democracies Die’, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt argue that while there is a general tendency to believe that a democracy is imperilled only by military adventurers, it is now the elected leaders who most often subvert the very process that brought them to power. These are men who have no qualms “rewriting the rules of politics to permanently disadvantage their rivals”, the authors wrote before adding, “The tragic paradox of the electoral route to authoritarianism is that democracy’s enemies use the very institutions of democracy—gradually, subtly, and even legally—to kill it.” 

ENDNOTE:

As I stated in my October 2017 ‘Platform Nigeria’ presentation, the promise of good governance embedded in the theory of decentralization is being delivered in the breach in Nigeria today because accountability diminishes as you move from the centre to the other units: states and local governments. But to saddle the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) with the additional burden of conducting council polls, as suggested by Onanuga and other stakeholders, is not the right approach, all factors considered. In a country where every election ends in litigation, the problem of INEC would be compounded if it adds council polls to its assignments. Besides, the challenge of local government administration in Nigeria goes beyond money and the process of electing chairmen and councillors. The question we should ask ourselves is whether we need three tiers of federating units. In most federal countries, including the United States from where we photocopied the presidential system of government, there only two. What we have today is a Nigerian invention that has not worked.

To alter the trajectory of our country and bring government closer to the people, there must be institutional reforms, beginning with the charade we now call local government elections. But it cannot end there. In his column, ‘Refocusing the Debate on Local Governance in Nigeria’ a month ago, Waziri Adio, the Executive Director of Agora Policy, a think tank focused on development and governance, argued that “Nigeria is overdue for another and a more thoughtful reform of governance at the local level.” Central to the quest for improving local governance in Nigeria, according to Waziri, “should be how to creatively and sustainably deepen democracy, citizens’ participation and social accountability at the local level,” All these, he added, “should be the overriding focus of not just the ongoing debate but also of the next generation of local government reforms in the country.”

I wholeheartedly concur!

Eniola Bello @ 60

In the first decade of THISDAY Newspaper, our Chairman, Prince Nduka Obaigbena (who clocked 65 last Sunday) established a unique selection and recruitment tradition regarding editors of the three titles: Saturday, Sunday and Daily. Even though there was a clear line of succession, he still allowed each title editor to nominate their successor. So, on two occasions, the Managing Director of THISDAY Newspapers, Mr Eniola Bello, known mostly as EniB, nominated me to succeed him, first as Sunday editor and later as editor of the main title. While the second occasion in August 2005 was fairly straightforward, the earlier one in 2003 was not. Having been labelled ‘ambitious deputy’ by mischief-makers, EniB could have played office politics to frustrate me. But he was comfortable enough that we worked harmoniously. And he has remained a brother and friend.

As a member of the foundation staff in 1995, EniB has, over the years, played a significant role in the evolution of THISDAY as a formidable institution in Nigerian journalism. Strong in prose (he read English as his first degree), EniB writes the way he speaks (never takes prisoners) and was the first to earn the distinction of editing all THISDAY titles before I and later, Ijeoma Nwogwugwu joined the club. 

Come Sunday, EniB will be 60 and while a few of us were planning to host him to one of those ‘surprise celebrations’, it turns out he has his own plan. Having gotten wind of the plot (as often happens with competent reporters), he called me a few days ago to say we should save ourselves any trouble. By this weekend, he would already be out of the country with his family for a quiet holiday. That’s the quintessential EniB!

As he joins the sexagenarian club on Sunday, I wish him long life and good health.

Happy birthday, Baba Wura!

July 5 2024 was a historic day in the political and cultural annals of Aáwé town. That day was the memorable culmination of more than thirty years of a struggle to achieve the status of a beaded monarch for the Alaawe of Aáwé, Oba Cornelius Taiwo Oladokun. And the Oyo State Governor, Engr. Seyi Makinde, made this feat possible by the singularly courageous act of cutting through the red-tape of political shenanigans and prejudices to underscore historical imperatives that have to do with the cultural status of Aáwé as a significant Yoruba community in the southwest. Aáwé has always been a town that has been shaped by sociocultural and political conflicts and circumstances. And so, it becomes inevitable to connect this current breakthrough with the trajectories of so many others that situate Oba Taiwo Oladokun right within the dynamics of the Aáwé forebears and the Aáwé mystique.

What I have been calling the Aáwé mystique derives from Aáwé’s pragmatic mix of critical enlightenment, communal investment deriving from social capital, and educational commitment that facilitate the capacity of a small town to forge its own path within the context of complex sociocultural ferment from then till now. Aáwé’s strength lies in the generational, communal and diasporic investment that birthed great names that contributed to Aáwé’s image of resilience and progress. Even though Aáwé is a small Yorùbá town, it carries the weight of great achievements—the aggregation of its diverse indigenous pool into a developmental capital that propels continuous advancement in social, cultural, economic and political terms. Aáwé’s indigenous pool is made up of the expatriates abroad who invested in educational advancement and those, equally educated, who stayed behind to keep up the chain of communal commitment and advancement.

This mystique is founded on an even more fundamental governance principle that takes the grassroots seriously as the basis of a distinct and peculiar development founded on subsidiarity and social capital. These two principles form the basis of local governance that embeds governance and development in traditional institutions and the will of the members of the grassroots. I have provided these sociological and political narratives to underscore two points. The first is to underscore the rationale behind the doggedness and courage of His Royal Majesty, Oba Cornelius Abiola Taiwo Oladokun. This kind of struggle and sacrifice to realize the transformation of the status of the monarchy at Aáwé could only further elevate the status of the town and the historical forbearance of Aáwé’s forebears. The Kabiyesi is only following in the footsteps of the Aáwé ancestors who kept up the trajectory of historical and cultural responsibility to the town and to posterity. The new bearded crown is therefore a testimonial to the historical resilience of Aáwé as a small town that withstood the complexities and intrigues of being situated within the context of a larger Yorùbá historical circumstances that had the capacity to swallow it up.

More importantly, therefore, beyond the pomp and circumstances of the coronation, I am reading the entire event as Aáwé’s Nehemiah’s moment. At a very critical juncture in time, the biblical Nehemiah came to that conscious moment when all circumstances became propitious for him to take on the challenge of harnessing the will of the people and the resources of the land to reconstruct the walls of Jerusalem. I am convinced that Aáwé has reached its own critical moment when there is a conjunction of history, vision and possibilities; it is a moment to rehabilitate the shared vision that has never failed to unite the Aáwé homeland and the Aáwé diaspora, or the Aáwé people and its distinguished elites towards a sustainable developmental future. Given the committed efforts of Aáwé’s ancestors to the Aáwé mystique, there is already in place a vast demography of generational capital—in terms of human capital and available resources—that creates a space of possibilities. What must then be added is a context for the sharing of opinions and blueprints for moving Aáwé forward. And it is the responsibility of the Alaawe to facilitate the flowering of the space that accommodates different shades of opinions and scenarios within leadership large-hearted seminal spirit; especially the peculiar one, required to manage a demographic of people with perhaps one of the largest professors and professionals per capital in the world, for moving Aáwé forward.

Like Nehemiah, these needed conversations and discourses need to be had around the urgency of taking Aáwé to the next level of composite development. There is no questioning the visible and tangible level of infrastructural achievements that dot the landscape of Aáwé as a result of self-help efforts. And they are though few, but too numerous to be mentioned, from the Oba’s palace to the Odo Sogidi tourist center, and from the police post to the bank. We must also not fail to mention the industrializing spirit of late Chief (Sir) Anthony Amoje (the Otun of Aawe and his Amo Sanders), Chief Debo Omotoso (the Asiwaju of Afijio and his Bond Chemicals), etc. These self-help and industrial activities tell a tale of communal and collective responsibilities to the perceived need of a community that has always been aware of itself. However, by reason of this significant event of the crowning of the Aáwé monarch, we are challenged to rethink Aáwé’s development status and to take the self-help initiatives a fundamental step further. This is to the extent that the existing self-help efforts provide the enabling motivation to ground real development that transforms the well-being of the Aáwé people.

I mentioned that part of the Aáwé mystique is the available demography of people and resources that has been accumulating for a long time. This implies that there is really no need to reinvent the development wheel in putting Aáwé on the map. Starting from the Egbe Omo Ibile Aáwé to the Aáwé Development Plan: The OPTICOM Approach—and the ongoing but relevant Chief Emmanuel Adisa, the Asiwaju of Aawe-led attempt at developing an Aáwé Vision 2050, a blueprint that encompasses Aáwé Economic Renaissance and Restructuring for Economic Activities and Revitalization—speaks to the larger intention to take Aáwé beyond its present status in terms of leveraging local governance principles. For instance, Professors Ojetunji Aboyade and Akin Mabogunje’s OPTICOM—from optimum community—represents a unique experimental approach to grassroots mobilisation for community development. It is an attempt at establishing interactive platforms between researchers and grassroots producers in a unique synergy that facilitates the critical flow and fusion of knowledge and expertise. The OPTICOM thesis rests on the assumption that traditional structures possess the inherent capacity, borne out of centuries of adaptability and resilience, to bear the weight of responsible policy initiatives properly managed by equally responsible and development-sensitive leadership.

A revitalized OPTICOM approach, adapted to current development challenges, will provide the framework for transforming individual efforts into cooperative endeavors. For example, Aáwé farmers could be given the opportunity of re-organizing into enhanced cooperative societies and the building of entrepreneurial networks that could connect them with multi-sourced credit and infrastructural supports within a structured agro-processing industry value chain. This feeds directly into the poverty alleviation component of the Opticom model that is meant to reduce the burden of individual efforts that does not usually amount to much outside of cooperative capacities. This also speaks to Aáwé’s small and medium enterprises whose tenacious capacities as cottage industries not only delimit Aáwé’s comparative advantages, like the ebu ose (black soap) industry, but also remain the key to the creative industrial and economic transformation of Aáwéland. When the late Prof. Mabogunje consolidated this component in the celebrated experiment in Ijebu Development Initiative on Poverty Reduction (IDIPR), its success had the critical support and the transformational leadership inspiration of the HRM the Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona. This is then the crucial benchmarking of traditional governance structure and development achievement that Aáwé needs to emulate.

The development drive in Aáwé is also tied further to the dream of connecting Aáwé to the world, especially through age-long struggle to facilitate the establishment of a tertiary institution, as well as the urgent construction and rehabilitation of Aáwé’s network of roads and highways. Three highways are crucial in this regard—the Aáwé-Ife Odan, Aáwé-Akinmorin and Aáwé-Iwo roads. These are significant contributors to the industrialization of Aáwé. At the sociocultural level, Aáwé is also embedded in a historical and cultural axis under the sway of the Alaafin of Oyo. This place a heavy burden of wisdom and diplomacy on the Alaawe to find the right amount of relational skills and diplomacy that will make the peaceful coexistence between the different interests within Aawe town and those in diaspora on the one hand, and with our neighbors on the other, the centre-point of Aáwé’s development. And given that the days of imperialist expansion are long gone, what we are left with is a scenario of mutual and peaceful coexistence within the context of regional advancement that Aáwé itself can benefit from.

Therefore, even before the euphoria of the crowning ceremony wears off, it is time to commence the process of communal dialogue instigated by the Alaawe, the council of chiefs, Awe Development Corporation, the numerous egbe omo ibile Aawe, the Aáwé elite at home and in the diaspora, and the Aáwé people themselves. It is high time Aáwé took its place in the comity of places that deploy local governance through the political and sociocultural sophistication of their traditional governance structures to connect their people to human flourishing. This is a critical junction when the broken walls of Aáwé’s development trajectories needed to be rebuilt. And I believe the omen are auspicious sufficiently for us to re-start the formidable engine of progress.        

The Labour Party Presidential Candidate in the 2023 general election, Peter Obi will be 63 years old on Friday, July 19, 2024.

Reacting ahead of the day, the LP standards bearer directs all those well wishes planning to celebrate him to direct the resources to the poor and the needy in the society.

Writing on his X handle on Wednesday ahead of the day Obi said he would wish for a solemn celebration as usual especially now that the poor and the needy are swelling in our midst.

"On Friday, July 19th, I will be celebrating my 63rd birthday. As usual, it is a time for personal reflection and thanksgiving to Almighty God, who has graciously granted me life, good health, and the opportunity to contribute to the betterment of humanity. I am humbled by the numerous well-wishers, both locally and internationally, who have already begun sending birthday wishes and organizing events in my honour.

"My appeal to my well-wishers and supporters, particularly in Nigeria and Africa, is to use this occasion to fervently pray for our nation and respective countries. Let us present ourselves, as political leaders, to God, so that He may touch our hearts to make sacrifices, utilize public resources for the greater good, and prioritize the needs of the poor and marginalized. Let us also provide better opportunities for our youth to thrive.

"To those organizing events and spending funds in celebration of my birthday, I kindly request that you redirect those resources towards supporting the needy, particularly those in hospitals and schools. Your contributions can help pay medical bills and school fees for the less privileged.

"I also appeal that all gifts intended for my birthday be donated to care homes, schools, and hospitals, which will greatly benefit from your generosity. I have therefore personally, redirected the resources I would have used for celebrations towards supporting critical areas such as health, education, and poverty alleviation. I firmly believe that through these sacrifices, God Almighty will grant your heartfelt wishes for me and answer our prayers.

"Thank you for your kind thoughts and prayers. I urge you all to remain faithful to Nigeria, our beloved country, and your respective nations. May God Almighty protect, bless, and prosper you and your families, and may He bless our dear nation. 

Signed 

Yunusa Tanko 

POMR SPOKESMAN 

July 17, 2024.

Covid-19 is no longer a scare around the world because the pandemic is over, it is now a long-term disease just like any other infectious disease that is treated according to standard guidelines. However, there is a silent creeping burden of post covid-19 impact on public health with post-covid consequences even at very low transmission rates.

The silent burden of covid-19 arises from complications from previous covid-19 exposure. These conditions called covid-19 post-acute sequalae (or long covid) refers to aggravation of pre-existing conditions, or development of new symptoms ranging from neurological conditions, fatigue, brain fog, multiple organ damage, etc.

The silent undetected burden of long covid presents differently in people, hence it is sometimes difficult to identify. It is therefore necessary to consider previous history of covid-19 in patient management of seemingly unrelated new diseases to reduce public health burdens that soon will arise from covid-19 complications or long covid.

Also, there is a need for public awareness of the spread of new variants (forms) of covid and post-covid conditions (long covid), which can develop into serious conditions that lead to death. Back in the year 2020, who would guess that a new virus which emerged in late 2019 would cripple the world in a pandemic that has infected to date over 760 million people and killed over 7 million persons globally.

Coronavirus disease 2019 known as (covid-19) is an infection caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2 virus) characterized by rapidly spreading respiratory illnesses affecting multiple organs in children and adults. Covid-19 causes a barrage of mild to moderate symptoms and in severe cases leads to death, but long covid presents like chronic conditions. In most cases, long covid is identified months after recovery from covid-19.

The acute infection involves viral attachment to a receptor on the surface of host cells, in particular Angiotensin converting enzyme 2 receptor on lung cells, to infect humans. Several other events take place after the virus attaches itself to the host cell and these include viral replication, viral release which causes the acute infections but long covid continue to develop over a long time.

Covid-19 pandemic put the world to a stop in 2020 because public health experts and scientists were caught unprepared with the magnitude of the widespread of the virus, the overwhelming effects on the health systems and unprecedented deaths. Covid-19 was a newly discovered virus, but it was later found to be very similar to the known SARS and MERS viruses which causes severe respiratory illnesses.

In the early months of the pandemic, there was no drug known to treat the unknown virus or vaccines to prevent its continuous spread. Several strategies were used to manage patients, many of whom developed severe cases that led to the high number of deaths. It then became apparent to the world–including first world countries, that we were not pandemic ready!

This was due to high shortage of ICU facilities, staffing, as well as shortage of medical supplies. Strategies included social distancing, whereby movements were largely restricted and social gatherings–this reduced the transmission, but the virus soon defied this strategy and continued to spread therefore therapeutics and other preventive approaches were quickly developed.

Another public health concern of covid-19 virus is the changes in parts of its genetic makeup (genome) – a term called mutation, just like other viruses. These variants differ slightly in their genetic makeup, the severity of covid-19 illnesses they cause and the ease of transmission. As a prevention strategy of covid-19, many vaccines were rolled out globally. In the wake of the pandemic, some vaccines prevented infection but soon the covid-19 virus continuously mutated causing many vaccines to be discontinued or booster shots (2nd, 3rd, 4th doses) introduced.

New variants are now causing rising cases of covid-19 in western countries, like JN.1 and KP.2 variants in the UK and US as of July 2024, but in Nigeria, transmission has been insignificant, and BA.2.86 variant circulating according to CDC, however the burden of long covid is not yet known. Scientists are still in search for more treatments for COVID-19 emerging variants, and more importantly understanding the silent burden of long-covid.

The currently used drugs including Remdesivir, Molpunavir, etc only treats the acute early stage infection but drugs are yet to be developed to prevent or treat long covid which may impact the world masked as an increase in chronic diseases thereby increasing the public health crisis. Scientists will continue to research for new therapies and strategies to combat covid-19 and its consequences to prepare for any future pandemics and post-covid sequalae.

Dr. Dokunmu is an Associate Professor of Biochemistry, she has expertise in pharmacology, biochemistry and molecular biology.

RE: Supreme Court Judgment in Suit No: SC/CV/343/2004 - Attorney General of the Federation v. Attorney General of Abia State & 35 Ors

I wish to address the recent Supreme Court judgment in Suit No: SC/CV/343/2004 - Attorney General of the Federation v. Attorney General of Abia State & 35 Ors, delivered on the 11th of July, 2024.

This judgment, which has garnered significant public interest, is indeed a matter of great importance to our legal system and the country as a whole. It is with utmost diligence and dedication that we have been actively pursuing the Certified True Copy of the judgment and the enrolled Order from the Supreme Court.

Despite the challenges faced in obtaining these documents, I wish to assure the public that we are working tirelessly to secure the necessary materials. We must have access to a complete and accurate record of the judgment to thoroughly study its contents and implications.

It is worth noting that the Supreme Court's decision in this case was not unanimous, with a split judgment of 5 against 2. Furthermore, the majority of the Justices even disagreed on the reliefs sought by the Federal Government. This complexity underscores the need for a careful and comprehensive analysis of the judgment.

As we await the Certified True Copy of the judgment and the enrolled Order, we remain committed to upholding the rule of law and ensuring that justice is served. Our efforts are focused on understanding the intricacies of the judgment and determining the appropriate course of action for its implementation, while also ensuring that the administrative apparatus of our Local Government is appropriately manned with suitable personnel throughout the transitional phase.

I want to extend my heartfelt appreciation to the steadfast and industrious Justices of the Supreme Court, the Attorney General of the Federation, and the Attorneys General of the 36 States of the Federation for their dedication and professionalism in handling this complex matter. Their commitment to justice and the rule of law is commendable and sets a high standard for the entire legal community.

I urge the public to remain patient as we navigate through this process with diligence and transparency. Rest assured that the Government of Ondo State, under the able leadership of His Excellency, Hon. Lucky Orimisan Aiyedatiwa, is dedicated to upholding the principles of justice and will carefully examine the judgment and promptly set the necessary mechanisms in motion, reaffirming our unwavering commitment to fully implementing the rule of law in all our endeavours.

Thank you.

Wednesday, 17th July, 2024

E-Signed,
Dr. Olukayode Ajulo, OON, SAN, FCIArb. UK
Honourable Attorney-General of Ondo State and Commissioner for Justice