Most states have resorted to governing the local governments through caretaker committees set up by the State Government. 

This is contrary to Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), which guarantees the system of local government by democratically elected officials.

Caretaker committees have become a prevalent practice in different states across the federation, and are fast replacing local government councils.

Factors fingered for the inability of many States to conduct council polls include insecurity, paucity of funds as well as political and legal battles.

Thursday’s ruling by the Supreme Court declaring that it is unconstitutional for Governors to hold funds allocated for local government administrations further raised the question of how LG helmsmen are routinely sacked from office and replaced with Caretaker Committees.

These are the states running local governments with caretaker committees, ALAO ABIODUN writes:

1. Rivers – Rivers Governor Siminalayi Fubara appointed caretaker committees for the 23 local government areas as he continues his battle with his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, for the control of the political structure in the oil-rich state.

2. Jigawa – On June 28, 2024, the government of Jigawa State dissolved the elected council chairmen of the 27 local governments. 

3. Anambra – On June 20, 2024, Governor Charles Soludo, through the House of Assembly, confirmed the appointment of transition committee chairmen and councillors for the 21 local government areas. 

4. Zamfara – In Zamfara, the last grassroots poll was held on April 27, 2019, and the State returned to appointees after the chairmen’s tenures expired. In May 2024, the Assembly approved a six-month extension for the caretaker committee.

5. In Benue, however, elections are scheduled to be held on July 6, 2024, for LG council chairmen.

6. Bauchi – Last year, Bauchi State Governor, Senator Bala Mohammed, sworn in 20  appointed local government area caretaker committee chairmen with their deputies. 

7. Plateau – June 2023, Governor Caleb Mutfwang of Plateau inaugurated the Interim Transition Committee chairpersons for its 17 local government areas at Government House Jos.

8. Abia – In December 2023, Abia Governor Alex Otti, inaugurated the 17 local government transition council chairpersons. 

9. Enugu – In March 2024, Enugu State Government ordered local government chairmen in the 17 councils to hand over administration to heads of personnel management after the expiration of their tenures. 

10. Katsina

11. Kano – In March 2024, Gov. Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State recommended names of Interim Management Committee members for Local Government Areas of the state to its House of Assembly for screening and confirmation.

12. Sokoto

13. Yobe – In April 2024, Yobe State Governor, Mai Mala Buni, approved the dissolution of all the 17 local government councils of the state, and also directed all local government chairmen to handover the affairs of their respective local governments to Directors of Personnel Management. 

14. Ondo – Ondo State Government also constituted Caretaker Committees for the 18 Local Councils and 33 Local Council Development Areas, (LCDA). 

15. Osun – In February 2024, Osun Assembly extended the tenure of office and re-appointed caretaker committees of 30 Local Government Areas and 39 others running Modakeke Area Office and Local Council Development Areas in the state.

The extension was subsequently secured for the caretaker chairmen, vice chairmen, scribes and their members’ fresh six months tenure, beginning in February and ending in August 2024.

16. Delta 

17. Akwa-Ibom – Governor Umo Eno last year through a letter with reference number GHU/AKS/S/104/VOL.1/607, addressed to the Speaker, Hon. Udeme Otong, informed the House of Assembly that there was no provision in the 2023 budget for the conduct of local government elections. 

He urged the Assembly to pass a resolution authorising him to set up interim administration at the 31 local government areas at the expiration of the tenure of the elected council officials. 

18. Cross River

19. In Imo State, the last council poll was conducted on August 25, 2018, which was the first in seven years.

20. In Kwara State, the last council election was in November 2017 with caretaker committees in charge since 2020. 

[TheNation]

Today, Oba Owolabi Olakulehin officially ascends to the throne as the Olubadan of Ibadan land. In this piece, LAOLU AFOLABI highlights the monarch’s humble beginnings, his journey to the throne, the unique nature of the Ibadan non-ruling house chieftaincy, and the symbolic coronation ceremony that coincides with the new monarch’s christening date

On July 5, 1935, a charming boy was born in the serene Okugbaja Village, located near Akanran in what is now the Ona Ara Local Government Area of Oyo State, Nigeria. The joyous occasion was celebrated by his proud parents, Pa Ishola-Okin Owolabi and Madam Adunola Aweni Ope Ajilaran Omoyoade Owolabi. Following the rich and time-honoured Yoruba tradition, the family waited until the eighth day after his birth to officially bestow upon him his name. In a ceremony held within the family compound on July 12, he was given the name Akinloye Olalere Owolabi Olakulehin. The name, rich with cultural significance and family heritage, marked the beginning of his journey in life.

Today, another July 12 and the 89th anniversary of his christening, the boy once known as Baby Olakulehin is set to ascend to one of the highest traditional titles in Yoruba land. In a grand ceremony that will take place at the historic Mapo Hall, he will be enthroned as the Olubadan of Ibadanland. This significant event will see him don the prestigious beaded crown, symbolising his new status and authority. With this ascension, he will be officially titled His Imperial Majesty, marking a momentous occasion not only for him and his family but also for the entire community that holds the Olubadan title in high esteem.

The coronation will be witnessed by the crème-de-la-crème and the influential personalities in the country and beyond, as against the family compound naming ceremony held 89 years ago. Dignitaries led by President Bola Tinubu, governors, ministers, eminent traditional rulers, captains of industries, and academics, among others, will witness the coronation of the 43rd Olubadan in history, at the historic Mapo Hall, built in 1929, six years before the birth of the new Ibadan monarch. Today, on another christening anniversary, Olakulehin will lift the banner of his ancestors, being the first from his lineage to become the Olubadan. He has chosen to bear the name of the family, Olubadan Owolabi Olakulehin, Ige Olakulehin 1.

As a mark of honour for this historic christening, the Babaloja General of Oyo State, Alhaji Yekeen Abass, ordered markets in Ibadanland to be shut today, between 7 am and 2 pm, in honour of the new Olubadan of Ibadanland. To demonstrate that it was beyond the family compound christening, the Babaloja said the closure of the markets is to give honour to the first class Oba and allow free flow of traffic. It then asked all market traders and leaders to move en masse to Mapo Hall, the venue of the presentation of the instrument of office to the new monarch.

Another honour for the new Olubadan of Ibadanland is that he would be the second Olubadan to rule from a befitting palace, after the famous Olubadan Yesufu Oloyede Asanike, who first lived in the old palace at Oja’ba. The ultramodern historic palace sitting magnificently on Oke-Aremo, inaugurated by Governor Seyi Makinde on Wednesday, is to be the new official residence and palace of subsequent Olubadans, starting with Oba Olakulehin. Hitherto, the personal residence of the succeeding Olubadan had always served as the palace, upon ascension to the throne.

Oba Olakulehin’s coronation is a significant blessing to Ita-Baale Olugbode, his ancestral homestead within the ancient city of Ibadan. This momentous event revives a historic lineage, as the last ruler from Ita-Baale was Baale Ajayi Oyesile Olugbode, who reigned from 1851 to 1864. The name “Ita-Baale” literally means the courtyard of the ruler, derived after the title of Baale Olugbode. It is noteworthy that since the title “Olubadan” was officially created in 1930, the Ita-Baale Olugbode area had not produced an Olubadan until now. The community holds a special place in the history of Ibadan, not only for its ancestral significance as a conglomeration of families in Ibadan but also for its religious heritage. It is renowned for being where Olubadan Akinyele established his church, the Christ Apostolic Church Olugbode. This church remains a prominent landmark, reflecting the deep-rooted spiritual and cultural heritage of the community. With Oba Olakulehin ascending the throne, Ita-Baale Olugbode is poised to regain its historical prominence, celebrating a new chapter in its rich legacy and contributing to the enduring story of Ibadan’s traditional leadership.

Oba Olakulehin is a royalty personified. Both parents are from the established Ibadan recognised chieftaincy families. His maternal lineage derives from the Kusidi Family whose ancestral farmland is in Kusidi Village in Egbeda Local Government Area. Their ancestral homestead is within the ancient metropolis of Ibadan at Ile Kusidi in Elekuro.

Every Ibadan family is rooted in a dual heritage comprising both an ancestral farmland and an ancestral homestead. This tradition signifies that every Ibadan indigene has a village and a family compound within the city. For the members of the Olakulehin family, their ancestral village, where a Baale (village head) presides, is located at Okugbaja, within the Akanran area. Their ancestral homestead, however, is situated at Ita-Baale Olugbode, which holds profound significance as the place where Oba Olakulehin began his journey towards becoming the Olubadan, starting as Mogaji (family head) of the Ige Olakulehin family.

In the societal structure of Ibadan, the position of Mogaji is held in high esteem and is considered senior to that of the Baale. The Baale is an appointee of the Mogaji, underscoring the authority and respect commanded by the family head. This hierarchical distinction highlights the Mogaji’s pivotal role in both the governance of the family and the broader community. For Oba Olakulehin, his ascent to the Olubadan throne is deeply intertwined with these familial and cultural traditions. His leadership journey commenced as Mogaji of the Ige Olakulehin Family of Ita-Baale Olugbode.

A Mogaji will begin the journey to become the Olubadan the day he becomes Jagun Olubadan or Jagun Balogun, depending on where the vacancy exists. There are two lines to the Olubadan, the Otun line (civil) and the Balogun line (warrior). The Otun line has 22 steps to climb to become the Olubadan while the Balogun line has 23 rungs to the zenith. To emerge as Jagun on either line is a Herculean task and very competitive. It is a battle royale for all family heads contesting for a space.

For Olubadan Olakulehin, he became the Mogaji for the Ige Olakulehin Family of Ita-Baale Olugbode, in Ibadan North-East Local Government Area of Oyo State, in 1983. He was installed as the Jagun Balogun of Ibadan land by Oba Asanike in 1986. He then rose through the ladder and was elevated in 2006 to the Olubadan-In-Council, under Oba Yinusa Bankole Ogundipe, the 38th Olubadan of Ibadan. In 2016, Oba Olakulehin became the Balogun of Ibadanland, following the promotion of Oba Saliu Adetunji to the throne of the Olubadan. Olakulehin served as Balogun of Ibadanland for eight years.

A member of the Olubadan-in-Council qualifies to serve as the head of the traditional council in various local government areas across Ibadan. Royalty begins as any chief of the Olubadan becomes the High Chief, following the emergence at the Ekaarun Olubadan or Ekaarun Balogun rungs of the ladders. The council comprises the Olubadan, Otun Olubadan, Balogun, Otun Balogun, Osi Olubadan, Osi Balogun, Ashipa Olubadan, Ashipa Balogun, Ekerin Olubadan, Ekerin Balogun, Ekarun Olubadan, Ekarun Balogun and the Iyalode. Aside from the Olubadan and the Iyalode, the other 11 members are to serve as heads of traditional councils in the 11 local government areas of Ibadanland. The Iyalode is the head of all women’s affairs in the land.

For Oba Olakulehin, it was a journey of 38 years from Jagun Balogun – Ajia – Bada – Aare Onibon – Gbonnka – Aare Egbe Omo-Oota – Lagunna – Aare Ago – Ayingun – Asaju – Ikolaba – Aare Alasa – Agba Akin – Ekefa – Maye – Abese – Ekaarun Balogun – Ekeerin Balogun – Ashipa Balogun – Osi Balogun – Otun Balogun, Balogun and finally to the zenith of the ladder, the Olubadan of Ibadanland. He successfully stepped on each rung of the ladder until he got to the zenith.

Today, Oba Olakulehin has a date with history as he tours the Oluwo Labosinde Compound at Oja’ba, Ibadan, where he will perform traditional rites and the Ose Meji Shrine, where he will be crowned as the new Olubadan of Ibadan land, before the presentation of staff of office and instrument of office to him by Makinde at the Mapo Hall.

To Oba Olakulehin, today’s event affirms the question he asked when he became Mogaji in 1986. He spoke briefly with journalists on June 14, 2024, when he went on an inspection visit to the ultramodern Olubadan Palace, from where he will rule today. He said, “When we started the ladder (Mogaji), I asked, ‘Do we get to the climax?’ And they said yes. So, I knew that I would become Olubadan of Ibadanland. Now we are there.”

From a small beginning, Olakulehin started his primary school education in the village at St James Primary School, Oke Akaran. He subsequently moved to Ibadan where he attended Islamic School, Odoiye. He later went to St Peter Primary School, Aremo, where he concluded his primary education. Shortly after graduating from primary school, Olakulehin taught as a primary school teacher at Wakajaiye in the Akobo area of Ibadan, before he gained admission to Yaba Technical Institute for his secondary school education with vocational study in printing and artwork. Upon graduation, he worked at the Ministry of Works, Western Region Government in Ibadan from 1959, starting as a third-class clerk. While working, he gained admission to the Yaba College of Technology to study and obtained his Ordinary National Diploma and Higher National Diploma in Building.

Olakulehin was recruited in 1970 through the Direct Short Service Commission as a 2nd Lieutenant after he transferred his service to the Nigerian Army Corp of Engineers. He served the Army in Benin and Sapele under General Olusegun Obasanjo as his commanding officer. Oba Olakulehin later served in various positions and locations across the country. He rose through the ranks to the position of Major. As an officer, he held various positions. These included the Commanding Officer of the Army Maintenance Regiment in Jos, Kaduna and Lagos. He retired voluntarily from the Nigerian Army as a Major on October 1, 1979, after a remarkable 25-year career in military service.

Upon disengagement from the military service, Olakulehin founded and incorporated FAKOL Nigeria Ltd, a building contracting company which undertook various contracts for private individuals, corporations and the government, including the Nigerian Army. He also engaged in various enterprising endeavours. These include the ownership and operation of a successful printing press (Olakulehin Press, later renamed Solid Prints); the establishment of FAKOL Bakery, which was very famous for the production, distribution and supply of Fakol Loaves, Pastries and other pioneering confectionaries within the city of Ibadan.

He made a foray into politics. Olakulehin was a founding member of the Social Democratic Party in Oyo State during the Third Republic. He was elected as a member of the House of Representatives in 1992, the same period the Otun Olubadan of Ibadan, High Chief Rashidi Yekini, became Senator. Olakulehin represented Ibadan South East Constituency and served as Chairman of the House Committee of the Nigerian Army.

Today, Oba Olakulehin opens a new vista in the traditional institution of Ibadanland. The journey, though predictable for each stage, was, however, not smooth. He emerged as the Olubadan-designate following the death of Oba Lekan Balogun on March 14, 2024. His emergence came with controversies over his health, due to old age. As a statesman, he made no statement condemning anyone or the government. He bore no grudges. He was focused, and determined. He made exceptional appearances when necessary to ward off rumours. The waiting periods are over. Here comes Oba Akinloye Owolabi Olakuleyin, the Ige Olakulehin 1. Long Live the King!

[Vanguard]

What if Hollywood, a key Democratic financial pillar, cut off Joe Biden’s campaign funding? That possibility now looms large after actor George Clooney and other wealthy donors urged the US president to withdraw from the White House race.

“I love Joe Biden. But we need a new nominee,” Clooney wrote in a column in the New York Times on Wednesday, after Biden’s disastrous performance in a televised presidential debate against Republican rival, Donald Trump rekindled fears around the 81-year-old’s fitness for office.

The statement dealt a serious blow to Biden, coming just three weeks after Clooney headlined a major fundraiser in Los Angeles for his reelection campaign.

At the gala, the president was able to raise more than $30 million in one evening, a record amount that showcased the industry’s might in financing the American left.

Clooney is not the only one worried. In recent days, Netflix co-founder Reed Hastings, Walt Disney’s granddaughter Abigail and Hollywood mega agent, Ari Emanuel, whose brother, Rahm served as Barack Obama’s chief of staff — said they would not be financing Biden citing concerns over his age.

Historic Influence

Even though the millions generated by the American entertainment industry are essential to both parties, Hollywood’s hearts and wallets have predominantly leaned left for decades.

Both Bill and Hillary Clinton relied on Hollywood support in their respective White House bids. In 2007, Obama famously benefited from the “Oprah Winfrey effect,” receiving a boost to his profile after the star TV host organized a dinner to promote the man who was then still only a senator.

During the presidential race in 2020, the entertainment industry gave $104 million to Democrats compared to $13 million to Republicans, according to Open Secrets, a nonprofit that tracks campaign financing.

It wasn’t always that way.

In the 1980s, Republican president Ronald Reagan, himself a former actor, enjoyed the support of stars like Frank Sinatra and relied heavily on Hollywood’s coffers.

“Hollywood started as a conservative base for the Republican Party,” Ross told AFP.

“When Louis B. Mayer took over MGM Studios in the late 20s, he turned it into a fundraising publicity wing for the GOP, and he raised enormous amounts of money,” Ross said, referring to the Republican party.

The four Warner brothers, on the other hand, supported Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt in the 1930s with their studio and their stars.

It was the election of John F. Kennedy in 1960 that marked Hollywood starting to shift to the left, as the era of blacklisting actors for suspected communist sympathies came to an end.

“It was a new era of free speech for movie stars who weren’t going to be blacklisted if they said anything deemed too radical,” the expert said.

Just hitting pause?

But even with its cultural and financial prowess, does Hollywood have the power to axe Biden from the race?

Clooney’s New York Times op-ed “is another pressure point, for sure,” said Steven Maviglio, a Democratic adviser who worked with former California governor Gray Davis.

But Maviglio believes the panic of certain donors to be “a temporary phenomenon.” 

“If the president decides to stay and it becomes clear that it’s going to be Biden and Trump, Hollywood will be right back where they started, supporting Joe Biden,” Maviglio said, adding that the industry’s defections are not yet numerous enough to end Biden’s campaign.

Everybody’s eyes are now on billionaire Jeffrey Katzenberg, a former Disney executive and co-founder of Dreamworks, who organized the June gala fundraiser for Biden.

Since Biden’s disastrous debate, Katzenberg has been heavily criticized but has himself remained silent.

“He’s the engine behind the machine. So if he stops, that’s significant,” Maviglio said.

AFP

Following the Supreme Court’s judgement granting financial autonomy to the 774 Local Government Areas in the country, Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra State and his Cross River State counterpart, Senator Bassey Out, yesterday, said they accepted the verdict in good faith.

However, efforts to get the Chairman of Nigeria’s Governors Forum, NGF, and governor of Kwara State, Abdulrahman Abdulrasaq proved abortive as he evaded questions from State House correspondents after meeting with President Tinubu. 

Landmark judgement

The apex court, in a landmark judgement, ruled that it is unconstitutional for governors to hold onto funds meant for local governments.

The Supreme Court, in a unanimous decision by a seven-member panel of justices, barred governors of the 36 states of the federation from receiving, withholding, tampering or utilizing funds that stand to the credit of the local government areas.

The ruling, however, generated mixed reactions.

While President Bola Tinubu, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, the National Union of Local Government Employees, NULGE, Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, SERAP, Labour Party, LP, and Coalition of United Political Parties, CUPP hailed the Supreme Court judgement, former governor of Delta State, Chief James Ibori, said the verdict has dealt a severe setback to the principle of federalism in the country.

Recall that the Federal Government had in a suit marked SC/CV/343/2024, filed on May 24, 2024, prayed to the Supreme Court to give full autonomy to local governments.

It also urged the court to issue an order prohibiting state governors from embarking on unilateral, arbitrary and unlawful dissolution of democratically elected local government leaders.

Besides, the Federal Government prayed to the Supreme Court for an order, stopping governors from further constituting caretaker committees to run the affairs of local governments, against the constitutionally recognised and guaranteed democratic system.

It equally applied for an order of injunction, restraining the governors, their agents and privies, from receiving, spending or tampering with funds released from the Federation Account for the benefit of local governments when no democratically elected local government system is put in place in the states.

It argued that Nigeria, as a federation, is a creation of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, with the President, as Head of the Federal Executive Arm, swearing on oath to uphold and give effects to provisions of the Constitution.

It’s unconstitutional for govs to hold LG funds

Ruling on the matter, yesterday, the apex court held that it is illegal and unconstitutional for governors to continue to receive and seize funds allocated to the benefit of LGAs in their states.

According to the court, the “dubious practice” which has gone on for over two decades, is a clear violation of Section 162 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended.

In its lead judgement delivered by Justice Emmanuel Agim, the Supreme Court further held that no House of Assembly of any state has the power to make laws that could in any manner, grant governors the right to interfere with statutory allocations meant for the council areas.

Stressing that the law mandated that LGAs must be governed by democratically elected officials, the Supreme Court ordered that forthwith, funds meant for councils must be directly paid to them from the federation account.

“Demands of justice require a progressive interpretation of the law. It is the position of this court that the federation can pay LGA allocations to the LGAs directly or pay them through the states.

“In this case, since paying them through states has not worked, justice of this case demands that LGA allocations from the federation account should henceforth be paid directly to the LGAs,” the apex court held.

It further declared as unconstitutional, the appointment of caretaker committees, by governors to run the affairs of the LGAs.

It held that the 36 states are under obligation to ensure democratic governance at the third tier of the government.

Consequently, the Supreme Court ordered that, henceforth, funds of local governments where democratically-elected officials are not in place should be withheld.

It equally barred governors, their agents and privies from dissolving democratically elected local government officials in their state, adding that such action would amount to a breach of the Constitution and an act of misconduct.

Earlier, the apex court dismissed as lacking in merit, preliminary objections the state governors filed to challenge the competence of the suit.

It held that the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, being the chief law officer of the federation, is statutorily qualified to institute the action on behalf of the LGAs.

The court equally held that Section 232(1) of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, conferred it with the original jurisdiction to hear and determine the matter.

Orji Kalu reacts

Also reacting, the senator representing Abia North, Orji Uzor Kalu, said: ‘’The Supreme Court judgement is one that should be hailed and applauded, especially for the courage and independence shown by the judiciary.

‘’The Supreme Court, being a policy court, did what is right and beneficial to the society. While it may look like interference in the states, we should accept that all the calls for end of insecurity, kidnappings and banditry has just begun with this autonomy granted to local governments.

‘’When the local governments are in total control of their funds, there is flow of resources and activities in the local areas. For instance, when I was governor between 1999-2007, the autonomy of my local government chairmen was a major breakthrough to the success of my administration.

‘’The local government chairmen built roads and gave contracts to local contractors. The chairmen were able to take full responsibility of what happened in their local government and crime was reduced to the barest minimum.’’

Judgement is great, final —Soludo

Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra State described the judgment as great and final.

Professor Soludo stated this while speaking with State House correspondents after meeting with President Tinubu, alongside chairman of Nigeria’s Governors Forum, Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrasaq of Kwara State, Governor Usman Ododo of Kogi State and Prince Bassey Otu of Cross River State at the Presidential Villa in Abuja.

Asked to react to the Supreme Court judgement granting local government autonomy, he said: “That’s great. I mean, the Supreme Court is supreme, the final authority and I’m a democrat. I believe in the rule of law.

“Once the Supreme Court has spoken, it has spoken. I think the Governors Forum is meeting to review this. I haven’t seen the document myself. I’ve been extremely, very busy all through the day but I’ve seen snippets of it.

“But at a fundamental level, yes, we need resources to get down to the grassroots and we need the people’s money to work for them at all levels, whether at the federal or the state and the local government.

Judgement taken in good faith — Gov Otu

Also speaking to State House correspondents after meeting with President Bola Tinubu, Governor Bassey of Cross River State, yesterday, said the governors had taken the judgement in good faith.
“About the Supreme Court judgement, Nigeria is a democratic country, and we know very well that President Tinubu and the Renewed Hope Agenda is a democratic one.

“I believe the judgment is taken in very good faith. All Nigerians should be happy about it. I don’t think anybody is against development in the local governments. I don’t think so.

Judgement is resounding affirmation —Tinubu

Also reacting to the Supreme Court’s decision, President Tinubu stated that a fundamental challenge to the country’s advancement has been ineffective local government administration, as governance at the critical cellular level of socio-political configuration was nearly absent.

President Tinubu, in a statement by his spokesman, Mr Ajuri Ngelale, was quoted as saying: “The Renewed Hope Agenda is about the people of this country, at all levels, irrespective of faith, tribe, gender, political affiliation, or any other artificial line they say exists between us.

“This country belongs to all of us. By this judgement, our people, especially the poor – will be able to hold their local leaders to account for their actions and inactions. What is sent to local government accounts will be known, and services must now be provided without excuses.

“My administration instituted this suit because of our unwavering belief that our people must have relief and today’s judgement will ensure that it will be only those local officials elected by the people that will control the resources of the people.’’

Respect S-Court judgement, Akpabio tells govs

In his remarks, President of the Senate, Senator Godswill Akpabio, yesterday, advised governors to respect the Supreme Court judgement that granted autonomy to local governments.

The Speaker of the House of Representatives, Trajudeen Abbas, on his part, described the judgement as an impossibility that has become a reality.

Speaking to State House correspondents after meeting with the President at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, Senator Akpabio said: “For us in the legislature, the Supreme Court has spoken and we have no option than to abide by the Supreme Court ruling.

“So, I will just call on all states of the federation to respect what the Supreme Court has done and then we will go back to the legislature and see where we can dot the i’s and cross the t’s to ensure full implementation.

Impossibility has become reality —Reps Speaker

Describing the judgement as an impossibility that has become a reality, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Trajudeen Abbas, said: “Today (yesterday) the impossibility became a reality, everyone is happy and we are looking forward to local government that will work functionally and that will be able to work on there own and extend goodwill to their own people undisturbed by the excesses by the state Governors.”

It’s a win for Nigerians —Atiku

Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar has described the ruling of the Supreme Court as a “win for the people of Nigeria”.

Reacting in a post on his X page Atiku said: “The judgment of the Supreme Court earlier today (yesterday) affirming fiscal autonomy to local government councils in the country is a win for the people of Nigeria.

“The court’s ruling is a step in the right direction and a major corrective action in greasing the wheels of national development across the country.

“The decision by the federal government to consolidate disbursements of local councils’ revenues into the state government accounts was a decision borne out of politics of hasty compromise.

“I align with the decision of the Supreme Court that the structure of the Nigerian government is portioned in three layers, and of these, the local governments should be centres of development.

“I also share the belief that fiscal autonomy to the local governments should not be limited to revenues from the federation account but, indeed, should apply to internally generated revenue from the respective local government authorities.

“Many of our states, especially those in the ultra-urban areas with high-density economic activities, have become notorious in muscling local councils from generating revenue on items that border on motor parks, outdoor advertising, rents and many more.

LGAs emancipated, says AGF

On his part, the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, said: “Naturally, one will be happy, should be happy, Nigerians are happy about it.

“I call it local government emancipation judgement because it has really emancipated the local government from the shackles of the past and I hope that local government officials will look at it as an opportunity to develop their various local governments.”

On how to ensure compliance to the part of the judgement that requires state governments to conduct elections for government areas, he said: “The ball is in the court of the governors. Let us see what they will come out with, but the judgement is clear as to what they should do, the judgement is clear as to what consequences will be attached to failure or refusal to follow the judgement of the Supreme Court, which takes immediate effect.”

It’s victory well deserved —NULGE

Also commending the verdict, the National Union of Local Government Employees, NULGE, described it as a victory for workers and all residents of the third tier of government.

National President of NULGE, Mr Ambali Kazeem, said: “We appreciate God Almighty, President Bola Tinubu, the incorruptible justices of the Supreme Court, the President of Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, Joe Ajaero; his Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, TUC, Festus Osifo, the media and other social partners who stood by us in the long struggle. It is a new dawn for local governments across the country. We are indeed very grateful.

“By next week, especially on Thursday, we will organize a solidarity rally to celebrate this victory in Abuja. We are indeed very happy and grateful. Local Government Autonomy is an idea whose time is now.”

Return LGA funds or face legal action, SERAP tells 36 govs, Wike

On its part, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, SERAP, has urged Nigeria’s 36 governors and the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, Mr Nyesom Wike to account for and return the local government funds which they have collected over the years.

SERAP, in a statement by its Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, said: “We applaud the Supreme Court for this groundbreaking decision which will end the persistent alleged misappropriation by several of trillions of Federal Account Allocation Committee, FAAC or public funds meant for local governments.

“Implicit in the Supreme Court judgment is the requirement for the governors and FCT minister to immediately account for and return the funds meant for local governments but retained and used or allegedly misused by them.

“The National Assembly must urgently amend the provisions of Section 162 of the Nigerian Constitution 1999 (as amended) to ensure that local government allocations from the Federation Account are directly paid to local government areas and not collected by governors and FCT.’’

Judgement, a setback on true federalism —Ibori

Faulting the verdict of the apex court, former Governor of Delta State, Chief James Ibori, yesterday, said that the financial autonomy granted to local government councils has dealt a severe setback on the principles of federalism.

Reacting on his X handle, Ibori said: “Supreme Court has dealt a severe setback on the principle of federalism as defined by section 162(3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

“The court’s ruling on the matter is an assault on true federalism. The Federal Government has no right to interfere with the administration of Local Governments under any guise whatsoever. There are only two tiers of government in a federal system of government.

“I’m opposed to fiddling with the allocations to the Joint LG Accounts at the state level but that in itself does not call for this death knell to the clear provisions of section 162 of the constitution. The implications of the ruling are far-reaching.

“In the coming days, we will begin to fully understand the implications of the Supreme Court decision. An assault on the constitution is not the answer to fiddling with the Joint LG Account. If the ruling is saying Governors cannot tamper, touch, or fiddle with the Joint Accounts, that’s fine because they shouldn’t be doing that in the first place.

“It is my sincere hope that the judgement delivered will be reviewed at the earliest time possible because it stands the concept of federalism on its head.”

LP, CUPP welcome S-Court judgement

Also, the Labour Party, LP, and the Coalition of United Political Parties, CUPP, yesterday, commended the Supreme Court’s decision granting financial autonomy to Local Government Councils and the Federal Capital Territory.

LP’s National Publicity Secretary, Mr Obiora Ifoh, said the Supreme Court judgement has removed a yoke from the necks of local councils thus giving them greater freedom to initiate and complete projects which will reduce suffering at the grassroots.

Ifoh, in a chat with Vanguard, said: “It (judgement) is a welcome development. What Nigerians now expect is for local governments to take up the challenge of their newfound independence to ensure prudent management of public funds that will be given to them to make the lives of ordinary citizens meaningful.’’

Speaking in a similar vein, the National Secretary of the CUPP, Chief Peter Ahmeh said: “By this judgment, the suffering masses have been unshackled financially from the shackles of the governors who have been holding them hostage since 1999 as a result of their warped interpretation of Section 162(6) of the 1999 Constitution as Amended.”

It’s victory for democracy— MBF

Also reacting, the Middle Belt Forum, MBF, yesterday, expressed satisfaction the Supreme Court verdict, saying it is a victory for democracy, victory for Nigeria and all Nigerians.

The MBF, in a statement by its National President, Dr Bitrus Pogu, said: “The ruling was a beautiful victory for democracy. The President does not have to be tied down by the bottlenecks created by the Governors.

“I believe that there is going to be development in rural areas; and serious people will now come out and contest to be Chirmen and Councillors in the Local Governments and by so doing we will get the best materials for Local Government administration in this country.”

[Vanguard]

Terrorists, bandits, and killer herdsmen have since declared war on Nigeria. Coming to terms with this situation is necessary for a better response and more workable strategies. The form of war the country is currently experiencing is asymmetric warfare, which involves deep psychological issues. To begin with, conventional armies of nations are ill-prepared for non-positional, i.e., asymmetric warfare. The military confronting asymmetric wars does more improvising than drawing from foundational training. It is not their forte.

The enemies in asymmetric warfare may even consist of active military personnel of the nation. This is typically observed in its most extreme forms when terrorism is motivated by religious ideology, as is the case with Boko Haram terrorism.

Another significant problem is that even intelligent and patriotic people have sometimes justified terrorism, leading experts to say that “one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter.” Therefore, it is tough to persuade those who view terrorists as fighting for freedom in the country to recommend and implement laws that call for the eradication of bandits and terrorists. Negotiations or soft strategies like Operation Safe Corridor—which the military has been pursuing since the Buhari administration—would be preferred by them.

Operation Safe Corridor appears to be a humane policy that gives terrorists who repent of their ways the opportunity to be rehabilitated and reintegrated back into society. However, the reality is that we are dealing with soulless demons that have been completely despiritualised, which calls into question the desirability of such humane policies.

Two main issues should concern everyone: the first is the worrying issue of recidivism—that is, the act of a terrorist or offender who has been pardoned reoffending or going back to the same offence. The second is the fear that these terrorists will falsely claim repentance when they have not.

The latter is far more possible in the case of Boko Haram terrorists because the Nigerian military and ISIS are pressing the sect’s fighters on both sides. Most of them would accept the chance to emerge from the Sambisa forest and receive rehabilitation rather than face certain death.

The fundamental problem is that religion has a way of influencing people’s thoughts when they associate their acts of terrorism with divine forces and their promises. The religious terrorism brainwashing includes the promises of a triumphant entry into heaven and a promised departure from this miserable planet. Some are promised as many as 70 virgins if they die for such a ‘holy’ cause. One wonders how one man would manage 70 virgins, but then, this further confirms that Nigeria is not dealing with a rational situation here.

Youths who are jobless, disenfranchised, and largely illiterate make up a large and lucrative recruiting pool for terrorist groups, especially in the Northeast, where many more are joining terrorism to escape destitution. The protection of people’s lives and property as well as the wellbeing of the populace are the two basic duties of government that successive Nigerian governments have failed to fulfil.

Through the promotion of purposefully wrong policies, crisis entrepreneurs are making the war against terrorism last longer.

Let it be stated: until the Nigerian military seizes control of Sambisa and other Nigerian forests, terrorism will not stop. That’s the reason somewhere else stated that the first stage of the solution is to relocate the villages in and around the Sambisa forest so that the military of the country can focus on positional warfare. The Nigerian military’s piecemeal “hit and run” strategy is ineffective and can last for decades unless asymmetric warfare is converted to a somewhat symmetric one.

If Nigeria is to have any chance of defeating these soulless creatures, it must make long-term plans. The defeat of the Tamil Tigers by the Sri Lankan military offers lessons for our country. After more than 20 years of fighting, Sri Lanka’s military forces decisively defeated the Tamil Tigers, also known as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, or LTTE, in 2009, ending the Tigers’ battle against the country.

The prescription may seem like an outlier given that Sambisa forest crosses multiple northeastern states. However, we cannot expect to win the war against terrorism altogether unless the military of the country seizes control of Sambisa and other vital forests where the terrorists and outlaws live in communities, trains, plot, and launch their operations.

Every battle with terrorists and bandits can only result in a fleeting triumph for the Nigerian military, as the terrorists would beat a retreat only to resurface like a simmering fire that was extinguished and then revived by the wind.

Sambisa forest and other forests have to be intentionally taken back and physically occupied by the Nigerian military, step by step, even if it takes a decade or more. With the Tamil Tigers, Sri Lanka proceeded in such a manner. It will always be impossible to vanquish the terrorists as long as they are in control of some land. Therefore, the best course of action is to begin a slow but consistent pushback and retake all swats of land and forests the terrorists have taken and hoisted their flags, renamed, appointed administrators, and collected taxes.

The military ought to form a special combat brigade dedicated to combating terrorism. The special force should be put on live assurance, have unique pay, and be constituted by volunteerism. The majority of the special brigade should consist of retired military and police personnel who feel challenged and capable of serving their country again and are willing to risk their lives for it.

The special pay must be given out free of bureaucracy or politics. In this manner, the country will draw volunteers who will receive specialised training—which might even require two years—to get them ready for this unique operation.

The war against terrorism has become a business for crisis entrepreneurs, and they don’t want it to end. Additionally, there is outside meddling. You can find foreign non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Maiduguri that have been operating for more than a decade. If not for foreign interest in terrorism in Nigeria, then what role do they play?

It is also well known that these villages are the reason the Nigerian military is hesitant to completely assault the forests. For this reason, the villages must be moved outside of the combat zone, allowing for the subsequent elimination of everything that moves.

Additionally, the military wants to rescue the kidnappees. Nigerians have to acknowledge that the country no longer has those. The abductees who are lucky to be rescued in the heat of the operation are lucky. The point is that total military operations should not be hindered because of the abductees the terrorists and bandits are using as human shields.

Furthermore, capturing the forests will push the terrorists and outlaws into positional warfare, an area where the country’s military is well-versed and superior. Then, ‘victoria ascerta’—victory is certain.

Dr Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thought. You can connect with him via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.; Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor.

Commuters on the “Trunk A Road” as it was labelled, traversing Kabba-Aiyetoro Gbedde-Mopa-Isanlu-Egbe communities in Kogi state must have observed frenetic construction activities at the Egbe section of the road abutting Kwara state. I’m told vehicular movement is infrequent these days because of the decrepit condition of the road, its attendant loneliness and its susceptibility to the murderers’ rascality of criminals.

Travellers to parts of Kwara, Oyo and Osun, from parts of the North notably Nasarawa, Benue, Kogi and the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT) these days, prefer the Kabba-Omuo Ekiti road which is marginally less degenerate. Okun-Yoruba people domiciled in their traditional abodes desiring to conduct business in the contemporary Kwara state to which they once belonged, however, are left with no option but to ply the road under discussion. For them, it will be easier to catch glimpses of ongoing construction in the area I previously alluded to.

There is a signpost with the inscription Ido Egbe in the part of the expansive Egbe community where the said development is proceeding. A luminous perimeter fence covers the generous hectarage being developed at the said site. One particular structure rises sky high above the several others all capped with lemon-green aluminium roofing. The buildings vary in shape and size even as they are at various stages of completion. A long vehicle rests around the ongoing development one of many others feeding the project with its needs. You cannot but ask yourself whether the complex is a creation of the federal or state government, or a private investor desirous of doing business in the community. Or could it be a model residential estate?

The project under reference is a Military Foreward Operating Base (FOB) being developed by Sunday Karimi, the senator representing Kogi West Senatorial Zone. Over the years, parts of the district have come under premeditated attack by armed robbers, kidnappers and unfeeling herdsmen. At various times, cold-blooded robbers have attacked banks operating in several communities in the zone. In every instance, they left behind a trail of crimson blood, sorrow and tears. From Kabba to Aiyetoro-Gbedde to Isanlu, to Odo-Ere and Egbe in Kogi West, the pattern of the hoodlums has been pretty much the same. They launch surprise attacks on the police stations in each community. They thus neutralise the capacity of the law enforcement agents to engage them when they eventually swoop on their major targets, the banks.

First Bank, Mainstreet Bank, United Bank for Africa, (UBA) and Access Bank at various times have been robbed by the hoodlums during banking hours. The callousness of the non-essentials was so grave on every occasion that it spiralled down the subsistence economy of the locals. The banks shut down for long spells ostensibly to rethink their continuing operation or not in the district vis-a-vis the losses they incurred. They equally evaluated the costs of rebuilding decimated structures and facilities in each instance relative to whatever fiscal trickles they earned, juxtaposed with the costs of providing services to their predominantly low-income customers. We are talking about farmers, small-scale entrepreneurs, school teachers and local government employees mainly.

More recently, kidnapping for ransom a trend hitherto heard about from very distant ecologies, has become another dimension of criminal pastimes by faceless groups. Sleepy communities in Yagba East and Yagba West local government areas basking in their rustic innocence and quietude, have been rudely violated by harbingers of grief and lachrymose. In January this year, six people were kidnapped within a space of 48 hours, around Isanlu, the headquarters of Yagba East. Three of them lost their lives trying to escape from their abductors. Two women were picked up from Ejiba in Yagba West last May, by a gang of one dozen gun-toting brigands. Okunland, which previously epitomised the purest innocence, calmness, serenity and safety, has been grievously intruded upon. This is not forgetting the impudence and insult of having irreverent Fulani nomads marching their herds through our farmlands destroying the subsistence investments of the people.

As a fairly regular visitor to my home community for sundry events and programmes, I’ve often been very concerned about the inadequacy of the capacity of security operatives at the local levels. I speak here about insufficient personnel and armament wherewithal in our localities. Isanlu for instance is the headquarters of the Yagba federal constituency which aggregates Yagba East, Yagba West and Mopamuro local governments. It is host to the area command of the police and oversees the three local government areas in question. I will be amazed, however, if there are up to 150 officers and men, or half that number of serviceable armaments in the armoury of the area command. I had reason to request police cover for a family event we hosted about six years ago. The police apologetically replied and alluded to the inadequacy of manpower. I resorted to the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps, (NSCDC) as a backup plan. I was told straight up that the entirety of my local government area was served by 15 civil defence personnel.

Critically, I was informed that most of the men had indeed been taken up by traditional rulers. The kings as it were desired that their royalty be heralded at every stop, courtesy of state uniform-wearing operatives functioning as human furniture, who sit on the front seats of their vehicles. The royalties resorted to civil defence staff in the absence of police personnel to serve as orderlies. Such are the confounding statistics and realities of the security architecture in our suburban communities. Let’s be reminded that hoodlums perfect their operational strategies before they take on a target, institution or community. This of course includes distilling the prevailing personnel and armament strengths of their targets. This explains why police stations in rural communities are almost always the first targets where security personnel are neutralised and the armouries accessed and looted to strengthen their capacities.

Against the backdrop of such embarrassing and condemnable state failure at the very centre to protect and secure its citizens, this very basic constitutionally non-negotiable responsibility has had to be taken up not by subregionals, but by private individuals. This is the new normal as we find in the example under interrogation. One has heard elsewhere of privileged Nigerians or organisations partnering with security and intelligence services in the provision of operational needs and infrastructure. The Military Forward Operating Base in Egbe, however, is 100% privately funded by Sunday Karimi. He has taken a broader view of the concerns of his people, to assuage their overwhelming security worries. It is a tall and ambitious project daring to conceive and build from foundation, a complex which can probably pass as a modern military barracks, but Karimi has confronted the challenge headlong.

The “Foreward Operating Base” project under review is without doubt a visionary concept. It has the “observatory,” the tall structure which dwarfs the rooftops in the upcoming premises, where soldiers on guard duties will get a good view of the area and sensitise ground troops in the event of a possible threat. There is a security post and a mini-administrative block. There are also two blocks of 12 rooms each all ensuite, which come to 24 rooms for the “rank and file,” the junior officers. Boreholes have been drilled and will pump water to overhead tanks which will service the facilities and premises, downstream. Two units of three-bedroom bungalows are provided for officers, while there is also a rendezvous spot, an “officer’s mess” as is tradition with the military. Hopefully, a skeletal “mammy market” for the junior officers will spawn when the facility in its wholeness is operationalised.

Expectedly, Karimi has either engaged with the military high command for the adequate manning of the facility or has prioritised this now that the Egbe project is nearing completion. This again is part of the systemic dysfunction consuming our nation and we the citizenry. Why should government departments have to be begged and lobbied to do their jobs? This again beggars the question of either unthinkable complacency or pure lack of capacity in statecraft.

On account of his present effort in helping to secure the lives and belongings of his people, Karimi deserves our collective applause. Like Leke Abejide, his colleague in the House of Representatives who has championed impactful causes for his people, Karimi in this instance, has chosen to deviate from the despicable practice by some of our representatives, who have gleefully weaponised poverty. These are the mindless politicians who waylay our hapless rural folks with sachets of salt and packets of pasta on poll day.

Olusunle, PhD, is a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA).

THE Senate, on July 4, 2024, passed for a second reading a bill that seeks to remove police retirees from the Contributory Pension Scheme, CPS. Promoters of the bill, which seeks, among other things, to replace the Nigeria Police Force Pensions Limited, NPF Pensions, the pension fund administrator, PFA, charged with the exclusive administration of police pensions, with the Nigeria Police Pensions Board, aver that it will correct the inequality in the pension benefits paid to police retirees vis-à-vis their counterparts in other security agencies.

Let me state from the onset that it will not. Instead, the exit will make the lot of an average police retiree more precarious. I will explain shortly.

Leading the debate, the sponsor of the bill, Senator Binos Yaroe, who represents Adamawa-South in the Red Chamber, lamented the poor pension of retired police officers.

“The inclusion and continuous stay of the NPF in the PenCom has placed them on the wrong end of the post-service emolument life, even though the Nigeria Police is saddled with the responsibility of not only protecting the lives and property of the citizenry but detecting crimes,” Yaroe said.

On the face value, his argument is very seductive but it was all déjà vu because the issues he raised are as old as the CPS itself. Numerous public hearings have been organised by both chambers of the National Assembly on the issue of exemption. For instance, on February 22, 2022, the House of Representatives Committee on Pensions held a public hearing on two bills for the amendment of the Pension Reform Act 2014, with the first bill sponsored by Francis Ejiroghene Waive, seeking “to amend the Pension Reform Act 2014 to provide for the exemption of the Nigeria Police Force from the Contributory Pension Scheme and for related matters.”

To be sure, nothing is wrong in calling for an enhanced retirement package for the police because when it comes to issues of welfare and salaries, they hold the wrong end of Nigeria’s emolument stick.

But the low police pension is neither the making of National Pension Commission, PenCom, nor NPF Pensions Limited. The pension is paltry because historically, police salaries remain embarrassingly measly. Therefore, the solution lies outside the exemption paradigm as canvassed.

Today, NPF Pensions is the most thriving police-affiliated institution because it is run by professionals from outside the police establishment, and not manacled by the asphyxiating police. Not only that, PenCom has carved for itself the niche of being the most efficient regulator in the country’s fiscal space.

When the Pension Reform Act 2004 was enacted, the idea was to have a new scheme that is not only contributory and fully funded but also privately managed, with funds and assets based on individual accounts under third party custody. The overarching goal was to ensure, unlike in the Defined Benefits Scheme, DBS, that everyone who has worked receives retirement benefits as and when due.

But the government, which modelled the country’s CPS after the Chilean scheme that exempted all its armed forces, retained the police while exempting the Army, the Nigeria Intelligence Agency, NIA, and the Department of State Security, DSS.

The subsequent agitation for exit led to the incorporation of NPF Pensions on October 21, 2013, as a mono-clientele PFA exclusively responsible for the pension assets of all police personnel in Nigeria. It started operations a year later, making it the 21st PFA in accordance with the 2014 Pension Reform Act (PRA 2014).

The PFA became a roaring success instantly. Today, not only is it the most successful police investment entity, it has become the measuring rod in the pension industry with Assets under Management, AuM, crossing the N1 trillion threshold, making it the fourth biggest PFA.

Yet, the success has not deterred the exemption protagonists who seek to amend section 5 (1) of the Pension Reform Act of 2014, to include officers of the NPF as part of the categories of persons exempted from contributory pension.

But exiting the CPS will not serve the ultimate goal of enhancing the welfare and well-being of officers and men of the Nigeria Police because that route will lead, once again, to the Defined Benefits Scheme which was abandoned in 2004 because of its impracticability.

Exemption as being canvassed will also ultimately lead to the dismantling of the institutions, systems and processes that government has put in place towards the implementation of the pension reform scheme, in addition to upsetting government’s fiscal policy.

Data from PenCom reveals that as at January 31, 2024, Nigeria’s pension fund assets stands at N19.531 trillion, which represents more than ten per cent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product, GDP. When contrasted with Federal Government’s budgetary pension deficit, estimated at N2 trillion as at June 2004 under the Defined Benefits Scheme, it will be suicidal to hearken to the exemption calls.

Therefore, since the elephant in the room is the abysmally low pension of police retirees, which has to do with ridiculously low salaries, rather than legislating for exemption, the government should administratively address the issue of low wages through upward salary adjustment, maximizing the opportunity of the ongoing new minimum wage negotiation. As Aisha Dahir-Umar, PenCom director-general, once noted: “Pension is a function of salary, and as long as the salary of officers continues, then there is no need to exit.”

What needs to be done?

At a three-day investigative hearing by the House of Representatives Committee on Pensions in March 2020, measures were articulated by Dr. Sule Wuro Bokki, former Managing Director of NPF Pensions, which if taken, will holistically address the plight of police retirees and mitigate the constant clamour for exit.

The first is a presidential approval of special gratuity for police retirees at the rate of 300 per cent of their last annual gross pay so that the balances in their Retirement Savings Account, RSAs, will be channeled towards their monthly pension payments. This will be in accordance with Section 4 (4) of the Pension Reform Act which provides that an employer, notwithstanding the provisions of the Act, may agree on the payment of additional benefits to the employee upon retirement. The second is treatment of retired police officers from the rank of AIG and above as public officers who should retire with their full benefits, as it is the case with permanent secretaries.

Besides, the major challenge faced by pension managers is the backlog of accrued rights owed by the Federal Government. Pension is made up of the accrued rights, which is the service rendered by policemen to the Federal Government from the time they enrolled in the CPS in 2004 and only payable when the officer serves notice of retirement, and the contributions from both the employee and employer.

But because the accrued rights is so huge, the illiquid Federal Government opted to pay in instalments every year. But the snag is that unless that is received, the PFAs cannot pay the portion that is with them because the account has to be consolidated. Right now, the accrued rights have not been paid in over 15 months, which means that no policeman that retired since then has been paid pension. The government may find a way of paying the accrued rights of retired officers separately to mitigate the delay.

These issues should be addressed administratively by the government. The National Assembly is in a pole position to facilitate the process rather than legislating for the exit of the police from the CPS that will destroy not only the thriving NPF Pensions Limited but also dismantle the entire contributory pension infrastructure by taking Nigeria back to the impracticable Defined Benefits Scheme and the fiscal disaster it entails when the Federal Government, once again, is saddled with the sole responsibility for police pensions. That is unrealistic.

WEST Africans on July 7, 2024, witnessed the tragic split of their region into two opposing blocs. The first time since the 1975 establishment of the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS.

Eleven regional Heads of State met in Abuja under the ECOWAS umbrella while three of their counterparts: Presidents Assimi Goita of Mali, Ibrahim Traoré, Burkina Faso and Abdourahamane Tchiani, Niger, met in Niamey for the inaugural Summit of the Alliance of Sahel States, AES.

Given these separate meetings, the matter is no longer a question of recalling those three countries, or their returning to ECOWAS. It became more an issue of how to merge both organisations that are developing different structures and have two diametrically opposed political views.

The ECOWAS, which is set in its old bureaucratic ways, is more conservative with clear pro-West sympathies. In contrast, the AES which is manifesting more radical inclinations, seems impatient with economic and political integration and is manifestly pro-East.

While the latter has made up its mind to move on and may want other countries to join it, ECOWAS is playing an elder brother’s role of urging its siblings to return to the homestead. But in doing so, ECOWAS does not seem to understand that as far as the AES members are concerned, they are fighting a war of survival in which they are in the firing sights of France and the United States. Also, ECOWAS seems oblivious of the fact that the troika have rejected the old model of trade in which the underdeveloped countries are brutally exploited and impoverished by the West. For instance, Niger Republic is irritated that while it is the fourth largest producer of uranium in the world and lights up one third of France, 80 per cent of its populace have no electricity. So it had to rely on neigbouring Nigeria for electricity supply, which was cut off following the July 26, 2023 coup. It is also angry that while additionally, the country is rich in gold, iron ore, phosphate, tin, salt, gypsum and petroleum, Niger is one of the poorest countries in the world. Furthermore, it was unhappy that while its territory had been turned into French and American military bases, terrorists and bandits were freely running around.

Burkina Faso does not see why as one of the largest producers of gold, copper, zinc, manganese, limestone and phosphate, 40 per cent of its populace should live below the poverty line. Similarly, Mali is angry that despite its huge gold, marble, salt and kaolin deposits, 42.5 per cent of Malians are under the poverty line. So, they not only decided that the trade relations with the rest of the world should change, but that they also need an urgent mutual defence pact to jointly tackle the terrorist challenge they face.

ECOWAS seems comfortable with such exploitative trade relations. It also seems at home issuing bland statements and declarations. For instance, its July 7, 2024 communiqué contained flat statements like welcoming “the positive economic outlook for ECOWAS in 2024”, noting “the persistent inflationary pressures and growing public debt ratio” and, asking Member States to continue implementing economic and financial policies “that will lead to compliance with the macroeconomic convergence.”

The ECOWAS lack of seriousness was visible last week on the basic issue of a common currency, the Eco. It had announced its birth in 2000 and, promised to introduce it in 2003. But last week, two dozen years later, it was just directing its Commission to submit a “draft Supplementary Act defining the modalities for the participation of Member States in the Monetary Union at its first Ordinary Session in 2025.”

So, when ECOWAS declares it wants the three countries back, what is it offering them? Security? Economic, political or currency integration? Better economic integration or a common front against exploitation?

Unsurprisingly, ECOWAS is bungling even the issue of setting up a team to negotiate with the AES countries. The basic ECOWAS claim against them and why it decided to sanction them was allegedly because they are military regimes whereas ECOWAS is wedded to constitutional rule.

ECOWAS choice of Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye as its facilitator with the three countries, is brilliant. He symbolises the insistence of the populace to exercise sovereignty over who presides over their affairs. Even after then President Macky Sall had thrown Faye and his pro-democracy comrades into prison in a vain attempt to stop their election, ECOWAS, rather than condemn this, was praising Sall as a fine democrat and encouraging “him to continue to defend and protect Senegal’s long-standing democratic tradition”. Despite these obstacles, Faye moved from prison to the Presidential Palace.

But the ECOWAS choice of two coup plotters: President Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé of Togo, and Guinea Bissau’s General Umaro Sissoco Embaló, as co-facilitators, were blunders.

Faure’s father, General Gnassingbé Eyadema who had on April 14, 1967 overthrown the Togolese government, died in office on February 5, 2005 after 38 years in power. Faure immediately overthrew the government. When some countries denounced his coup, he was forced to step down. But his regime immediately organised elections and he was declared elected. After 19 years in power, Faure in April, 2024, changed his country’s constitution from presidential to parliamentary, a move which extended his stay in office to 2031 after which he could be appointed into the new position of President of the Council of Ministers.

In his own case, retired General Embaló had been elected President on December 20, 2019. In May, 2022, when he had differences with the parliament, he dissolved it and ruled as a dictator. But when new parliamentary elections were conducted, his party lost. A clash in December 2023 between the National Guard and the Presidential Guard in which two persons were killed, provided Embalo an excuse to, again, dissolve the parliament. It was his second coup against the constitution. Unfortunately, ECOWAS has continued to support this civilian coup in Guinea Bissau.

At its meeting last week, rather than demand that the Embalo regime allow the parliament to reconvene and continue its constitutional duties, the ECOWAS Heads of State urged “the Government to accelerate the process of holding new legislative elections to re-establish the Popular National Assembly…”

The choice of Faure and Embalo as part of the three-person ECOWAS team to facilitate negotiations with the AES is an avoidable blunder.

At the AES inauguration, Captain Traoré thundered: “The imperialists see Africa as an empire of slaves (that) Africans belong to them, our land belongs to them, our sub-soils belong to them…this is why we have decided to revolt and to take the fate of our countries in our own hands…we came to break the chains.” Is this a voice ECOWAS recognises and wishes to accommodate?

It is a platitude to restate that Africa has been impacted negatively by colonialism and imperialism. In varying degrees, English has come to supplant Nigerian languages as the dominant mode of communication. Inevitably, this has bred an attendant recession of pre colonial traditional languages. Moreso the Yoruba, who were unarguably the first to receive Western education in Nigeria and had been receiving mass education literacy since 1842. With the legacy of this head start comes a collateral damage. 

Growing up, inability to speak fluently in Yoruba language and concomitant ability to speak fluent English was a trademark of upper class elitism and belonging in the hierarchy of social class perking order. Quite often, in such upper crust families, English was the first language of communication. A cultivated inability to speak Yoruba qualifies you to be complimented as ajẹbota ( those whose family menu substantially tends towards English/continental dishes).The popular comic, Gbenga Adeyinka, is a veteran of the dramatisation of this mockery. 

The bias against Yoruba in primary and secondary schools is illustrated in the classification of Yoruba as vernacular language. Prize awards for the best students in English and other subjects were routine save Yoruba language. Other than Dele Momodu, I don’t know any of our peers who graduated from the University in Yoruba studies. The fact that Nigeria comprises several multilingual cultural groups practically makes English our lingua franca. As an aside, baulking this neutrality and objectivity, President Muhammadu Buhari holds the dubious distinction of the first Nigerian President to address this unfortunate country in Hausa language from his sick bed in London. 

The extent to which we have become sheepishly enchanted with the English language was demonstrated by a friend living in Germany. He referred to Germans as illiterates because they could not speak English! In the spirit of the saying ‘physician heal thyself’ I once considered myself an object of pity. It was at the University of Hamburg where my hosts, all four of them, mischievously chose to converse in the Hausa language, in the full knowledge that I comprehend next to nothing of the language. Yet, I am from Nigeria.

I accept as a personal failure the substantial limitations of my own children to communicate in Yoruba. Moreso, when in the consciousness of a deepening and widespread ignorance of Yoruba tradition, I have dedicated the latter part of my educational and cultural development to proficiency in the propagation of Yoruba tradition and religion. The greater my sadness when I have the anecdotal evidence that relative to other Nigerian cultural groups ie Igbo and Hausa-Fulani, the Yoruba are worse off in the ability of their children to converse in the language of their forefathers. I needed to understand the wherewithal of this dilemma. 

Originally, it was to the Berlin conference (prior to colonialism) that we owe the sociocultural disarticulation of the Yoruba and other African nations. This was the occasion in which ‘African nations were divided and taken over by European nations. The preexisting African groups, tribes, and nations were arbitrarily divided, even if the divisions didn’t make any sense according to the indigenous peoples’. In Nigeria, prior to and after the amalgamation of 1914, colonial rule took the form of indirect rule and the partition of Nigeria into three protectorates namely the Eastern, Western and Northern protectorates.

The language of the majorities in these protectorates were the Igbo, Yoruba and the Hausa-Fulani. The essence of the indirect rule (dual mandate) was the employment of the preexisting traditional administration organs as delegated authorities of governance on behalf of the British colonialists. Of the three protectorates, the Yoruba has been the least successful in the intergenerational transfer of their mother tongue to subsequent successor generations. In the formation of the culture of the colonial and post colonial WAZOBIA the imperialist religions of Christianity and Islam have exerted varying influence on the ability of the language groups to preserve their culture. 

In the Pan Islamic North, (after the colonial military subjugation of the Sokoto Caliphate), the theocratic rulers successfully negotiated the insulation of the region from Christian proselytization and evangelism (and a concomitant preservation of the emirate system) with Lord Lugard. The latter readily granted the concession because it roundly suited the deployment of the indirect rule and his innate bias for the region. This provided the North an ample opportunity to preserve their Pan Arabic culture and language in opposition to Westernization/ Modernisation.

Prior to colonialism and contemporary Nigeria, the Igbo dominated (hitherto) Eastern region had remained impermeable to the jihadist spread of Islam thus ceding the playfield to the monopoly of Christian proliferation and acculturation (Igbos’ sense of common identity as a single people is said to have grown particularly in the last century, in the face of colonialism, and grew even into a national identity when Igbo people tried to declare their independence from Nigeria in 1967. Despite their inability to achieve that independence, Igbo have continued to standardize the language and build a somewhat more shared pan-Igbo identity).

Unlike these two colleagues, the Yoruba were simultaneously rendered prone to the incursion of the two imperialist religions under whose influence they became more culturally diffused and liberal. You will likely find more mixed marriages among the Yoruba than other ethnic groups. Whilst Christianity penetrated through the South West coastal city of Lagos and adjoining provinces of Abeokuta, Islam burst forth from Ilorin and the ruins of the destruction and dislocation of the Oyo empire. Recent data suggests that the Yoruba population are evenly divided between Christian and Muslims thus precluding the cultural enclave mentality. 

The phenomenon of the diaspora returnees equally fostered the unintended consequence of reinforcing the attenuation of intergenerational transfer of the Yoruba language. The returnees were, in the main, culturally English following their Euro-American diaspora acculturation. A byproduct of this cultural background was its instrumentality to socioeconomic upward mobility and assimilation into the ranks of the mid echelon of the colonial elite. This is in contrast and juxtaposition to the self-conscious anti colonialist cultural posture manifested in such variables as the replacement of their European names with Yoruba names. Consciousness of this collateral damage to the preservation of Yoruba culture has manifested in the resurgence of scholarship on Yoruba traditional religion, Ifa.

As elaborated by the he President of the International Council for Ifa Religion, (ICIR), Dr. Fayemi Fatunde Fakayode “The issue of Yoruba Language and Religion can be compared to a Computer whose hardware cannot function without the software. In the case of Yoruba culture, Language and other components are hardware while Yoruba Religion is the software on which other components rely.

“Today, Yoruba Language is an International Language because, all the people who practice Yoruba Religion irrespective of color or race need to be versed in Ifa, the scripture which can only be rendered in Yoruba Language. As Arabic is the language of the holy Quran so is Yoruba the language of Ifá.

“Therefore, as the spread of Islam throughout the world makes Arabic international so is Yoruba Religion makes Yoruba Language international. This is because, once one accepts a religion, one automatically accepts the culture of the source of the religion”.

“The future of Yoruba Language and Culture is promising because it is witnessing a renaissance. Yoruba religion is said to be in the sixth position among the religions of the world today. It is certain that as Yoruba Religion continues to grow, so will the language and culture continue”

It is equally the opinion of this writer that versatility and proficiency in spoken Yoruba language is concomitant with highly informed familiarity with Ifa inspired Yoruba vocabulary and idiom which ‘often convey deep theological or metaphysical meaning.

According to Professor Wande Abimbọla “The decay we are seeing everywhere in Nigeria is the result of the large scale abandonment of the traditional way of our fathers and mothers. We have condemned our way of life and embraced foreign culture. You can be a Christian or Muslim and still see some values in the way of life of our forefathers. Today, parents give their children Mary, Michael, Rasheed or Isiaka. Where are our own names? That kind of life is ruining our culture and our view of the universe in which we live. It leads to hopelessness”

“Professor Bolaji Idowu highlights the significance of the religion of the Yoruba that permeates their lives so much that it expresses itself in multifarious ways. It forms the theme of songs, makes topics more minstrelsy, finds vehicles in myths, folktales, proverbs and saying and it is the basis of philosophy.” (Bolaji Idowu)

It is noteworthy, that as African indigenous religion (the core element and organising principle of Yoruba tradition) was steadily losing adherence, legitimacy and acceptance at home, a contrary trend ensued in the diaspora especially in South America where ‘African descendants in Brazil adopted the Yoruba religious culture (as Afro-Brazilian) and built an all embracing African identity around its universal character’. The phenomenon prompted the remark by Robin Horton on a contemporary ‘Ifa distinctiveness being dramatically revealed, not in Yorubaland itself, but in the Afro- American societies of Brazil’.

A Refresher On Colonialism 

It is often unnoticed for instance that the only non Western nations to have successfully modernised-Japan and China-are those that have not been colonised. Is it an accident that all Asian and African nations formerly colonised by Europeans have a uniform history of failure in attempts to modernise? (Professor Peter Ekeh)

Professor Festus Ade-Ajayi deployed the proclivity of the colonial rulers to employ “as a weapon of domination the demoralization and frustration that came from denying basic humanity to peoples of Africa descent by denying that they had a history”

Jean-Paul Sartre (in wretched of the earth) calls colonialism ‘the sinister strategy of erasing native identities in which the aim is to supplant Indigenous culture with the colonizer’s own, leaving the population in a vacuum of identity’.

“It was not the benevolence of European nations that attracted them to Africa. It was the search for wealth that they could exploit. Indeed, some of the coastal nations of West Africa were once known by the commodities that lay beneath their soils: Gold Coast (now Ghana) was known for its gold; Ivory Coast or Cote D’voire was known for its ivory and Guinea, or Republic of Guinea was known for its gold coins from which the guinea as currency was made” (WalterRodney). 

Indeed, only a person with Nnaji’s faith in Nigeria could insist, for a whole 20 years, on proceeding with the 181Megawatt Geometric Power Plant in Aba and the Aba Power Electric Company; both are valued at $800m. All these investments were in the face of spirited sabotage by top Federal Government officials between 2012 and 2015. The fact that the Aba Independent Power Project was commissioned last February 26, is nothing short of a miracle. It is frequently difficult to comprehend what drives Nnaji’s optimism against all evidence and rationality. This is all the more so because, as the great American thinker, Francis Fukuyama, notes in The End of History and The Last Man, we live in a world where pessimists are considered profound and optimists are regarded as naïve, even in instances where events eventually vindicate optimists.