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Actor Damola Olatunji has highlighted the prevalence of fake love and unhealthy competition in the movie industry.

In a revealing interview on Biola Bayo’s show, “Talk to B,” he disclosed that most attacks on celebrities come from within the industry, with colleagues using anonymous accounts to troll and undermine each other.

Olatunji expressed concerns about the lack of genuine love and support among actors, who often pretend to care for one another while secretly fueling negativity.

He advised aspiring actors to develop a “shock absorber” to navigate the industry’s harsh realities.

He said: “If you are coming into the space of the entertainment industry, you need to have what is called a shock absorber.

 

“In an industry where there is no true love, where we don’t truly love each other, fine, we do parties, we do all these things, we gather together to celebrate, and we smile and laugh at each other, but deep down, we don’t love each other.

“The pages that will troll you are faceless; I think they are from the industry. Why do we have this unhealthy competition? Why do you think if I bring this person down, I will rise? So, I took my time to do the analysis, and I can see that, okay, most of these attacks come from within, come from the industry”.

The actor emphasised his commitment to focusing on his own journey, refusing to engage in competition or bring others down to elevate himself.

“One thing I don’t do is I don’t compete with anybody. I try as much as possible to run my race at my own pace”, he added.

[TheNation]

 

•DSS ex-Director Ejiofor speaks on the differences between the 2012 (peaceful), 2020 (violent) and looming 2024 protest

Looming protest, if it goes ahead between Thursday,August 1 and Saturday, August 10, will be the third major nationwide protest in more than one decade. There were 2012 and 2020 protests, and now 2024 uncertain protest. The 2012 protest, tagged Occupy Nigeria, began on Monday, January 2 of that year in response to then-fuel subsidy removal by the Federal Government of President Goodluck Jonathan on Sunday, January 1. Protest took place across the country, including in the cities of Kano, Surulere, Ojota (part of metropolitan Lagos ), Abuja, Minna, and at the Nigerian High Commission in London.

The protest was characterised by civil disobedience, civil resistance, strike actions, demonstrations and online activism. The use of social media services such as Twitter and Facebook was a prominent feature of the protest. President Bola Tinubu was said to have taken part in the protest at that time. The 2020 protest was a decentralised social movement against police brutality in Nigeria that mainly occurred in 2020.

The movement’s slogan called for the disbandment of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), a notorious unit of the Nigeria Police known for its long record of abuse against citizens. The protest originated from a Twitter campaign in 2017, using the hashtag #EndSARS to demand the unit’s disbandment by the Federal Government. The movement experienced resurgence in October 2020 following further revelations of the unit’s abuses, leading to mass demonstrations across major cities in Nigeria, and widespread outrage on social media platforms. The hashtag #EndSARS accumulated over 28 million tweets on Twitter alone. Notably, the movement was predominantly led by young Nigerians and expanded to include demands for good governance and accountability amid hardship in the country.

The protest took a violent turn following alleged attacks on protesters by security forces and suspected thugs launching attacks on people and properties. At Lekki toll gate, Lagos, one of the sites where security forces allegedly attacked peaceful protesters, it was reported that armed men of the Nigerian Army arrived and opened fire, thereby resulting in a disputed number of deaths. A clip of the shooting videoed by a Nigerian youth, DJ Switch, trended on the Internet purportedly showing how live round of bullets were being shot at innocent protesters who crouched on the ground, holding hands together and singing the national anthem. There were also reports that at least 50 other people were injured.

However, Lagos State government reported that the shooting resulted in about 25 injured and only two dead. There is heightened fear that the looming protest may go the way of the 2020 protest that turned violent. Mike Ejiofor, a retired Director of the Department of State Service (DSS), speaks on the 2012 and 2020 protests as well as the looming nationwide protest. Ejiofor spoke on a television programme. Excerpts:

Different

The protest of 2012 was different from the 2020 protest. And the organizers of each of the protests were different. President Tinubu even admitted that he has been protesting. The 2020 protest was majorly organized by youths. And if you recall, at the beginning of that protest, they were peaceful until it was hijacked by other interest groups. And this may not have come from government. (But) some people see this government as the best government whatsoever because of their personal interest and not because of national interest. So anything that can jolt the smooth running of the government, they will also try to protect the interest of government.

That is why we are afraid that this protest might be hijacked. Some people might say this APC government is not doing well, but others will say it is the best government we ever had. So we have conflicting interests. That is why it is necessary for now, because of enormous security

challenges, we should not compound the situation by engaging in protest. On the other side, the DSS has said they have identified the sponsors and sources of funding. I am not in service, I am out of service. They have their intelligence. They have all it takes because they brief the president. Possibly that is why the president has been consulting.

Circumstances

The circumstances of the two protests are the same. But again if you look at 2012, the protest didn’t turn violent because of the body language of the sitting president then. He allowed everything to go, and the situation was not as bad as what we have now. Now it can be exploited because people are hungrier now, people are desperate and may want to use anything to ventilate their anger. And that is why the government is saying that people can protest but it should not go violent.

If you look at the 2020 protest, it was mainly organized by the youths and that is why it turned violent and the demands why quite different from the 2012’s and that is also why it turned violent. The 2020 protest was particularly against police brutality.

You recall how it started from Delta State. And as people were talking about #EndSARS, there was maximum force used to suppress the riot after it degenerated from protest.

But in 2012, people gathered, they were there carrying out their protest peacefully, nobody worried them. If it is going to be like that now, I don’t think government will stop anyone from protesting but the fear is very high that this protest will be hijacked. The fears are there.

[Vanguard]

The proponents of violent protests are not relenting. They have fixed August 1 to August 10 as the days of rage. They are insisting that the house must be burnt down in anger. Like W. B. Yeats’ wrote in his poem, The Second Coming, “the falcon no longer hears the falconer.” In this case, the champions of violence are not willing to listen to wise counsel. There’s a loss of order and guidance as the forces of chaos and destruction no longer heed the call of reason.

To what end are many Nigerians asking? The desire to destabilise the country has always existed. It is a combination of dissatisfaction with the current state of affairs and a penchant for chaos among certain citizens who harbour resentment for the country and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The option to cut their nose to spite their face is perplexing. Just how far does their discontent extend?

There is no denying the prevailing hardship and the weight of pain Nigerians are experiencing. However, we must also acknowledge that the foundation for the current situation was laid before this government took over on May 29, 2023. Past governments have made many bad choices over the decades, which have pushed the country precariously to the cliff edge. It is beyond reason that successive governments opted to kick the dirty can down the road, leaving it for the next guy to bell the cat.

The option we had pre-2023 elections was to go for the broke. We needed a president who could pull us away from the tipping edge and who dared to apply the necessary measures, even if that would bring temporary pains. Many Nigerians rooted for President Tinubu because he fitted the bill. He is a man of courage and conviction.

 
 

He is hands-on, always focusing on the outcomes. He has an outstanding pedigree in governance. He is a proven reformer. And he is not given to pleasing the crowd. Personalities with these attributes don’t enroll in popularity contests. They would instead do what is right. And the end always justifies them.

Reforms. Bold reforms are what Nigeria needs now. This is what the Tinubu administration has embarked on. This government has taken a number of courageous decisions aimed at revamping the economy and bringing prosperity to the citizens. We cannot achieve this in a day. Seeds take time to germinate. Hunger, however, cannot be cured by mere hope of a bountiful harvest.

But hope has its essence. It can be a springboard for patience. And patience is needed for the country to reap the fruitful outcomes of the outstanding reforms of President Tinubu’s administration. Shall we then exercise restraint? Shall we pull together at this critical period and prevent those who do not mean well for the country from burning down the barn?

 

Minister of Works, David Umahi, has said Nigeria would have been a failed if God did not bring President Bola Tinubu at this “crucial time”.

He said this while appealing to the youths to shelve the planed protest and support infrastructure development.

Umahi, who unveiled the Federal Government’s initiative, “Operation Free Our Roads”, in Abuja at the weekend, said the president would transform the country if given more time.

The minister, while unveiling the initiative, said it was aimed at ensuring that all roads under construction were motorable and completed in due time.

“Let me use this opportunity to appeal to our youths to give Mr President Bola Tinubu more time. It would have been a failed state if God did not divinely bring the President at a very critical time like this. A lot of people did not know what challenges we had before he came on board,” he said.

Umahi urged Nigerians to be patriotic and assist the government by doing everything possible to reset the country to make it a place where no man would be oppressed.

According to him, the looming protest may be hijacked by hoodlums.

“Yes, there may be hardship, but the dawn is the darkest part of the night; we see a lot of hope and positive indices. So, let us give him more time and support him and increase our productivity, our country will be great again,” he said

 

Umahi said the “operation free our roads’’ initiative was part of government’s effort to put citizens first by fixing the the roads, especially in the rainy season.

“The contractors will use stone base to put and fill all the potholes in failed portions or where we have potholes, they will all be filled, both carriageways.

“Then, they will continue to maintain one carriageway for vehicles to follow while they consistently walk on one carriageway.

“We are going to put our eyes here. All controllers and all directors must be vigilant.”

Umahi also urged the Federal Roads Maintenance Agency (FERMA) to contribute and take the operation seriously.

“This operation free our roads is not just for Ministry of Works, it is also for FERMA. We are going to put our eyes on all the directors and engineers of FERMA, we must take this thing very seriously.

 

“So, we will use contingency to ensure that all out roads are freed. Where there is no contingency, they must notify the permanent secretary and the director of highways immediately. We do not want our people to suffer during this rainy season,’’ he said

(NAN)

WHEN two elephants fight, the grass, they say, suffers. But when cabals fight, and fight dirty like the NNPC and Aliko Dangote are doing, what happens? Dogs eat dogs and chickens gnaw at each other’s intestines. Can of worms explode in the open and cupboards full of skeletons, hitherto securely locked, are forced open. For instance, Dangote alleged that his refinery was being sabotaged by oil cabals bent on the continuation of refined petroleum products. NNPC countered that the said refinery was not yet completed and certified and that its products were inferior to imported stuff. Dangote has fired back with his Malta oil-blending allegation to support his claim that well-heeled personalities want to continue to make a killing with fuel importation at the expense of hapless Nigerians. Understandably, the stakes are high. A single write-up cannot perfectly put all the pieces together. Call it a maze, labyrinth or jig-saw puzzle and you will be right. So, here today, we take a look at some of the information available and allow our readers a better understanding of the issues at stake.

STORY NUMBER 1: In 2023, Dangote had a meeting with his select strategists for the purpose of deciding who, between Peter Obi, Atiku Abubakar, and Bola Ahmed Tinubu he should back in the February 2023 presidential election. After analyzing each candidate’s profile, merits, and demerits, the consensus was that Atiku was the best option to back.

Dangote made donations as well to Tinubu’s campaign but his body language showed he preferred Atiku… His business arch rival, Abdul Samad Rabiu of BUA Cement, pitched his tent with Tinubu and did not donate money to Atiku.Rabiu’s support was so personal that he donated his private jets for use by TInubu’s campaign. The same is said of Tony Elumelu who reportedly provided the much-needed cash for Tinubu’s camp during the ill-fated cash crunch and scarcity before the election. No wonder Tony was the first person Tinubu visited in Lagos as president-elect!

That Dangote did not support him was one of the reasons why Asiwaju stayed away when Dangote refinery was later commissioned by Buhari. The election is over. Asiwaju is the president and the chicken has come home to roost. For the first time since the return to democracy in 1999, Dangote is not the favourite of a sitting government. Rabiu and Elumelu have taken his position. The biggest casualty from the politics of Dangote is his 650,000 per day Dangote refinery.

Before Asiwaju, Dangote had an agreement with NNPC that it would invest $2 billion in Dangote refinery or, if it cannot invest in cash, it would provide crude oil worth that amount for Dangote refinery to process. This investment will give NNPC a 20% stake in the Dangote refinery. NNPC is too broke to drop $2 billion, so it chose to provide $2 billion worth of crude oil in lieu of cash. But there is a problem: Buhari, who was the president when the deal was sealed, is no longer in power. The new Whiz kid is not a fan of Dangote anymore; so the NNPC guys read the body language… NNPC, which was at the mercy of Dangote when Buhari was in charge, turned to hard nuts to crack under Tinubu.

This government is also investigating forex allocations made to Dangote when Godwin Emefiele was the CBN governor.

STORY NUMBER 2: By Taiwo Olanegan: I did not believe it when I heard that the Dangote refinery’s capacity is 650,000 barrels of oil per day. Where would the billionaire get that feed stock (crude oil) volume? Is he going to lay pipes from Escravos to Lagos? At that time, our production figure was 1.8m bpd. Would the lOC agree to sell 30% of production volume to Dangote? Where will he get the forex to buy such? And which market would receive his refined products, knowing that the FG was frenetic about making Warri and Port Harcourt refineries to work?

The oil industry is a global cartel… Nigeria’s age-long economic and security challenges are not far from the yo-yo and high-level manipulations in the global oil industry. These intrigues are intentional, international, and sometimes wicked in every sense of the word. That’s why, since 1999, almost all our presidents have added the ministerial supervision of NNPC to their job.

Oil politics is ballistic… When I gave an opinion that the recent cement scarcity and price hike was a war between Tinubu’s Kitchen Cabinet and the Dangote Group, folks shouted at me. Cement price is still high in spite of pleadings and threats by the new government. It was a battle Dangote won. But he is not going to win this new war. The powers-that-be and the international oil players are bigger and more experienced than Dangote. His romantic seasons with Goodluck Jonathan and Buhari are over! Dangote’s trade history, his file and use of forex allocated by Godwin Emefiele are with the government. This is a presidency headed by a man who knows some accounting. The figures are suspicious. Dangote would have been arraigned with Emefiele after the EFCC made attempts but the optics would be terrible for him and the government. So the government chose to put a pedal on it. However, a 650,000 bpd refinery is too large a plate for a person. How can only one fellow own a refinery that could cover the petrol needs of West Africa? What happens when he goes into steel and oil exploration?

In the September 2013 edition of Harvard Business Review, the journal warned about the consequences of allowing Dangote to keep the major stake in the proposed refinery “as it would concentrate too much power in one man’s hand”… Antitrust laws, propaganda, and outright denial of feed stock and certifications will force Dangote to the negotiation table.

 STORY NUMBER 3: NNPC VS DANGOTE REFINERY: THOSE WHO TALK DON’T KNOW THE WHOLE TRUTH AND THOSE WHO KNOW THE TRUTH WON’T TALK

In May 2021, NNPC went into marriage with Dangote Refinery (DR) by proposing to acquire 20% equity in DR. Early 2024, NNPC promised to supply crude to DR. In July 2024, Dangote alerted the public that NNPC did not own 20% in DR but 7.2%. In July 2024, Dangote accused the government of importing bad fuel into the country and that the International Oil Companies and internal forces were bent on sabotaging him. A week later, NNPC fired back that DR is not licensed and its fuel is inferior to the imported one. Hell was let loose.

What lessons can we learn? Dangote cannot complain about the system now. Why? The system has served him well in the last 30 years! The system made him emerge as the richest African alive. Dangote is a one-man cabal! But like DAEWOO in South Korea and the late MKO Abiola, you can be 99% correct in your political calculations but the day you are 1% wrong politically, the financial empire  built through political connections and manipulations will face existential threat.

This is a big lesson: It is dangerous when you have a business that is government-dependent; even though it is the easiest way in developing countries to make  MEGA money (the type that can put you on the FORBES list) through concessions, FX allocation preferential treatment, monopoly, direct printing of money by CBN and sharing of same among the elites, etc. Emefiele allegedly printed N30 trillion and a whopping 85% could not be accounted for or traced to any national projects, according to CBN auditors!

Dangote should sit down with NNPC and resolve issues amicably. Let him do what Bill Gates did when he was faced with similar huge opposition that threatened his survival.  Gates divested from Microsoft – retained only 5% – and took his cash to electricity and health business. Immediately, peace returned. It is the way the world (of business) runs. Once the wealth of the nation resides in your house, peace eludes you! Ali Baba’s experience is also instructive here. Jack Ma, China’s richest man, said: “To get rich is glorious but among the richest men in China, only a few have a good ending!”

STORY NUMBER 4: WHY NIGERIA’S REFINERIES WILL NEVER WORK  – Former President Olusegun Obasanjo

“When I was president, I invited Shell to a meeting. I told them I wanted to hand over the refineries for them to help us run. They bluntly told me they would not. I was shocked. I repeated the request and they stood their ground. When the meeting was over, I asked their big man (MD) to wait behind for a chat. Then I asked him why they were so hesitant about not taking over the refineries. He said did I want to hear the truth? I said yes. He listed four reasons. One, he said Shell makes its money from upstream and that is where its interest lies. Two, he said they only do downstream or retail as a matter of service. Three, he said our refineries would be bad business for them, that globally, companies are going for bigger refineries because of the economics of refineries. Four, he said there is too much corruption in refineries. I thanked him for his honesty. I knew we had a big problem in our hands. I had virtually given up hope on the refineries when God did a miracle. Aliko Dangote and Femi Otedola approached me and said they would be interested in buying two of the four refineries. They said they would buy 51 percent stake in Port Harcourt and Kaduna. I was over the moon. I said, finally, this burden would be taken off the neck of the government. They offered $761 million and paid in two installments. Unfortunately, Umaru (President Yar’Adua) canceled the sale and returned the refineries to NNPC. Today, we are still where we were. Someone told me Tinubu said the refineries would work by December. I told the person the refineries would not work. This is based on the information I received from Shell when I was the president”.

STORY NUMBER 5: “Dangote now feels what Nigerians with no government connections are going through in doing business”, activist Aisha Yesufu.

 STORY NUMBER 6: NIGERIA’S ONE AND ONLY GOAT IS PROVING TOO DIFFICULT FOR DANGOTE’S SNAKE TO SWALLOW:

Dangote wanted to take over NNPC assets at the dying hours of Obasanjo’s administration but President Yar’Adua thought it was not proper to hand over the nation’s assets to two individuals who wanted to buy them as scraps. Consequently, the contract was scrapped by Yar’Adua. Buhari/Emefiele came in and provided ENOUGH OXYGEN for Dangote to “complete” his own refinery and even pay 70% of his loan on a factory that was yet to refine one litre of gasoline! It was commissioned by Buhari even when it was not ready!

Meanwhile, Buhari had made substantial forward oil sales that would prevent Dangote from getting crude without breaking existing contracts. Apparently, all is not well with that project ab initio. It seems what took Dangote to the top can no longer sustain him there: i.e. MONOPOLY.  IOCs, NNPC, CBN. In 100/100 circumstances, MONOPOLY is injurious to the health of any national economy.

OLIGOPOLY is a state policy in South Korea; the State deliberately empowered some individuals like DAEWOO, SAMSUNG to create wealth. But the rule of LAW is SACROSANCT. DAEWOO, once the richest South Korean, ended in jail when he broke the law. The CEO of Samsung was sent to jail recently for breaking the law. That’s why Jack Ma (Ali Baba), China’s richest man, also ran into trouble in China. That’s why Google and Microsoft ran into trouble in the West. Monopolists (ALL OF THEM ) build their wealth through unfair exploitation of the Commonwealth…

Nigeria’s OIL BUSINESS belongs to 220 million Nigerians: It is not just a BIG GOAT but Nigeria’s ONLY GOAT. NNPC probably has realized the full implications and that’s why they refused to pay up their counterpart funding to acquire 20% equity as earlier agreed. What should Dangote do in this circumstance? He should come out publicly and sell  at least 49.5% equity to Nigerians in a transparent manner. Only he can’t swallow Nigeria’s only goat, it will CHOKE him! Even in Saudi Arabia, ARAMCO was sold to the whole world and the Saudi government became better thereafter.

STORY NUMBER 7:

I don’t think it’s in anyone’s place to advise Dangote to sell his business to the public. It is inflated and, therefore, he should keep it to himself but he should not be allowed to monopolize our common patrimony. According to experts, a 650,000 per day refinery should not cost more than $8b but he claims he built it for $19b. So, where do we start the discussion if he wants to sell to the public? It’s a single train refinery. If something goes wrong somewhere, the whole plant shuts down.

What can we make of the above and where will it all end?

 

 

The Nigerian government's recent attempts to quash the End Bad Governance protests have been utterly astounding. In a frantic bid to cling to power and maintain the status quo, they have resorted to a multi-pronged strategy of intimidation, manipulation, and division. By exploiting traditional institutions, the government seeks to create an aura of mystique and foreboding, aiming to deter citizens from exercising their fundamental human rights. Threats have been issued to protesters, and agents provocateurs have been deployed to foment discord and violence. The government's tactics are clear: silence dissent, crush opposition, and maintain the grip of bad governance on our beloved nation.
 
The manipulation of traditional groups to commence rituals on protest dates is a cynical ploy to deter citizens from exercising their fundamental human rights. It's a crude attempt to conjure an aura of mystique and foreboding, creating an atmosphere of trepidation and dread. However, we are not deceived. Any ritualist who comes out on the day of protest, in fact, has joined the call for change.
 
We say to the government: your priorities are misplaced. The same energy, resources, and determination you have applied to suppressing the protests should be channeled towards genuine reform and good governance. The same pressure you have brought to bear on the protesters should be applied to fixing the systemic problems that have plagued our nation for far too long.
 
The Nigerian people demand more than just superficial concessions and token gestures. We demand a fundamental transformation of our governance system, a radical overhaul of our institutions, and a commitment to transparency, accountability, and justice. We call on the government to redirect its focus towards addressing the pressing issues that have driven the protests in the first place. Fix the economy, provide jobs, and alleviate poverty. Ensure access to quality education and healthcare. Address the scourge of corruption and mismanagement. Protect the rights and freedoms of all Nigerians.
 
The government's current approach is akin to treating the symptoms of a disease while ignoring the root cause. It is a short-sighted strategy that will only lead to further unrest, further division, and further suffering. We urge the government to engage with the protesters, to listen to their grievances, and to work towards a comprehensive and inclusive solution. We urge them to recognize that the protests are not a threat, but an opportunity – an opportunity to reform, to renew, and to rebuild our dear nation.
 
The Nigerian people will not be silenced, will not be intimidated, and will not be oppressed. We will continue to demand a better future, to fight for our rights, and to reclaim our country from those who seek to destroy it. To the government, we say: the choice is yours. Continue down the path of repression and division, or choose the path of reform and progress. The Nigerian people await your response."
Whether said openly or in hushes, there's a perception out there that the country's Civil Services are underperforming. This poor rating of the federal and state bureaucracies is  shared strongly by leaders of governments across the country. It would  account, in part, for  the unwillingness of political leaders to accede to meaningful wage increase for workers. Dating back to the still - born Third Republic, we have seen some State Governors proposing reduction in number of working days as alternative to wage increase. But this recommendation would only be running away from a problem. 
 
Since the focus is on greater performance, we should be concerned with feasible approaches for "recreating" the Civil Service. Although several civil service reforms have been attempted in the past, it is to be noted that the challenges facing the administrative organ of Government in the country are neither static nor permanent. They continue to vary in time, shape and content being themselves impacted by the forces of sociology and development. Furthermore, past civil service reforms tended to prioritize bolstering of the leadership cadres rather than sustainable development of the entire workforce. 
 
The Civil Service Reforms of 1988, remarkable for it's emphasis on career  professionalism, weighed in favour of potential heads of MDAs. Rising to the apex is invariably a pyramid trip, with the number of successful candidates narrowing in the progression. While the concept of Director - General created room for non administrative officers to attain the equivalent of Permanent Secretary, this did not stir noticeable 'interest' in the middle and lower rungs. The new headship position was not an attraction nor incentive for hard work because the prospect of attainment was not in view.
 
Anambra State Governor, Chukwuma Soludo recently tried to extend the stakes factor in the appointment of 18 new permanent secretaries. This harvest of "accounting" officers for Ministries, Departments & Agencies was unique in it's extent of competitiveness. The recruitment process broke with tradition in two significant ways. Pre-qualification was thrown open to all in  senior management cadre. Secondly, applications were also invited from outside the Civil Service for candidates with cognate experience for the job. Doubtless, these provided a wider, richer resource pool for talents. The experiment with private sector engagement however, did not yield the intended input. The vacancies were probably not sufficiently publicized or the age factor vis a vis conditions of service was seen as a disadvantage. Civil Servants retire at 60 with pension right proportionate to number of service years. Consequently, a folk assuming  Permanent Secretaryship from outside the system at say, age 55 will leave at retirement age without being qualified for pension and gratuity. 
 
In the context of inclusivity, there is  need to give the middle and lower rungs of the Service not just a sense of belonging but indeed, opportunity of stakeholdership. Thus, at the various levels of the system, conditions can be created for recognition and reward of sterling performance to serve as general motivation. 
 
A major problem of the Civil Service rarely captured by past reform studies is the negative attitude of many officers to democratic governments. This is a case of widespread resentment arising from the "corruption" of military rule. Till date, many civil servants rate military regimes as generally performing better than democracies. But this preference for military dictatorship actually has to do with the sense of marginalisation  associated with democratic dispensations.
 
It is to be remembered that military rule was structurally and politically dependent on the Civil Service for it's operation.This administrative necessity opened handsome opportunities at power play for civil servants. The hitherto anonymous bureaucrats became Secretary to Federal/State Governments; Resident; Senior Divisional Officer; Local Government Chairman; Sole Administrator of Parastatals and Agencies, Heads of Commissions and so on. Permanent Secretaries transited to super permanent secretaries, with sufficient clout to instigate renunciation of the Aburi Accord. As advisers to military regimes, top bureaucrats emerged as both policy makers and policy executors. The benefits of this empowerment trickled down to the lowest step of the officer corp with severe consequences for ethics and accountability.
 
Although the generations that experienced military rule would phase out from service in the next ten years, the heritage of the military era would continue to impact the character of the Civil Service for some time. The gaps between "with immediate effect decrees" and the rounds of participatory democracy are too wide to be underplayed. Similarly, the conditioning for illicit enrichment arising from over - exposure of ideally anonymous bureaucrats cannot be erased overnight.
 
Unfortunately, the  irresponsibility and looting of the Nigerian political class has fueled nostalgia for military rule among public servants. With the winner - takes - all - orientation of Nigerian politics, many an elected administration have descended on government institutions as conquered territories, seeking to subject them to partisan ends. In the event, civil servants' resentment of democratic government fosters.
 
Ordinarily, the Nigerian public service is over bloated. The Stephen Orosanye Report of 2012 established the existence of 541 federal Parastatals, Commissions and Agencies. It went ahead to recommend reduction of statutory agencies from 263 to 161, scrapping of 38 agencies and merging of 52. For Ehi Ibrahim, "trimming the civil service to a manageable size" must be undertaken before the system can achieve efficiency. When we add to above scenario, the hundreds of political offices created by elected governments, the inherent administrative challenges become clearer. Not only are some of the offices multiplications of existing ones or conflicting with statutory regulations, the bossy ways of the political appointees make relations with the bureaucracy difficult. 
 
The first task here would be to summon the political will to cut cost of governance to the essentials. Secondly, the gulf between politicians and non politicians can be bridged through blending of political and career offices at some levels. Closer and cooperative interaction of the two sides are necessary for smooth functioning of government machinery. Joint undertakings will also enhance civil 
servants' appreciation of the Government's manifesto, thus, increasing their capacity for service delivery.
 
As a product of society, our Civil Services are contending with the quality of our developmental efforts. The manpower of our administrative institutions are largely products of underfunded universities caught in a vicious circle of prolonged  shutdowns, commercialized academic assessment and rushed school programmes. Add to that the toll youth addiction to social media is taking on education and the crisis stares in the face. _Punch_ news story of July 18, 2024, titled "6500 Federal Workers Fail Promotion Exam" leaves nothing else to the imagination. And this is not the kind of deficiency Administrative Staff College of Nigeria can remedy. The situation demands a continuing education programme. Staff should not be assessed only at (four yearly) promotion intervals. Governments must ensure that every Ministry has a well - stocked library. And as Stephen Olugbemi canvassed in "The Nigerian Civil Service and National Development," the use of modern management practices and policy monitoring mechanisms will make a difference.
 
 
Afuba is Director, Public Administration Circle, Awka.

The call for a Nationwide protest against hardship on Thursday, August 1st, 2024, has caused anxiety among Nigerians. There are divergent views about whether the protest should be held or not. Using what happened during the ENDSARS protests, which led to the loss of lives and properties, as a precedent, it will be difficult to predict the outcome of such a protest. There are fears it may be hijacked by hoodlums and become violent.

The question arises: how did we get here? The economic policies introduced by the administration have brought untold hardship, though they were expected to be short-term and yield long-term economic benefits for the nation. Apart from the hardship, there is also an issue of trust in the government. The current level of unease and anger among Nigerians could have been avoided if the government had handled its affairs better.

Words can start and end a war. Government officials and political office-holders should be sensitive, and avoid careless statements while communicating with the public through press interviews, press releases, social media, etc. Additionally, the Nigerian Government should match its words with actions to build trust. Also giving timelines that cannot be met should be discouraged.

The government, having promised Nigerians that their sacrifices will pay off; should also be seen to be making sacrifices and cutting costs. For example, political office holders should be encouraged to reduce the sizes of their convoys, the number of their aides, the number of foreign trips, and the size of their delegations. Flamboyance should be discouraged.

The approval by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the suspension of duties, tariffs, and taxes for the importation of certain food commodities, including husked brown rice, wheat, maize, and cowpeas through land and sea for 150 days, and the proposed importation of 250,000 metric tonnes of wheat and maize by the Federal Government should have come earlier. It is worrisome that weeks after the announcement, food prices are still soaring, as it seems full implementation of the food importation policy has not commenced.

One would have thought that a sensitive matter like a new national minimum wage would have received prompt attention from the government; and be implemented by now without the need for labour unions going on strike. The delayed approval of the new national minimum wage sent wrong signals to Nigerians, portraying the Government as indifferent to their plight. Actions speak louder than words.

Nigerians should be made more aware of the achievements of the Tinubu administration and their significance. Some major achievements include the payment of the seven billion dollars in forex backlogs, the unification of the forex market, the student loans scheme, the consumer credit scheme, and the Renewed Hope Housing scheme. Ironically, many people aware of these achievements do not understand their significance and may therefore trivialize them. The National Orientation Agency has a big role to play in this regard.

The Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) initiative has dragged on. Nigerians still await the CNG buses promised by the Federal Government; aimed at reducing transportation costs, which have been a significant challenge. The high cost of transportation has made it difficult for people to commute to their places of work or business. It has also significantly impacted the prices of goods and services. Any government intervention that reduces transportation costs would be appreciated.

The call for a nationwide protest is understandable given the hardship Nigerians are going through, however, it should be discouraged as it may result in a worse outcome than the ENDSARS protest. The Government has once again called for patience. Do Nigerians trust the Government? The current situation calls for more patriotism from Nigerian leaders and citizens alike. The government should not wait for strikes or protests before acting appropriately.

The recent passing of Senator Ifeanyi Ubah has sparked a range of emotions across Nigeria, from grief to celebration. As a journalist and writer, I find it essential to address the reactions on social media platforms, particularly those rejoicing over his demise.

Senator Ifeanyi Ubah, who represented Anambra South in the Senate, was a multifaceted figure. His background as a businessman, politician, and philanthropist shaped his impact on society. Ubah's contributions to media, sports, and the petroleum industry were remarkable, and his commitment to community development and service cannot be overlooked.

In the digital age, social media platforms serve as powerful tools for communication, expression, and mobilization. However, they can also amplify negativity, misinformation, and inanities. When news of Ubah's death broke, some Nigerians took to social media to express their joy, labeling him a "criminal" and celebrating his demise. Such reactions raise questions about our collective values and humanity.

As Africans, particularly as Igbos, we have a rich cultural heritage that emphasizes empathy, compassion, and respect for the deceased. Celebrating someone's death, regardless of their perceived flaws, goes against these values. In Igbo culture, where communal bonds are strong, it is considered disrespectful to rejoice over someone's passing. We should remember the adage: "When one finger touches oil, it spreads to all the other fingers." Our interconnectedness demands empathy, even for those with whom we disagree.

Rather than celebrating death, we should engage in constructive dialogue. Senator Ubah's life was complex, and his legacy includes both positive and controversial aspects. Let us discuss his achievements, shortcomings, and the lessons we can learn. 

As we mourn Senator Ifeanyi Ubah's passing, let us honor his memory by promoting unity, empathy, and understanding. It is not only African but also human to recognize the value of life, even when faced with disagreements. Let us rise above negativity and celebrate our shared humanity.

In many African cultures, there exists a longstanding tradition that discourages speaking ill of the dead. This custom reflects a deep respect for those who have passed away and recognizes their inability to defend themselves or respond to criticism.

The aphorism "De mortuis nil nisi bonum", is a saying in Latin which interpretatively mean, "Of the dead, say nothing but good", and it encapsulates this belief. It emphasizes that when someone has died, it is socially inappropriate to speak negatively about such person. The phrase acknowledges that the deceased cannot justify or defend himself or herself, and therefore, it is our duty to remember the dead in a positive light.

While this tradition is not exclusive to Africa, particularly the Igbo, it holds particular significance on the continent. African societies often emphasize communal bonds, ancestral reverence, and the interconnectedness of the living and the dead.  This is as African cultures honor their ancestors, believing that they continue to influence the living. Therefore, speaking ill of the dead disrupts this connection and dishonors their memory.

In fact, some African belief systems hold that negative words about the deceased can harm the speaker or their family. It is believed that spirits can retaliate if offended. Before burial, it is customary for people to settle any debts, both financial and emotional, with the deceased. This practice ensures a peaceful transition for the departed soul.

Without a doubt, the recent death of Senator Ifeanyi Ubah highlights the complexity of this tradition. While some dignitaries across the country are already calling for cherishing Ubah's contributions, others are remembering his alleged controversial legacy, which to this writer is unkind to the just departed soul. Unarguably, Ubah's actions during his earthly journey sparked both admiration and criticism, making it challenging for some Nigerians, particularly those of Igbo extracts, to reconcile their feelings about his passing.

In African, particularly in Igbo tradition in this context, speaking ill of the dead is more than a social norm; it reflects a profound understanding of life, death, and our interconnectedness. While opinions may differ, this tradition reminds us to approach the deceased with empathy and respect, allowing their memory to endure positively.

It is sad that in our modern era of social media that the instinct to speak ill of the dead often prevails. However, the ancient aphorism "De mortuis nil nisi bonum", "Of the dead, say nothing but good", reminds us to exercise restraint. This is as the saying acknowledges that both revered and reviled public figures will eventually pass away. It is a reminder of our shared humanity and the fleeting nature of life.

While we cannot predict if our words will reach mourning family or friends, the custom encourages us to be mindful of their grief. Even wicked figures had loved ones who mourned their deaths.

To this writer’s view, it could have been sensible if those who are rejoicing over Ubah’s death refrain from expressing disdain in public immediately after his passing, to later engage in honest discussions about his legacy. In a world where opinions clash, this ancient wisdom invites us to pause, reflect, and find common ground even when discussing those who've left us.

One of the expectations of column writing is that it will not just advance the journalistic goals of educating, informing and entertaining the society, but also serve as a watchdog for both the government and the governed. This role of surveillance to check developments that could tear the society apart is, probably, the most important of all the expectations from both professional and occupational journalists, especially in a developing country like Nigeria.

Trouble has a habit of sleeping until rudely stirred. Only those who have never really experienced anarchy or war talk glibly about the deployment of violence to advance any cause. Anyone who has ever truly participated in protest marches in the real tradition of grievance ventilation knows that there is a world of difference between a march for a cause and a march on a city.

If you have ever been in the trenches as some of us have, you won’t have any problem drawing a line: Thus far and not an inch further!

Protests Legitimate

For the avoidance of doubt, protests are legitimate. We all have a right to demonstrate against anything we consider inimical to our wellbeing. It is a fundamental human right; no less. It has been said over and over again that President Tinubu himself was a veteran protester both during military rule and the current 4th Republic. Having enjoyed that fundamental right, he shouldn’t be seen denying others of the same entitlement.

 

The president’s men say that he believes in allowing people to express themselves as long as that can be done peacefully. In other words, the authorities want the protesters to note the undercurrents attending this intended demonstration which point to the fact that some other agenda — notably regime change — is already being smuggled into the mix by fifth columnists and opposition elements with partisan political agenda.

Speaking when he received the new US ambassador to Nigeria, Mr. Richard Mille Jr, President Tinubu acknowledged his past role as a notable protester: ”During the military era, we made our voices heard against dictatorship, and I was part of the group that engaged in peaceful protests without resorting to the destruction of property. As much as we believe that demonstrations are part of democracy, we will never encourage any protests that lead to the destruction of lives and property.”

There is ample evidence on social media that some groups, with violence as their main weapon, are battle ready to cause mayhem under the pretext of the #EndBadGovernance protest. Their online meetings have been freely circulated, perhaps to encourage fence sitters to join in. If their words are to be taken seriously — and there’s no reason why not— they are primed for violence. Many of the instigators are overseas but they have pledged to foot the bill of the proposed insurrection.

Civilian Coup

One of the arrogant rabble-rousers in an online meeting actually boasted that by the time they are through with the insurrection, they would have got rid of the democratic dispensation and installed a ‘clean and politically neutral’ leader in the country — a civilian coup!

Now, no government in the world will sit idly by while a group of disgruntled people plan its forceful exit through the instrumentality of anarchy.

A protest is a far cry from a riot. When a civil protest is infiltrated by faceless war mongers, the protesters themselves are in danger of being caught in the crossfire. Considering that the key conveners of the proposed August days of rage are not known, unlike the situation in ‘normal’ demonstrations where the leaders and their agenda are well advertised, many social media influencers who had earlier signed on, have now withdrawn their participation.

Fears have been expressed that if the protest is allowed to degenerate to the anarchical level of the #ENDSARS campaign in which criminal elements hijacked what had started out as a beautiful celebration of the culture of civil resistance, Nigeria’s commercial capital, Lagos, will be further reduced to a modern jungle of ruins after the billion dollar damages inflicted on the city in the earlier demonstration from which it is yet to fully recover.

Ethnic Baiting

Then there is palpable evidence of ethnic baiting in comments made by those in favour of the protest and those against. As usual in such situations in Nigeria, some groups of people have already been marked down by their political opponents in the event that the handshake goes beyond the elbow. Mark my words, if push turns to shove, we shall be dealing with cases of ethno-religious cleansing in some parts of the country.

I don’t find the announcement of an ‘Oro’ cult festival  intended to ‘cleanse the land’ on exactly the same dates as the planned protests funny at all. When ‘Oro’ eats, there are no leftovers. Remember the case of Alfa Bisiriyu Apalara (1918-1953), a fiery Islamic preacher who clashed with the Oro cult in Lagos in the early 1950s? He suddenly disappeared. To this day, the cleric’s body has never been found, although the authorities used circumstantial evidence to convict and hang the 11 perpetrators of the crime.

Anything that will make society regress to such savage means of silencing opponents should not thrill any rational human being. Unfortunately, we seem to find it all theatrical, even hilarious. But I insist that we must not give room to such developments because they are designed to rend the cord of amity between man and fellow man.

In their bid to find a deeper meaning in their planned protest, some of the identifiable activists supporting the demonstration have declared that it is not just another protest but a revolution! Former presidential candidate Omoyele Sowore is of that persuasion. My dictionary defines ‘revolution’ as, “A forcible overthrow of a government or social order, in favour of a new system.” I am not sure that a democrat will want to take power by force as a preferred alternative to the ballot box.

Those advocating Kenya-style perpetual sit-out protests make the mistake of wrong equivalency. The lizard and the crocodile may both be reptiles but, whereas one is a staff sergeant, the other is an admiral. There are many things to admire and learn from the Kenyan protests just as there were many lessons from the last #ENDSARS protests in Nigeria. But you can’t transplant one into the other. Each clime with its own spirit and vibes and peccadilloes. If I may borrow a line from Afrobeat superstar Asake, “Ogogoro no be Vodka!”

Combustible

There is so much tension caused by economic hardship in Nigeria at the moment that many people are just one inch away from blowing a fuse. If any kind of anarchy is added to the mix, you’re going to have a really combustible situation that could easily degenerate into mini gang warfares or full scale tribal wars.

To douse tension, the president has been consulting widely and massively publicising measures already taken by the government to address the concerns of the youthful protesters. Traditional rulers, religious leaders, political bigwigs and captains of industry have added their voices to appeal to the protesters to cancel the protest so as not to start what they may not be in a position to finish.

‘Revolutionary’ images from other lands, featuring fire-spitting youthful leaders and clips of internally displaced people may look fascinating because they’re from afar. If those images reflect our local circumstances, there may not even be a columnist to write about it. That is why I have taken the liberty to adapt Gil Scott-Heron’s song as a melody and prayer: This revolution shall not be televised.