Nigerian sprinter, Favour Ofili, expressed her frustration on Tuesday, revealing that she will not compete in the 100-metre race at the ongoing Olympics in Paris due to administrative failures by the Athletics Federation of Nigeria and the Nigerian Olympic Committee.

She called for accountability from those responsible and voiced her skepticism about the trustworthiness of both organisations.

The LSU Track and Field alumni hopes to be entered in the 200-metre event.

LSU track refers to the track and field programme at Louisiana State University. 

Her post read, “It is with great regret that I have just been told I will not be competing in the 100 metres at this Olympic Games. I qualified, but those with the AFN and NOC failed to enter me. I have worked for four years to earn this opportunity. For what?”

Despite qualifying for the event, Ofili disclosed that the officials did not enter her, marking a repeat of the previous Olympics, Tokyo 2020.

She added, “Please remember, in the last Olympic Games, I was not able to compete because AFN, NADC and NOC failed to release funds for athletes to be tested, which made 14 Nigerian athletes that qualified to not compete. Now this……”

“If those responsible are not held accountable for taking this opportunity from me, neither organisation can ever be trusted in the future! Next one is the 200 metres. I hope I’m entered.”

Ofili secured her place in the women’s 200m event at the Paris 2024 Olympic Games, PUNCH Online reported.

PUNCH Online reports that the 21-year-old was entered for 100m, 200m, 400m, 100×100 relay.

Our correspondent was, however, unable to contact the officials of the aforementioned agencies for clarifications.

Ofili, who tweeted around 10 pm, was one of 10 Nigerian athletes declared ineligible for the Olympics by the Athletics Integrity Unit because they were not tested rigorously enough in the run-up to Tokyo 2020.

PUNCH Sports Extra, in a July 20 publication titled, “Nigeria’s Olympic Debutants!” mentioned Ofili as one.

Making her debut in Paris, flaunting her sterling credentials of once being in the Top 8 at the World Championships, the athlete is a Commonwealth Games silver medalist, an African Games champion, a former World U20 champion, and an African Senior Athletics Championships champion in the 200m.

Her current world rankings stand at 23 in 100m and 52 in 200m. Her highest rankings are 13 in 200m, 23 in 100m, and 37 in 400m.

In May, Ofili also shattered three records in a month.

[Punch]

Earlier this month, an old interview with Republican vice-presidential hopeful JD Vance resurfaced online. In it, Vance denounced vice-president Kamala Harris as a “childless cat lady” with no “direct stake” in America’s future. His words prompted outrage – and among the first to rush to Harris’s defence was her 25-year-old stepdaughter, Ella Emhoff. “How can you be ‘childless’ when you have cutie pie kids like Cole and I?” she wrote in an Instagram story.

Her comment was a testament to her and her older brother Cole’s warm bond with the woman they call “Momala” – and proved that family isn’t just about biological relationships. If Harris, who was endorsed by US president Joe Biden after he announced he’d no longer be seeking re-election, does end up in the White House, then Ella will be a very modern first daughter. An artist, activist and alternative fashion icon, she feels worlds away from the classic, cookie-cutter stereotype of a political offspring – who smiles politely in photo ops, dresses and acts conservatively, and shies away from any remotely controversial causes.

Ella was born in California in 1999, and has the jazz singer Ella Fitzgerald as her namesake (Her brother, who is five years her senior, was named after the saxophonist John Coltrane). Her parents, film producer Kerstin and entertainment lawyer Doug Emhoff, split up in 2008, but the breakup was an amicable one. “I thought we had it good compared to a lot of other people I’d seen with divorced parents,” Ella told The New York Times in 2021. “So I think I felt really lucky.” She and her brother were politically engaged from a young age, and were “really active” in campaigning against Proposition 8, the amendment opposing same-sex marriage. As a teen, Ella attended Wildwood School, a private school that also counts celebrity offspring such as Rumer Willis and Frances Bean Cobain among its alumni.

The Emhoff siblings first met Harris when Ella was about to start high school and Cole was gearing up for college. Harris has said that she and Doug waited until they were sure that their relationship had staying power before she was introduced to her future stepchildren, because she “didn’t want to insert [herself] into their lives as a temporary fixture”. Their initial meeting was at a seafood restaurant off California’s Pacific Coast Highway, and Harris recalled that “Cole and Ella could not have been more welcoming”. Beforehand, their dad had given them a heads up about his new partner’s high-profile job, telling them: “I think you just have to know, though, that she is the attorney general of California.” No pressure, then.

From that moment, it seems, the Emhoff-Harrises have managed to make the whole “blended family” thing look easy. Harris is “dear friends” with her husband’s first wife Kerstin, who has described the VP as “loving, nurturing, fiercely protective and always present”. The pair would “become a duo of cheerleaders in the bleachers at Ella’s swim meets and basketball games, often to Ella’s embarrassment”. When Harris and Doug married in 2014, she and the children agreed that they weren’t too keen on the term “stepmom”. Instead, they decided to christen her “Momala”. The name stuck – Drew Barrymore made everyone cringe when she earnestly told Harris that “we need you to be ‘Momala’ of the country” during Harris’s appearance on the actor’s touchy-feely chat show in April.

It sounds like the family doesn’t exactly do small talk around the dinner table. “We would just have these real conversations at dinner, almost Socratic, where we would all bounce off each other,” Cole told Glamour in the run-up to the 2020 election. If the kids invited friends round to visit, they’d warn them that they might get the full lawyer treatment from Harris and their dad. “We always joke that whenever we bring our friends over for the first time, they’re going to get grilled,” Ella told The New York Times. “Like, if you don’t have your 10-year plan, like, fully ready and outlined in a spreadsheet for them, you’re not going to survive that meal.”

After high school, Ella studied at the prestigious Parsons School of Design in New York, specialising in fine art. Her senior year of college happened to coincide with Harris’s biggest job yet: running for vice-president alongside Democratic candidate Joe Biden in the 2020 election. When Biden was sworn in as president the following January, after defeating Donald Trump, Ella found herself in the spotlight for the first time thanks to her idiosyncratic sense of style.

Her inauguration day outfit consisted of a quirky Miu Miu coat with an oversized collar and eye-catching sequinned shoulders, worn over a custom-made dress from New York cult favourite designer Batsheva Hay. It couldn’t have been further from the classic “political daughter” look of sedate pantsuits, shift dresses and sensible florals (essentially, dressing at least two decades older than your actual age). Inevitably, it became a talking point on social media; according to fashion platform Lyst, six hours after the ceremony, online searches for Miu Miu increased by 455 per cent. And when Ella got caught on camera wiggling her eyebrows at former vice-president Mike Pence during the ceremony, that only won her more fans, too.

Shortly after, Ella signed a deal with modelling agency IMG, the company that represents the likes of Gigi Hadid and Ashley Graham. She’d always loved fashion, but this wasn’t a career path that she’d necessarily anticipated. “All of my life, I had really low self-esteem and self-confidence, so this kind of felt like a way for me to take that back,” she told The Washington Post. “I have body hair, I have tattoos. Like, that’s not crazy in the scheme of things today, but it is not what you’d consider, like, the most generic-type model.”

Soon, she ended up walking in fashion shows for brands like Proenza Schouler and wearing a custom Stella McCartney ensemble to the Met Gala (she was later announced as the face of McCartney’s Adidas collaboration, too). Since that flurry of publicity, though, Ella, who is in a relationship with the GQ journalist Samuel Hine, has stepped back from the catwalk. Instead, she has been focusing on her textile-based artwork, including the knitted paintings she showcases on her Instagram account. “I did [modelling] for a few years, and it helped me now to be able to afford the platform, and the comfortability to be able to do art,” she told The Times earlier this year.

She now hosts the Sofa Hands Knit Club in New York, holding craft sessions around the city. Her mother taught her to knit during a childhood trip to Disneyland, and it has always been a “therapeutic practice” for her ever since. “I treat it as something to calm my anxiety and it just happens to be something that I’m also very creatively passionate about,” she has said – and she’s also keen to “expand” her club “into other places, like schools and art therapy. Because I know it helped me so much.”

Ella doesn’t tend to make outright political pronouncements; instead, she lets her activism do the talking. She has previously helped raise money for For The Gworls, a collective that supports Black transgender people, and more recently shared links on social media to fundraisers for relief work in Gaza (a move that inevitably proved controversial).

​​Should Harris secure the Democratic nomination, the spotlight on Ella will only intensify. We can surely expect her to become a fixture on the campaign trail. And she might just be Harris’s secret weapon: a conduit to Gen Z.

[https://www.independent.co.uk]

- Despite the government backtracking on unpopular tax hikes, protesters now demand deeper measures to remedy economic disparities and government accountability

- 'To address these protests, the government needs to take tangible steps towards transparency, initiate meaningful reforms, and engage in genuine dialogue with the protesters. Without these actions, the unrest is likely to persist and potentially escalate,' political analyst Simon Mukhwana tells Anadolu

NAIROBI, Kenya

Kenya's streets remain a battleground as protests, sparked by controversial tax hikes, evolve into a wider outcry against deep-rooted economic disparities and a perceived lack of government accountability.

At the forefront of this movement is a generation of young Kenyans, refusing to be silenced despite facing escalating police crackdowns.

The protests erupted earlier this year in response to a government-proposed finance bill that included a slew of tax hikes amidst an already challenging economic environment.

The bill sparked public outrage, particularly among young people, who saw it as a move that would exacerbate an ongoing cost of living crisis in the East African nation. Widespread claims of government corruption and mismanagement only added fuel to the flames.

Kenyan President William Ruto bowed to the ensuing pressure by firing almost his entire Cabinet and initiating the process of building a new one. Despite this and other government concessions, the demonstrations have shown no signs of abating.

Youth in the spotlight

Young Kenyans, have been at the forefront of the demonstrations. Armed with smartphones and social media savvy, they have mobilized with remarkable speed and agility, bypassing traditional media channels to organize, share information, and galvanize support for protests calling for Ruto’s resignation.

Many express a sense of fearlessness, born from witnessing years of political corruption and economic hardship.

"This is not just about taxes anymore, the protests have changed into what the youth feel they need and they are not backing down. It will be tough to bring the protests to a stop until they get what they want," explains Wandia Njoya, a political analyst at Daystar University. "It's about a generation demanding a better future, one where they are not perpetually marginalized."

The demonstrations began in June, ignited by widespread frustration over government corruption and economic mismanagement. Young people expressed their anger by burning down a section of the parliament building during the initial wave of protests.

Every Tuesday and Thursday, Kenyans assemble on the streets to protest, frustrating the government, often met with a heavy police response. To date, 50 people have been killed in confrontations with law enforcement, according to the state-owned Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.

Sheila Mwangi, a 24-year-old activist, is determined to continue protesting. "We are tired of empty promises. We have so many unresolved issues with this government," she says. "We want real change, not just for ourselves but for future generations."

Their grievances extend beyond the now-withdrawn finance bill, encompassing broader issues such as unemployment, police brutality, and lack of government accountability. "We don't want people from the old Cabinet back, and we want the president to step down. We've endured years of broken promises and corrupt leadership," Mwangi added.

According to human rights activist David Karanja, police brutality has been a significant rallying point for the protesters. "The government's heavy-handed approach has only strengthened the resolve of the youth to continue their fight," he said.

Karanja noted that the regular demonstrations have become a powerful symbol of the people's determination to hold the government accountable and demand a better future.

However, he pointed out a significant challenge: "However, the leaderless nature of the movement presents a significant challenge.

"Without a central figure or organized leadership, coordinating efforts and negotiating with authorities becomes difficult."

On the streets of Nairobi, Kenyans voiced different sentiments on how the protests can come to an end.

Amina Hassan, a 21-year-old university student said, "As students, we are the future of this country, and we refuse to inherit a broken system, Kenya is standing at a critical juncture, a make-or-break moment."

"We are protesting because we want quality education, job opportunities, and a government that listens to our voices. We will not stop until we see genuine change," she said.

Many protesters, like high school teacher Grace Wanjiru, are on the streets for a better future for their children.

"They deserve an education system that prepares them for success, not one hindered by political instability and lack of funding. We are fighting for their future and our own. The only way this can stop is if all demands are met," she said.

The path forward

Besides these hopeful sentiments, uncertainty prevails on how the country will go forward, with many possible scenarios looming.

According to political analyst Simon Mukhwana, if confrontation between protesters and the government fails to subside, this could lead to prolonged instability and further economic disruption.

Alternatively, authorities could offer more substantial concessions, he said, admitting also that it will take significant reforms to address the deep-rooted structural issues in the government.

The worst-case scenario could see the situation spiral into violence, potentially resulting in a prolonged and bloody conflict.

"The protests are a culmination of years of pent-up frustration and anger among the populace," Mukhwana explained.

"People are fed up with the pervasive corruption, economic hardships, and lack of accountability from the government. The return of figures from the old Cabinet has only added fuel to the fire, as it shows a continuation of the same failed policies and leadership," he said, adding:

"The path forward remains uncertain but to address these protests, the government needs to take tangible steps towards transparency, initiate meaningful reforms, and engage in genuine dialogue with the protesters. Without these actions, the unrest is likely to persist and potentially escalate."

As Kenya stands at a critical juncture, civic groups and international observers have called for immediate dialogue between the government and the protesters to avoid risks of deeper chaos. The emphasis is on creating a platform where grievances can be addressed constructively, and a roadmap for reforms can be established.

[https://www.aa.com]

Nigerians should learn from the bitter outcomes of the ongoing widespread protests in Kenya, an activist cleric, Bishop Wycliffe Khaemba, has admonished the youths preparing to take to the streets tomorrow.“

“I urge you to learn from what has happened and is still occurring in Kenya,” the bishop, who has been into activism for 28 years, said in a statement yesterday.

“We allowed ourselves to be led into violent protests and disturbances, thinking they would lead to a desired outcome. Unfortunately, they have resulted in an undesirable outcome,” he said.

Kenya has been engulfed by massive and violent protests of tax hikes, forcing the government to reverse the increases and cut the cost of governance.

Despite the concessions by the government, the mass action has persisted with its attendant large-scale destruction of public infrastructure.

Khaemba, who pastors the One Ministry Methodist, advised Nigerian youths not to travel the same route because it would not end well for them and the nation.

Describing the gory consequences of the protests in Kenya, he stated:  “Tens of thousands of small and medium-scale enterprises have been destroyed along with major public infrastructure, and people’s lives have been turned upside down. 

”The education of our next generation has been affected, and we are not even back at square one. We are farther back.”

He said the people had, however, found out that the protests were funded by foreigners who would never allow the Kenyan government or non-governmental institutions to interfere in their nations.

Khaemba stated further:  “My message to Nigeria is this: Do not wait to learn from your mistakes. Instead, learn from our error of judgment in Kenya.“

“Those who are sponsoring these protests from abroad will not come and help you rebuild Lagos and Abuja after violent protesters destroy your cities. 

”Instead, they will offer you cutthroat loans to keep you in bondage to them.  So, please listen to the voice of reason and pursue dialogue rather than protests.”

[Vanguard]

Local government elections in Nigeria have long been marred by rampant rigging and manipulation, favouring incumbents and ruling parties. Since the 1950s, political interference has plagued these elections, thwarting the goal of establishing truly representative local governments. The key factors contributing to these flawed elections include the absence of constitutionally guaranteed financial and operational independence for State Electoral Commissions (SIECs). This lack of autonomy enables state governors to interfere in SIEC operations and deprive them of necessary funds, thus undermining their ability to conduct credible elections. These constitutional weaknesses incapacitate the SIECs, depriving citizens of their right to elect leaders who represent their will.

The catalytic effect of the Supreme Court ruling strengthening the financial autonomy of local governments is evident in the current rush by state governments to conduct local government elections. Since the ruling, over 15 states have announced local government area (LGA) election dates. The Court’s unequivocal declaration that “a democratically elected local government is sacrosanct and non-negotiable” has rendered caretaker committees appointed by governors illegal. Before this ruling, 462 local governments in 22 states were administered by caretaker committees. Following the verdict, these local governments will not receive funds from the Federation Account until elected officials are in place.

Calls to liberate State Independent Electoral Commission (SIECs) from the stranglehold of state governors have also intensified. Three proposals have emerged for ensuring credible elections at the local government level. First, state electoral commissions should be reformed to strengthen their independence from governors. Second, abolishing SIECs and transferring the responsibility of conducting local government elections to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and lastly, establishing a new national body to conduct local government elections. Nigeria’s upper legislative house recently took action to advance the third proposal. The Senate passed for first reading a bill sponsored by Senator Sani Musa (APC, Niger East) to create the National Independent Local Government Electoral Commission (NILGEC) as a federal agency to organize, oversee, and conduct elections for the offices of local government chairman and councilors in all 36 states and the FCT.

State electoral commissions in Nigeria’s 1999 constitution

Under Nigeria’s Constitution, State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) are established in Section 197 (1b) as State Executive bodies alongside the State Civil Service Commission and State Judicial Service Commission. As specified in Section 3, Part II of the Third Schedule to the Constitution, the SIECs shall comprise a Chairman and not less than five (5) but not more than seven (7) other persons. Section 4 empowers the SIECs with the power to organize, undertake, and supervise all elections to the local councils. SIECs also advise the INEC on the compilation of the voter register. The Chair and commissioners of the SIECs are appointed by the Governor of the State subject to confirmation by a resolution of the House of Assembly (Section 198). Members of the commission serve a tenure of five years, renewable once (Section 199 (1c).  SIEC members shall only be removed from office by a Governor acting on an address supported by a two-thirds majority of a state House of Assembly praying that a member is removed for inability to discharge the functions due to infirmity of mind, body or any other cause and for misconduct (201(1)). The Constitution also states that the power of SIECs to make appointments or to exercise disciplinary control over persons shall not be subject to the direction and control of any other authority or person (Section 202).

Constitutional disempowerment of state electoral commissions

While the Constitution places a premium on democratically elected local government under Section 7 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended, it fails to provide safeguards for institutional autonomy for the institution tasked with giving life to its aspiration of democratically elected local government councils. The following constitutional pitfalls significantly undermine the ability of SIECs to conduct credible local government elections:

1. Operational control of SIECs by governors: Section 204(1) subjects the power of SIECs to regulate its procedure and confer powers and duties on any officer or authority to the approval of the Governor. By this provision, the Constitution fails to insulate the SIECs from executive control. This constitutional mishap emboldens state executives to manipulate SIECs and influence electoral outcomes. Electoral commissions are required to be independent so they can enforce guidelines and rules of procedure without bias. Unfortunately, state electoral commissions can’t operate independently because the Constitution does not guarantee administrative independence. In contrast, Section 160(1)of the Constitution protects the independence of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) by stating that INEC’s powers to make its own rules and guidelines shall not be subject to the approval or control of the President.
2. Lack of financial autonomy: Electoral commissions thrive where access to election funding is guaranteed. Financial autonomy facilitates planning and insulates the commission from undue interference from external actors. SIECs are financially dependent on state governors, as Section 121(3) excludes them from institutions funded directly by the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the state. The lack of financial autonomy makes SIECs susceptible to control and manipulation. SIECs face significant uncertainties regarding their funding as they rely heavily on the discretion or benevolence of the Governor to release funds for election management even in cases where the state legislature has appropriated the commission’s budget. Typically, SIECs receive funding only to conduct local government elections, and in the period between elections, they lack resources for necessary pre- and post-election activities. In instances where funds are allocated, they are often released merely 90 days before the elections, making it challenging to deliver credible elections. In contrast, INEC’s financial autonomy is secured through Section 81(3), which places it on the first-line charge of the Federation’s Consolidated Revenue Fund. The 2022 Electoral Act mandates the release of election funding one year before elections.
3. No constitutional timeframe for local government elections: The Constitution is silent on the tenure of local government councils and the timeframe for conducting elections. This loophole is exploited to dictate the tenure of local government chairmen and councillors, including justifying the arbitrary dissolution of local government councils. SIECs often release election timetables based on the Governor’s body language. A defined constitutional timeframe for local government elections is necessary to ensure consistency and fairness.

4. Insufficient qualification criteria for SIEC members: The only constitutional requirement for appointment into SIEC is non-membership of a political party. While this is a necessary condition, it is grossly inadequate. Other conditions essential for election administration, such as unquestionable integrity and competence, are excluded in Section 200 of the Constitution. INEC appointments require non-partisanship and unquestionable integrity, a standard that should also apply to SIECs.

How to strengthen state electoral commissions to deliver credible elections

7. Introduce tenure for local government councils: The tenure of local government councils should be prescribed in the Constitution. This will guarantee the conduct of regular elections and put an end to the loophole exploited to justify the appointment of caretaker committees or dissolution of local government councils.
8. Safeguard the operational autonomy of SIECs: The Constitution makes explicit provisions that state that the power of SIECs to regulate their own procedure and confer powers and duties on any officer or authority shall not be subject to the approval of the Governor or any person. This will strengthen SIECs’ independence and liberate them from the stranglehold of governors.
9. Strengthen the financial autonomy of SIECs: To guarantee the financial autonomy of the SIECs, its funding should be on first-line charge. In other words, the financing of the SIECs should be charged to the state’s Consolidated Revenue. By incorporating this provision, the financial independence of SIECs will be safeguarded, ensuring that their functions are free from undue political influence. Alternatively, local government may, through legislation, contribute 5% of their allocation to SIECs and local government elections in view of the direct allocation from the Federation Account.
10. Review the mode of appointments into SIEC: The power to appoint the Chairman and members of SIECs should be divested from the Governors. The Constitution should introduce the procedure outlined below;
11. Nomination: Where a vacancy arises in the SIEC, the state assembly should set up an independent committee to handle nominations. The committee issues a widely publicized call for nominations.
12. Interview panel: Shortlisted candidates undergo an interview to assess competence, character, and suitability for appointment to the SIEC
13. Confirmation by the State Assembly: The state assembly shall consider the interview panel report and public petitions. A two-thirds majority resolution by the state assembly is required to recommend a candidate to the Governor for appointment.
14. Introduce timelines for appointment in SIECs: The Constitution should be amended to introduce specific timelines for appointing members to State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs). Appointments must be made within 30 days of a vacancy. This will prevent unwarranted delays in constituting the commission’s board, ensuring that SIECs can function effectively and without interruption.
15. Strengthen the criteria for membership of SIEC: In addition to non-membership of political parties, the Constitution should be amended to introduce age, integrity, and competence as criteria for appointment into SIECs. Members of the SIEC should not be less than 25 years of age.
16. Redefine the power and functions of SIECs: The powers of the SIECs should be reviewed to strengthen their independence and effectiveness. Its powers should be expanded to include; monitoring party primaries, congresses, and conventions related to local government elections, promoting knowledge of sound democratic election processes at the local government level, conducting any referendum required to be conducted under the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and any Law of the State House of Assembly.

With the Supreme Court judgment, local government elections will be a cynosure for political actors and election stakeholders, significantly raising the stakes. As the stakes increase, so does the pressure to deliver credible elections. This could usher a new vista for local elections, which have previously been overlooked. The vision of a democratically elected local government can only be realized if the State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) are reformed, repositioned, and strengthened to safeguard electoral democracy at the local level. By undergoing reforms similar to those implemented by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), SIECs can significantly enhance the quality of local government elections. Proposals to create a new federal election body to conduct local government elections or to vest the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) with this power are knee-jerk solutions. Such proposals risk centralizing power, which could undermine the principles of federalism. To deepen electoral democracy in Nigeria, focusing on strengthening SIECs with constitutional safeguards for conducting credible and inclusive elections at the local level is more advantageous.

Samson Itodo is an election, democracy, and public policy enthusiast. Itodo serves as the Executive Director of Yiaga Africa and Principal Partner of the Election Law Center. He is also a member of the Kofi Annan Foundation board and the Board of Advisers of International IDEA. Please send comments and feedback to This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.. He tweets @DSamsonItodo

A new report has ranked Nigeria 92nd on the list of countries with the most visa-free access to other nations.

The report released by Henley and Partners on Tuesday is based on exclusive and official data from the International Air Transport Association (IATA).

Countries’ rankings are monitored throughout the year, focusing on relevant visa-policy shifts for each nation.

In July 2023, Nigeria was ranked 90th on the list but fell to 97th position below African countries like Burundi, Cameroon, and Liberia, showing a significant shift in the nation’s visa policy.

In the latest ranking, Nigeria now is placed 92nd, alongside Lebanon and Myanmar — countries on the Asian continent — with visa-free access to 45 travel destinations.

Nigeria also ranked sixth lowest on the list of African countries with visa-free travel access, only above South Sudan, Sudan, Eritrea, Libya, and Somalia.

Meanwhile, the Seychelles retained its 24th position as the highest-ranked African country with access to 156 countries.

Mauritius improved in the ranking, moving from 29th to 28th position with access to 150 countries, while South Africa came third in Africa but ranked 47th on the global stage with access to 106 countries without a prior visa.

HOW OTHER COUNTRIES RANK

Singapore came first on the global list, retaining the top spot, while France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and Spain occupied the second position.

Citizens of Singapore, according to the ranking index, can visit 195 travel destinations—three more than that of last year.

Austria, Finland, Ireland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, South Korea, and Sweden hold the third position with visa-free access to 191 destinations, while Belgium, Denmark, New Zealand, Norway, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom are in the fourth place with access to 190 destinations without a prior visa.

Canada joins the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Malta at the seventh spot, while the United States holds the eighth position with visa-free access to 186 destinations.

Maintaining its position as last year, Afghanistan stays at the bottom of the index, with a visa-free access score of just 26 countries, followed by Syria with 28, and Iraq with 31—the three weakest passports in the world.

[TheCable]

It is no more news that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, few days ago, met behind closed-doors with traditional rulers at the Council Chamber, Presidential Villa in Abuja. As gathered, the meeting with the monarchs was the second closed door meeting the President has held in the wake of calls for planned protest on the August 1, 2024. 

The meeting was attended by the Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima, members of the President’s cabinet, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF, Senator George Akume, the Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPCL, Mele Kyari, the Inspector General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, Minister of Justice and the Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, among others.

In a similar vein, traditional rulers who attended the meeting were the Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammad Abubakar III, Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi , Dein of Agbor, His Royal Majesty Benjamin Ikenchukwu Keagborokuzi I. In fact, the meeting came after an earlier meeting of the President with the members of the Progressive Governors Forum.

As gathered, the meetings were connected with moves to appease those planning to protest against the present administration over the prevailing economic situation in the country.

The National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu; Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun; and the Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Atiku Bagudu, were also said to have joined President Tinubu at the meeting which held on Thursday, July 25, 2024.

Some governors who also joined the meeting were the Chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF), Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq of Kwara State and the Chairman of the Progressive Governors’ Forum, Governor Hope Uzodimma of Imo State.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to recall that monarchs have long held a unique position in history, embodying both tradition and authority. As we explore the evolution of political power, it becomes evident that their influence extends beyond mere symbolism. Therefore, it is for this reason that this writer is in this context delving into the role of monarchs in shaping governance, drawing parallels between their leadership and that of political leaders in democratic systems.

Without a doubt, monarchy emerged as societies sought centralized authority. Initially, leadership was distributed based on factors like age or familial ties. However, the gradual shift toward monarchy reflected the need for strong, consolidated governance Thus, Monarchs claimed divine right, asserting their selection by gods to rule, a concept that legitimized their authority.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is not out of place in this context to opine that effective leaders, whether monarchs or elected officials, create a shared vision for the future. They develop viable strategic plans, transcending mere orders and fostering progress.

In fact, monarchies persist alongside democratic systems. Their enduring presence highlights the diversity of political authority. While democracy disperses leadership, monarchies offer a contrasting model.

To buttress the foregoing view, it is not hyperbolical to conjecture that monarchs, as custodians of tradition, can play a pivotal role in urging political leaders to lead effectively. 

Considering the fact that Monarchs are expected to exemplify good governance, emphasizing transparency, accountability, and empathy, and that their actions resonate beyond ceremonial duties, it is in turn expected that they should be advocates for competence, and in that vein, encourage political leaders to prioritize competence over partisanship. 

In a similar vein, it is expected that monarchs emphasize the importance of informed decision-making as they symbolize unity. In fact, with their position in the society, and their somewhat seamless access to politicians in power, they can advocate for leaders to bridge divides and foster cooperation for the greater good.

The reason for the foregoing advocacy cannot be pooh-poohed with mere wave of the hands as Monarchs collectively possess a unique platform, one that transcends politics. Therefore, by urging political leaders to lead well, they contribute to stable governance and a brighter future for all. And again, it is expedient to recognize their role and encourage effective leadership across all realms of power.

At this juncture, it is germane to opine that the foregoing view could not have been expressed at a better time than now as the role of traditional institutions in maintaining peace and harmony in Nigeria has being watered down by the benevolence influence of political leaders. 

Therefore, it is time for traditional rulers to reclaim their voices and wield their influence for the greater good. While they have been adept at urging citizens to endure hardship without protest, they must in the same vein channel the same political energy toward holding political leaders accountable. 

In fact, given their historical significance, particularly in pre-colonial Nigeria, one cannot but opine that traditional rulers were the nucleus of governance and justice. They held religious, legislative, executive, and judicial powers, shaping local administration. That was when paramount chiefs, elders, and community leaders actively participated in decision-making, forming the bedrock of political culture.

Unfortunately, the role, and the influence they use to play in the society have unarguably changed. This is as modern Nigeria faces complex challenges that cut across corruption, insecurity and economic woes that demand collective action.

However, despite the challenges, traditional leaders, with their historical legitimacy, can still bridge the gap between the people (the governed) and political elites by always speaking truth to power. Therefore, traditional rulers must break their silence as their voices carry weight, and even as they can advocate for transparency, accountability, and justice. To this writer, they should always tell Nigeria’s political leaders, particularly the President, governors, lawmakers and ministers straight to their faces; no matter whose ox is gored, that they should address citizens' suffering, and foster positive change.

While it is expected that they speak truth to power as they often interact with political leaders, it is equally expected that they should in the same vein respect Nigeria’s cultural norms, and adapt to the times, particularly as their collective influence can shape political leaders’ policies and governance. Unfortunately, it appears our traditional rulers are not using their political energy to push politicians for transformation.

Given the foregoing seeming lethargy, traditional rulers once revered as custodians of wisdom, must rise from their silent thrones. Let them echo truth to power, reminding political leaders that their duty extends beyond survival as Nigeria's future depends on their collective courage and commitment to justice. 

Prof Mike Ozekhome, SAN, writes on behalf of Incorporated Trustees of Association of Local Governments of Nigeria ( ALGON),warning the Forum of State Commissioners For Finance of Nigeria, not to tamper with funds due to the 774 LGAs of Nigeria, but to pay to them directly as ordered by the Supreme Court in its judgement dated July 11,2024. The Silk told the Forum and  Governors controlling it of the dire consequences of disobeying the clear orders of the Supreme Court of Nigeria.

Governor Jide Sanwo-Olu Lagos House, Lagos

It has come to the attention of the Take It Back Movement in Lagos state that your Attorney General surreptitiously obtained a court order designating and restricting protesters for #EndbadGovernanceinNigeria to two locations in the Lagos Metropolis. At the same time, we frown at this abuse of judicial privilege to stifle freedom of association; the movement at an emergency meeting wishes to inform you that since this was your administration’s decision, you must bear responsibility for the movement of protesters from several designations in Lagos to and from Peace Park in Ketu and Gani Fawehinmi Justice Park in Ojota in Lagos.

Some of the designated convergence points for participating citizens include

1. Alausa Secretariat 

2. ⁠Lekki Toll Gates 

3. Ikorodu Bus Park

4. ⁠Okota Link Bridge

5. ⁠LASU Campus gates

   6.Iyana Ipaja Underbridge

   7.Agege Pen Cinema

You will soon be informed of other designated convergence points for protesters.

The buses to be provided must be clean, safe and air-conditioned.

The buses must arrive at this designated arrears as early as 6 a.m. and return protesters to their convergence points at 6 p.m. every night between August 1st and 10th, 2024. The protest days may drag beyond ten days, so the Lagos state government is advised to make contingency plans for the dusting of these actions.

Your failure to provide buses for the protesters means they (protesters) would begin march/walk to the court designated parks in the city on a daily basis for the duration of the #EndBadGovernance direct actions.

Finally, be informed that there will be rallies and processions throughout the #EndbadGovernance actions, so your bus operators are advised to find and park a safe distance from the areas designated by protesters for these activities.

Accept our revolutionary regards,

Adekunle Adeyemi Taofeek

Coordinator, Take It Back Movement, Lagos