When Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu, the president-general of the Ohanaeze Ndigbo, died last month, it reawakened a topic I had been ruminating over for decades. I had been following the trajectories of politicians who aspired to be president of Nigeria at one point or the other and I had been genuinely startled by how many ended up as active members or leaders of ethnic associations. I have been asking myself for years: what changed? Why did they — having desired to lead a country of 250 ethnic groups and two dominant religions — decide to return to their ethnic cocoons? I am not interested in judging them, by the way; I am just trying to understand what happened to them.

Chief Olu Falae, former secretary to the military government and minister of finance, twice aspired to be president of Nigeria — in 1992 and 1999. But the last phase of his public career is as a champion of ethnic nationalism. He is a frontline member of the Afenifere, the Yoruba group. If Afenifere’s ideology is benign, the same cannot be said of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) led by the late Dr Fredreick Faseun, who had also aspired to be president of Nigeria in 1992. The OPC, at least in its formative years, was a violent group that wanted to liberate the “Yoruba nation” from the “Fulani slavery in Nigeria”. Faseun could have been president of the same country he wanted to balkanise.

The late Dr Ibrahim Datti Ahmed was also one of the presidential hopefuls in 1992. A respected Islamic cleric, he shocked Nigerians when he criticised Nigeria’s controversial membership of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), promising that if he was voted into power, he would review the organisation’s relevance to the political and economic priorities of the country. That was an unpopular view in the core north which supported the OIC membership, although Christians loved his stand. But, several years down the line, he became the president-general of the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria (SCSN). Ahmed could have been the president of the multi-religious Nigeria.

You can imagine my thinking when Iwuanyanwu, who died recently at 81, became the leader of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the Igbo counterpart of Afenifere, in April 2023. He thrice tried to become president of Nigeria. In 1992, he vied for the presidential ticket of the National Republican Party (NRC) and was being touted as the preferred running mate to the late Alhaji Adamu Ciroma, who was favoured to pick the party’s ticket in a keen race with the late Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi before Babangida nullified the primary. In 1997, Iwuanyanwu also showed interest in the race as a member of the United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP) and again in 1998 under the All Peoples Party (APP).

Back to my key question: why did people who tried to lead a multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation decide to retreat to their cocoons later in life? This could be an interesting focus of academic inquest. All I can do here is hazard a few guesses. The most common argument I have heard from people in informal conversations over the years is that politicians who once believed in a united Nigeria began to have second thoughts after seeing the “reality” that the country was built to fail by the colonialists. It is a common view down south that the British powers constructed Nigeria to favour the north, making other Nigerians who had genuinely thought otherwise to, finally, “see the light”.

Does this fully explain the phenomenon? I would not say so. The late Alhaji Shehu Shagari, a full-blooded Fulani man who was made the Turaki of the Fula Sokoto Caliphate in 1962 by the Sultan of Sokoto Siddiq Abubakar III, was president of Nigeria from 1979-83. He later led the Turaki Committee, a group of core northerners looking out for the northern interest within the Nigerian context. If people were retreating to their ethnic cocoons because of the way Nigeria was structured, why should a major beneficiary like Shagari need to toe the same line? The system supposedly favoured his region. Why should he mimic the game being played by those who felt marginalised?

A second argument is that many of these politicians decided to retreat to their cocoons after suffering from the political system and losing faith in a pan-Nigerian dream. Falae, for instance, was detained endlessly by the Gen Sani Abacha government over his June 12 activism. The notion in the south, correct or not, was that the north did not want Abiola to be president — even though northerners massively voted for him. Falae’s detention probably did something to him and he maybe lost the faith. Iwuanyanwu also probably took a dim view of the political set-up, concluded that there was an agenda to fence off the Igbo from Aso Rock and finally decided to go back to his roots.

A third argument, which I find quite useful, is that the Nigerian political landscape was shaped ab initio by sectionalism and regionalism. Jam’iyaar Mutanen Arewa, a northern socio-political group, produced the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) in 1949 under the leadership of Sir Ahmadu Bello. In 1945, Chief Obafemi Awolowo co-founded the Yoruba group, Egbé Ọmọ Odùduwà, in London apparently to gain a foothold in the politics of Nigeria. In 1951, the group birthed the Action Group (AG) which ultimately displaced the NCNC (National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, renamed the National Convention of Nigerian Citizens) as the dominant party in the Western Region.

There is an unending argument that the entrance of AG marked the beginning of “tribalism” in Nigerian politics because of the way the Yoruba allies of the NCNC switched camps, but many parties operated along ethnic or sectional lines in the same era, notably the Borno Youth Movement, Igala Union, Igbira Tribal Union, Ibadan Peoples Party, Zamfara Commoners Party, and the Niger Delta Congress. The NPC, the biggest party, was an offshoot of Jam’iyaar Mutanen Arewa — “Society of Northern Youths” in Hausa, the northern lingua franca. Only the NCNC, co-founded by Herbert Macaulay and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, had a broader appeal at first. It later became limited to the East.

Historically, therefore, our politics was organised along ethnic and regional lines and this may partly explain why many politicians, including those who wanted to be president, find it easy to retire to their cocoons. In fact, there is this common argument that you are first an Igala or Esan or Shuwa before you are a Nigerian. This could well be a fourth argument. In other words, your ethnicity is your primary identity. Your Nigerian identity is secondary. Those who subscribe to this notion would likely place ethnic considerations first in whatever they do. I have also heard people say you cannot be a good Nigerian if you are not first a good Ibibio, but I doubt this can be scientifically proven.

President Olusegun Obasanjo, who ruled Nigeria twice — first as a military ruler and later as a civilian president — has always refused to identify with regional groups. He is critical of them. He once said he could not understand why anyone, after being Nigerian president, would reduce himself to being an advocate of sectional interests. He famously savaged Zik, Nigeria’s first president, for descending from the height of “Zik of Africa” to the depth of “Owelle of Onitsha”. In the case of Zik, though, I would think a time comes when you go back to your roots for cultural, not political, reasons. In fact, Zik being made Owelle of Onitsha could be the same as Obasanjo being made Balogun of Owu.

While I cannot categorically say why erstwhile national leaders transform to ethnic champions, I do know that we seem stuck at a stage in the evolution of our nationhood. For help, I will generously quote Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II, who tried to address this issue at a book launch by Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, the Yoruba leader, in 2009. Sanusi said: “My grandfather was a northerner, I am a Nigerian. The problem is that in 2009, we speak in the language of 1953. Before colonialism, there was nothing like Northern Nigeria. Before the jihad, there was no Sokoto caliphate. The man from Kano regarded himself as Bakane. The man from Zaria was Bazazzage. The man from Katsina was Bakatsine.”

He continued: “The northern kingdoms were at war with each other. They were Hausas, they were Muslims, they were killing each other. The Yoruba were Ijebu, Owo, Ijesha, Akoko, Egba. When did they become one? When did the north become one? You have the Sokoto Caliphate that brought every person from Adamawa to Sokoto and said it is one kingdom. They now said it was a Muslim north. The colonialists came, put that together and said it is now called the Northern Nigeria. Do you know what happened? Our grandfathers were able to transform to being northerners but we have not been able to transform to being Nigerians. The fault is ours.” In sum, we seem stuck in the past.

But identities evolve. Most of the people who call themselves Yoruba today were not called Yoruba before colonial rule. An easy example I use is the first Nigerian newspaper, Iwe Irohin for Egba ati Yoruba, established in 1859. As at 1859, Egba people were not classified as Yoruba. B.O.N. Eluwa, general secretary of the Ibo Federal Union, told the story of how he toured “Igboland” from 1947 to 1951 to convince “Igbo” villagers that they were indeed “Igbo”. David B. Abernethy wrote: “In the 1930s, many Aro and Onitsha Ibos consciously rejected identification as Ibos, preferring to think of themselves as separate, superior groups.” Many of our ethnic identities today are recent creations.

That said, is there now a room for us to progress to a truly Nigerian identity? Or has the evolution ended? The good news is that in terms of partisan politics, we have become better integrated. In the past, it was easy to pin one party to one part of the country. Today, the dominant parties are multi-ethnic and have nationwide spread. The not-so-good news is that national integration is still lagging behind. Many Nigerian leaders still talk in the language of the 1950s and 60s. Some younger Nigerians boldly assert their sectional identities on their social media profiles. As one generation gives way to another, we need to grow a pan-Nigerian mentality. The evolution must not stop.

To recap, I do not have problems with people asserting their identities. We all carry multiple identities — ethnic, subethnic, state, regional, geo-political, religious and so on. They are not at odds with nation-building. A Muslim asking for what he thinks is a better bargain for Nigerian Muslims is not less a Nigerian, except he is engaged in a sinister campaign. Also, I understand that nation-building is a constant conversation and negotiation. If all sections feel they are getting a good deal and are, therefore, comfortable being in Nigeria, that is lovely. Pressure groups, after all, have a place in nation-building. Nevertheless, I am uncomfortable with ethnic champions seeking to lead Nigeria.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

CHINESE TAKEAWAY

Nigeria has again been served a dish of global embarrassment with the seizure of three presidential jets following a $70 million arbitration award in favour of Zhongshan Fucheng Industrial Investment Co. Ltd, a Chinese firm, over a contractual dispute with the Ogun state government. We tried to stop the enforcement by claiming “sovereign immunity” — despite a US court ruling that this does not apply to commercial ventures. The AGF might not have read the court ruling, judging by a press statement from his office. It is important for modern AGFs to have a sound knowledge of public and private international laws because they are totally different from election litigation. Humiliating.

DOING JUSTICE

The National Judicial Council (NJC) has recommended Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun as the next chief justice of Nigeria (CJN) as Justice Olukayode Ariwoola is due to retire soon on attaining the age of 70. If confirmed, as expected, Kekere-Ekun will be only the second woman to hold the position in the history of Nigeria — the first being Justice Aloma Mariam Mukhtar, who was CJN from 2012-2014. Kekere-Ekun, 66, is currently the most senior justice and, going by tradition, will step into the biggest judicial shoes in Nigeria. I have always heard good things about her but, that aside, I am happy that Nigerian women are rising to the top on merit — in a society that is still largely patriarchal. Progress.

WORLD-CLASS WAKAMA

Nigeria did not win a single medal at the Paris Olympics but — goodness me — I was super-excited by the performance of the D’Tigress, our female basketball national team. It was going to be tough against the almighty US in the quarter-finals but we had already created an African record by progressing from the group stage. And, yes, the coach is not a foreigner but our own Rena Wakama. Fittingly, the unassuming 32-year-old US-born former basketballer was specially recognised by FIBA and the Olympic organisers for her exploits. Our progress in basketball has been remarkable in recent years. It should be a no-brainer to devote energies and resources towards sustaining it. Momentum.

NO COMMENT

We were recently entertained to the spectacle of a woman appearing to tear her husband’s passport to pieces on arrival at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos. The woman, Favour Igiebor, appeared to be very angry in a subsequent video, asking people to hear her out before jumping to conclusion. When immigration moved to prosecute her, the narration took a new dimension. It was a skit, the husband said in a “message of appeal to the public”. The document torn at the airport was not a passport, he said, adding that it was the commentary over the video by a bystander that misled Nigerians. So, they were shooting a skit without using a camera? Wonderful.

The long orchestrated nationwide hunger and hardship protests have come and gone. The protesters have since gone home, mostly bruised, battered and even more depressed than ever before. Some are nursing broken skulls or irritated eyes from tear gas smoke. Quite a bit of public and private property has been damaged or stolen.  Miscrable political naïvety and  predictable security knee jerks. Aso Rock political minions sketched a political geography of the protests and who could be sponsoring them. The wild guesses ranged from Mr. Peter Obi to IPOB and sundry political opposition jobbers. A different lazy gaze beamed the searchlight on the remnants of the last #EndSARS organizers. But this was not like that previous encounter. This was something more nebulous with a silly name.

But contrary to the wild berth of official protest trackers, like protesters and mobs elsewhere, the crowds that massed out to protest carried placards and private banners with public messages drawing attention to the roots of their grievance

“We are Hungry”, “Give us Food”, “Stop Stealing Our Money”. Despite feverish government effort to divide the protesters with politics, the people re-drew the national misery map according to the laws of the necessity of daily living. Hunger, poverty and hardship generate a map of the nation all of their own. That much was evident in the recent protests.

In line with the immutable law of democratic expression, the right of the people to protest their discomfort  found overriding expression. Politics could not drown that reality. In return, the obligation of government to manage protest as a feature of democratic expression was observed to a reasonable extent. The hope, going forward,  is that government will have learnt the lessons in the very pattern and mode of the protests.

Contrary to official conceptions of the projected map of the protests, the urban centres of the north saw more anger than similar centres elsewhere in the country. The message is the same as has been continuously conveyed by international development agencies and even the National Bureau of Statistics. The 19 northern states contain  the poorest concentration of Nigerians with the least GDP per capita, the least access to food, shelter, healthcare and disposable cash. The pains and pangs of poverty are therefore most excruciating in these states, hence the vicious anger of the protests in those places.

If indeed the political elite of the north was attentive to the rhythm and message of the protests, they will have heard the precise message of  their long missing mandate and engagement with the common people of the region. The message was loud and clear.

Abuja and Lagos presented  a somewhat different picture. They are home to the most politically sophisticated Nigerians populace. They were more likely to play by the rules of democratic political protest than  most other places. More importantly, a sense of political ownership of the Tinubu presidency may have doused the temper and tempo of the protests in the urban centers of the South West.

The unprecedented calm in the South East has been variously interpreted. In the first place, it makes nonsense of the pre-protest speculations in Aso Rock that the protests were the handiwork of the political and separatist elite of the zone. Secondly, the calm gave the few noisy South Eastern elements in the Tinubu administration some substance to take to Abuja and brandish the support of the zone for Tinubu. These elements are perfectly entitled to the self-ingratiation and overblown self-importance. At a more fundamental, geo-political level, it is left for the Nigerian political establishment to figure out why the whole South East would shun a national protest predicated on pains that are so obviously widespread.  Any serious political establishment should spend some time trying to understand what exactly is going on in the political unconscious of the Igbos of the South-east.

Contrary to the convenient tendency to divide the Nigerian populace and electorate in terms of geopolitics, ethnicity, religion and partisanship, the anthems of the protesters were more unifying. Nigerians who trooped out to protest indicated a solid unity of purpose forged by their exposure to common adversities of hunger, hardship, unemployment and inflation, mass poverty, homelessness and hopelessness.

There are of course many things inherently wrong about the mode and framing of the recent protests. The national coordination of the organizers was defective. The framing of the governing message was too large and omnibus. Unlike the protesters in Kenya and Bangladesh, the protests were not powered by any specific demands and deadlines. There were no specific tasks for the NASS, the Executive, INEC, etc. Ending bad governance is such a large chest whose components could be expanded indefinitely. ENDSARS was more pointed hence its targeted objective and specific achievements. This one was rather diffuse. That is probably why the protests ended up as an amorphous  futility.

After the protests, the challenges for the government should ordinarily be self -defined. Government should be more people oriented. Public policy should be more tailored towards bringing more immediate succor to the masses. Attention should now be paid to areas of wastage of public resources. Government should buy less luxury goods, build fewer needless mansions, embark on fewer questionable foreign trips and do so with more purposeful and sensibly sized contingents. More importantly, this is an opportunity to look at the matter of corruption beyond the routine invitation and questioning of suspects by the EFCC. 

So far, very little timid action has been taken in this regard. A reduction in tariff on imported food has been announced. A curious directive has gone out from the Presidency to the EFCC to donate N50 billion from recovered corruption money to boost the funding of the newly inaugurated Students Loans Fund. All well and good.

On the contrary, government has embarked on some predictable behaviors. Indiscriminate arrests have been made of alleged suspected ring -leaders of the protests without any specific charges as yet.  The office of the National Security Adviser has gone to town to announce the seizure or freezing of over N80bn in suspected protest sponsorship funds. No details. No names, No indictments or specific charges or specific court proceedings.  There are loud rehearsals of moves to institute draconian and authoritarian measures probably in order to project the image of a stronger government. For instance, a foolish draft bill to jail or heavily fine people who refuse to recite the national anthem by the House of Representative Speaker has been dropped like hot potato under threat of stiff citizen resistance. No one knows what else lies in store for a citizenry that is now seen as cowed and defeated.

The abiding question is now this : when citizens in exercise of their rights under a democracy cow under the jackboots of authority, could they be inviting a democracy to transform into an elected dictatorship? The next couple of weeks will perhaps be more exciting for Nigerians than the anxious moments before the futile protests.

All the negative energy unleashed against Miss Chidinma Adetshina’s participation in the 2024 Miss South Africa beauty pageant would not have happened if the South African political elite had socialised their people to appreciate the sacrifice that other African countries made for them when they were under the bondage of apartheid. Those of us who were part of it all are scandalised that the same people for whom Nigeria became a frontline state are now the ones tagging Nigerians and other former benefactors as “those Africans”.

When a “coloured” or black South African calls a Nigerian or Mozambican “those Africans”, it shows that his elders and leaders failed in their duty to educate the younger generation about the various shoulders they stood on to catch a glimpse of the promised land before they were eventually empowered by the same coalition of brothers and sisters all over the world to fight their way to freedom.

Where Are Old Comrades?

Where are all those South African students who schooled in Nigerian universities free of charge in the 70s and 80s? If they are all too timid to speak out, why is a credible voice like that of Thabo Mbeki silent? Has he forgotten how student leaders besieged his office in Obalende, Lagos, for briefing and collection of anti-apartheid literature for distribution round major cities and all higher institutions of learning? Mbeki and his colleagues enjoyed diplomatic cover and were extended all the privileges of that status. A few of them were issued Nigerian passports because they were at the time considered stateless. Between 1960 and 1995, Nigeria spent over $61 billion on the South African liberation struggle. How can our respected comrade, Mbeki, watch as Nigerians, particularly, are demonised as “those Africans”?

To be sure, there are Nigerians who behave badly, just as there are South Africans of all races who are veritable outlaws. Every mother does have them. I never thought that I would live to see the day when my countrymen would be characterised as criminals or second-class citizens just because they have gone to seek economic opportunities in South Africa. No one is advocating that Nigerians should be treated any different from other foreigners, but it beggars belief that Nigerians could be treated worse.

Thank God for liberated minds like Julius Malema, leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters, who boldly speaks out against the evil of Afrophobia wherever it rears its head.

Malema

Malema was not born when we were pounding the streets as university student leaders and activists. How come he is better informed and more steadfast than his seniors about South Africa’s moral obligations to its erstwhile benefactors? The old guard of the African National Congress (ANC) has failed in inculcating the spirit of African brotherhood in its followers — the same spirit that rescued them from bondage.

In the heat of the xenophobic attacks in South Africa, Malema’s intervention showed the clarity of his mind and his mastery of the issues involved. He debunked claims that foreigners were taking South Africans’ jobs.

“Stop your self-hatred. Stop attacking our brothers and sisters from Africa. We are one… Even if we expel them tomorrow, you will still not get a job. There are no jobs in South Africa because the whites have refused to invest money in South Africa. They’ve got too many savings in the bank. They’ve got trillions in the bank. They’ve refused to take them out and build industries.”

Continuing, he said, “I’m ashamed today to call myself a South African. You are beating blacks, slaughtering Africans… I’ve never seen you doing that to a Chinese, Indian or a white person who doesn’t have papers. But because white people taught you to hate yourselves, once they say it’s an African, you kill all the Africans. Stop that nonsense!”

It is because of the Malemas of this world that Nigerians find South Africa habitable. Because of the force of numbers, those who choose to be xenophobic would feel that Nigerians are choking them because they run into them whichever way they turn. They forget that Nigerians are about a fifth of the population of black people in the world. At times, because of their self-assuredness, they may appear domineering, but in most cases, you find that they are really citizens of the world. If you encourage a Nigerian, he/she could become more native than the native — and even add more value!

Chidinma’s Dual Nationality

Chidimma Adetshina was born in Soweto at Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital in 2001. Her father is of Igbo (Nigerian) descent, while her mother is reported to be a Mozambican who is now a naturalise.

South African. So much hot air was unleashed about Chidinma’s nationality in the Miss South Africa beauty contest, forcing her to withdraw her participation.

Even if Ms Adetshina had eventually won the competition and gone on to represent South Africa, she wouldn’t have been doing anything spectacularly unprecedented or strange. Her compatriots routinely bring glory to other countries in various parts of the world, as witnessed in the recent Olympics. Let’s check out the facts:

1. Germany won Gold in Shot Put through 25-year-old Yemisi Ogunleye
2. Spain bagged Gold in Men’s Football with 20-year-old Samuel Omorodion in the team
3. France won Silver in Men’s Football with Michael Olise, 22, in the team.
4. USA got Silver in Women’s Hammer throw through Anette Echikunwoke, 28 years old.
5. France won Gold in Men’s Volleyball with Barthélémy Chinenyeze, 26 years, in the team
6. Bahrain won Silver in Women’s 400 Meters athletics through 26-year-old Salwa Eid Naser whose original name was Ebele Agbapuonwu,
7. USA – Gold in Men’s Basketball: Femi “Bam” Adebayo (27 years old)

It is not strange to find Nigerians who, for one reason or another, change their names and adopt the identity of their adopted country, as the family of Giannis Antetokounmpo (Adetokunbo) has done in Greece.

Win-Win Situation

In that light, for example, one must understand the case of Bahrain’s 400-metre athlete, Eid Naser, who was born in Onitsha, Anambra State of Nigeria. Her original name was Ebelechukwu Agbapuonwu. She picked up athletics early in Nigeria and performed at the 2013 School Sports in Port Harcourt and the National Youth Games in Ilorin. Two years later, at 15, she left Nigeria for Bahrain, converted to Islam, and changed her name. That was how Bahrain was able to claim an Olympic Silver Medal through her.

She is a former world champion, running 48.14s —the fastest time in 34 years— to claim the world title in 2019. In 2015, she won gold at both the Military World Games and the World Youth Championships for Bahrain. She also became the youngest woman to claim a silver representing Bahrain as a 19-year-old at the 2017 IAAF World Championships. Now, with an Olympic Silver for Bahrain, she is paying back her adopted country with laurels. What a win-win situation!

Since she has dual South African and Nigerian citizenship, Chidinma Adetshina has now been invited to participate in the Miss Universe Nigeria pageant to represent Taraba State. When one road closes, another opens.

In the universe of parables, what fib will the Afrophobic builders in South Africa tell the rejected stone if it becomes the cornerstone?

Sowore Hails Success Of #EndBadGovernance Protests, Cites Three Waves Of Victories

Former presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC) and the convener of the Take-It-Back movement, Omoyele Sowore, has commended the success of the 10-day #EndBadGovernance protests in Nigeria.

During an X Space discussion titled "#EndBadGovernance in Nigeria Protest: What Next?" held on Saturday, Sowore highlighted the achievements of the protests, which he said were strategically planned and executed.

The convener of #RevolutionNow Movement explained that the first 10 days of the anti-bad governance protests were announced almost a month in advance, giving the movement ample time to gain momentum.

"The oppressed Nigerians succeeded before the protest, during the protest, and continue to succeed after the protest," he emphasized, noting that this marked three distinct waves of success.

“Before the protest, we knew what we were doing despite concerns that the announcement might allow the government to sabotage it. As the saying goes, "’Anything not properly planned is planned to fail,’ but we were prepared. We identified 15 different tactics used to try and sabotage the protests,” he said.

Sowore said in the South-South, they brought out former militant Asari Dokubo, who threatened that no protests would occur there.

He said, "In Lagos and the Southwest, they distributed money street by street and threatened people with thugs. They even announced that all secret cult members had been relocated to Lagos.

“In Abuja, they used heavy-handed tactics, but despite these threats, we prevailed.

He noted that the protests started strong on the first day, especially in Abuja. I must praise the participants in Abuja for their courage.”

Sowore said that despite initial skepticism, by the end of the day, the protests had spread, with thousands joining in Kano, Maiduguri, and other places.

He said by 4 pm, it was clear that the protests had gripped the entire nation. Those who thought it would fizzle out were surprised.

He said, "On the second day, the military was drafted in to intimidate people. Our northern colleagues faced harassment in Sokoto and Kaduna, with arrests in Kano, but we managed to get them released in time for the protests.”

He said the army even threatened the media to prevent coverage, but this didn't discourage people. More cities, including Port Harcourt, Kano, and Yobe joined in full force. Abuja continued to erupt in different parts.

According to Sowore, "This was one of the most extensive protests we've seen in Nigeria in a long time, both in terms of geographic reach and the unity of the oppressed”.

"I want to keep thanking those who participated, especially those on TikTok who kept mobilizing people. Thanks also to those who protested in London, New York, and other places I haven't mentioned. In terms of reach, impact, and demography, this was a protest that spanned all generations," he said.

He said, in Lagos, for example, there was a judgment that restricted protests to Ojota, and in Abuja, to the MKO Abiola National Stadium.

"We see this all the time whenever there's a mass revolt—the ruling class often overreaches. One of the first casualties of these protests were those court orders. As soon as the protests began, people broke through any barriers,” he said.

Sowore added that in Lagos, the protests at Ojota were well attended, but there were also smaller groups in Alausa and other places. In Abuja, the court orders quickly became irrelevant.

He said a federal judge even refused to issue more orders because they were starting to sound ridiculous. Ogun State had an order, but protests still happened there, not confined to the designated areas.

"These court orders failed completely to prevent the protests. The intention was not to manage where people could exercise their rights but to prevent protests altogether,” he said.

He said that when the protests succeeded, even those at the designated areas like Ojota and the National Stadium were attacked by the police and Department of State Services.

According to him, the judges didn't care about this, showing that these orders were not legitimate.

"As I've always said, if the law keeps breaking the people, the people will eventually break the law to free themselves," he added.

Listen to the recording here:

 x.com/timiblaze/stat…

Listen to the recording here:

 https://x.com/timiblaze/status/1824868164976488668?s=46Listen to the recording here:

 https://x.com/timiblaze/status/1824868164976488668?s=46

Many distinguished Nigerians, including Vice President President Kashim Shetima; former president Goodluck Jonathan and former Vice President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo are expected to attend the launch of a book co-authored by Dr. Shamsuddeen Usman on Thursday, September 26 at the Musa Yaradua Centre, Abuja. Dr. Usman was Minister of Finance between 2007 and 2009; Minister of National Planning between 2009 and 2013; Deputy Governor, Central Bank of Nigeria from 1999 to 2007. He was also the pioneer DG of TCPC (now known as BPE), among other positions he has held.

The book titled, Public Policy and Agent Interests: Perspectives from the Emerging World is a unique publication on both the impetus for, and impediments to growth and development in emerging economies. It provides a fascinating and penetrating insight into the workings of government and the boardroom, in terms of policy formulation and implementation, economic management as well as the overall growth paradigm in the developing world, with Nigeria as a case study. It is also an account of the interactions between the government, its agencies and the private sector and how such engagements impact national growth, investments and the overall performance of the economy.

The book will therefore be a veritable reference material for policymakers, technocrats, business leaders and public officials on the workings of government and governance and the tradeoffs they have to make in in designing and implementing public policy.

It is without doubt a go-to publication for universities; public and home libraries and for students, academics and public and private sector officials.

Other contributors to the book are experts in their own fields, carefully selected, based on their impressive records in the public and private sectors, to share their experiences in key areas of policy making and development. Their unique contributions helped to broaden the book’s scope and impact, and give it its unique character and flavour.

The high-profile event will also witness the formal unveiling of the Shamsuddeen Usman Foundation (SUF) founded and registered by his children in his honour and dedicated to the promotion of education in the country. The foundation’s mission is to create a collaborative that empowers individuals, corporates, researchers and students to explore and develop advanced AI and technological solutions for real-world challenges. Its signature project is the establishment of an AI and Technology Development Centre whose main focus will be skills development, innovation and economic development. The foundation will be formally introduced at the event.

The proceeds of the book launch would be used to support the activities of the foundation.

"We are expecting the cream of the society in large number to come together to honour, Dr Usman, who is one of the nation's most respected elder statesmen for his meritorious service to our fatherland", said Sadiq Usman, the Chairman of the Planning Committee.

The event would be attended by many dignitaries and distinguished Nigerians, some of whom are: His Excellency, the Vice President, Senator Kashim Shetima, who will be the Special Guest of Honour; His Excellency, the Former President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, who will be the Chairman of the Occasion; His Excellency, the former Vice President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo; former and current State governors; Senators and other senior political leaders. We are also expecting some first-class traditional rulers and many other iconic personalities, including media executives.  

Other personalities expected at the event include state governors; senators and industry chiefs.

ETIM ETIM

Chairman, Media SubCommittee

August 19, 2024

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It’s been going on for years, maybe three, maybe more or less. Everybody expects the journey to culminate at the usual final bus stop. And true to peoples’ expectations it looks like the normal thing will definitely happen. The invitation cards are out, the wedding trousseau complete. She has made trips and trips to the fashion designers for fittings and more fittings. The cows have been paid for and a five-tiered cake ordered.

His people have chosen their own ‘aso-ebi’ and so have the bride-to-be’s friends and family. The reception take-away plates are ready and all members of the bridal train are set for rehearsal.

Then comes the morning of the D-Day! The day breaks like any other day. Everybody is up at dawn, attending to the final details. Some are supervising the caterers, the bride’s brothers and uncles set up the canopies and arrange for the drinks to be iced. As early as eight o’ clock, the sun is out. The bride’s friends lay out her beautiful dress and accessories, arguing over the appropriate colour of lipstick she should wear. The make-up artist arrives with her million-naira make-up suitcases. The photographers have two cameras each hung around their necks.

More than an hour later, the bride steps out, into the gleaming white Mercedes Benz G-Wagon decorated for the occasion. It rolls out of her parents’ compound and heads for the church. She is leaving her home of over 28 years for the last time as a spinster. When she comes back, she’ll be wearing a wedding band that binds her to her heartthrob. Behind her veil, she smiles and heaves a sigh of relief.

At last, the search is over. She has a man to call her own now and is set to keep her marriage vows no matter the size or shade of thorns involved.

Smiling for the cameras (both photo and video), the bride-to-be majestically walks into the church. She’s totally breathtaking as she should be. She looks around for her groom but was told he’s yet to appear. Well, and he was the one who repeatedly told her not to be late or else he’ll marry one of the choirgirls. It was a joke they’d both laughed at.

The time is already a quarter after 10 o’ clock – the appointed time for the ceremony to take off. Poor bride is trying to hide her fear. Her father gets up to inquire while the chief bridesmaid fans her friend. The officiating ministers too are getting impatient and complaining about the young men of today.

11 o’ clock! The groom is yet to surface. Throwing convention to the winds, the bride lifts her veil and starts pacing up and down, her lips moving in prayer. God, where could he be? Maybe he has a huge hangover from yesterday’s bachelor’s eve party. Maybe their car broke down. God, don’t let him be ill. May be his suit or shirt got burnt when it was being ironed.

11:30! The family and friends of the next couple who are getting married at noon begin to arrive. The emissary sent to the groom’s house returns, wearing a long sad face. He calls the bride’s father aside and tells him the bad news. The groom has left town under the pretext of going to gas up the car for the day’s activities. The old man’s face said it all. The bride slumped to the ground in all her sad glory.

Half the church erupts in tears in tears, cursing the groom. The end of a dream! There won’t be any marriage vows now. No till death do us part. Poor girl’s dream of living happily ever after with her prince is shattered – maybe forever. The wedding is off!

It’s a tear-inducing sad movie. It has happened to many women – may be more like it will still occur. Why do grooms bail out at the last minutes? Is it callousness or cowardice?

Is it juju or mental problem? According to a friend and medical doctor, parents’ pressure sometimes causes this heart-breaking saga.

“Some parents are high handed and  overbearing, especially where they are rich. They are used to getting what they want and descend as low as using their own sons as pawns or business strategy.

A friend of mine did the disappearing act a few years ago. His father wanted him to marry a business associate’s daughter – a kind of business merger. The marriage would have brought huge financial gains to my friend’s father but he already had a girl he wanted to marry. The girl he loved was in America and he too is an American citizen.  When his father told him his plans, he protested. The old man started blackmailing him. Knowing he couldn’t win otherwise, Kay went on with the arrangement. He couldn’t tell the girl involved because she seemed to be in love with him and she would have messed up Kay’s carefully laid out plans . So, while his bachelor’s eve party was on, he took the midnight flight out to New York. It’s sad for the girl but what’s the point of living with a wife you don’t want, least of all love?

But many women think men who do it are callous. And I agree too. If a man has no intention of coming to say his own part of ‘I do’ then he should be brave enough to tell the girl instead of leading her on. Why let a girl order a bridal dress, cake and the lot when you have no intention of showing up on the wedding day? It’s pure meanness. A man who can do that is capable of killing. Some even go to the extent of abandoning a pregnant bride! Can you imagine the pain? Such men should have their necks tied to a moving ‘molue’ and dragged through the busiest road, so he can die slowly. No other punishment is good enough.

And I can assure you that many women won’t let a man who abandons them on their wedding day go scot-free. I can’t imagine why any woman should feel anything but hatred for a man who humiliates her in such a way, in front of family and friends and even ex-boyfriends. Gosh, it’s the presence of ex-boyfriends at such scenes that is the worst. Imagine, the guy you’ve spurned and told off, having the last stupid laugh!

Oh, I’m sure the men will come up with different reasons why they do it. Let them. I can come up with a long list of horrible consequences of such reasons. A man who is not man enough to show up on his wedding day is an animal. He deserves nothing but painful, slow death. He should be made to pay bit by bit, until he begs for mercy. Even then, does he deserve mercy? What would you do to a man who abandons you on your wedding day?

As another August 12 quietly slipped by almost a week ago, it is worth asking: who remembered Sam Okwaraji? For most, the date holds no particular significance, but for Nigerian football enthusiasts, it marks a poignant moment in the nation’s sporting history, a day that should never be forgotten. On this date in 1989, Sam Okwaraji, a promising young footballer, collapsed on the pitch during a World Cup qualifier match against Angola at the National Stadium in Lagos and tragically lost his life. His untimely death left a void not just in Nigerian football but in the hearts of millions who had witnessed the rise of a true patriot and sportsman.

Sam Okwaraji was more than just a footballer; he was a symbol of dedication and selflessness. Born in Orlu, Imo State, on May 19, 1964, Okwaraji’s passion for football was evident from a young age. His talent on the pitch was matched by his intellect off it, Okwaraji was a law graduate, having earned his degree in Europe while simultaneously pursuing his football career. His commitment to the national team was unparalleled, often sacrificing his personal ambitions for the greater good of Nigerian football.

On that fateful day in August 1989, Okwaraji played his heart out for his country, just as he always did. With the Super Eagles locked in a fierce battle with Angola, Okwaraji collapsed in the 77th minute. Despite efforts to save him, he was pronounced dead shortly after, with reports indicating that he had suffered from congestive heart failure. The shocking news reverberated across Nigeria, plunging the nation into mourning. Okwaraji was only 25 years old, yet his legacy was already cemented.

However, as the years have passed, it seems that the memory of Sam Okwaraji has begun to fade. Unlike other football legends who are celebrated annually, Okwaraji’s name is often overlooked, his contributions to Nigerian football slowly slipping into obscurity. There are no grand memorials, no national tributes, only a few die-hard fans and sports historians continue to honor his memory. The question remains: why has Nigeria forgotten Sam Okwaraji?

Part of the answer lies in the nature of collective memory. In a country where political and economic challenges dominate the national discourse, the achievements and sacrifices of sportsmen and women often take a backseat. But Okwaraji’s story is one of resilience, patriotism, and an unwavering commitment to excellence, qualities that should be celebrated and emulated by future generations.

It is high time that Nigeria renews its commitment to preserving the memory of Sam Okwaraji. His name should be etched in the annals of Nigerian history alongside the greats who have shaped the nation’s identity. August 12 should not be just another day on the calendar; it should be a day of reflection, a day to honor a hero who gave his life for his country. The government, football authorities, and the public at large should come together to ensure that Okwaraji’s legacy lives on.

Perhaps the Nigerian Football Federation (NFF) could introduce an annual Sam Okwaraji memorial match, with proceeds going towards supporting young talents who embody his spirit. Schools could include lessons about his life and career in their curricula, teaching students about the values of dedication and patriotism. Media outlets could run features and documentaries that highlight his contributions to Nigerian football, ensuring that his story is told and retold for generations to come.

In remembering Sam Okwaraji, we are not just paying tribute to a fallen hero; we are also reaffirming our commitment to the ideals he stood for. As we move forward, let us ensure that August 12 becomes a day of national significance, a day when Nigerians of all ages come together to honor the legacy of a true patriot.

At this juncture, it is germane to opine that in a nation as culturally rich and historically significant as Nigeria, one might expect its heroes to be revered, their legacies celebrated, and their contributions etched permanently into the collective memory. Yet, time and again, Nigeria has shown a troubling tendency to forget those who have served and sacrificed for the country, leaving their stories to fade into obscurity.

Take the case of Rashidi Yekini for instance, who was Nigeria’s all-time leading goal scorer and the man behind the country’s first-ever World Cup goal in 1994, is another example of this national amnesia. Despite his remarkable achievements on the international stage, Yekini’s later years were marked by illness and isolation. When he passed away in 2012, there was an outpouring of grief, but the promise to honor his legacy has largely gone unfulfilled. His death was a poignant reminder of how quickly Nigeria’s sports heroes are forgotten once they leave the spotlight.

So, as August 12 has come and gone, the question lingers: who remembered Sam Okwaraji? If the answer is not enough of us, then perhaps it is time we start.

THE President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration likes to psychologically anesthetize Nigerians who are grieving from the hurt of its economic policies (petrol price spike, electricity tariff hike, devaluation of the naira, etc.) by saying Nigerians are only undergoing transitory pains in the service of a forthcoming permanent prosperity.

I have repeatedly called this an intentional lie. I have done so from the benefit of my knowledge of the outcomes of such policies in other countries, including in Nigeria from 1986 to 1993 when Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida implemented a Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) as dictated by the World Bank and the IMF, which is similar to Tinubu’s “reforms.”

I have also made recurrent references in the past to countries that have made progress precisely because they defied the economic template Tinubu is implementing now. I highlight the case of Malaysia in the late 1990s.

Let’s start with SAP in Nigeria. In 1986, self-described military president Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida was persuaded by the IMF and the World Bank to “restructure and diversify” Nigeria’s economy.

The restructuring and diversification led to the removal of subsidies on petrol (all past regimes called petrol price spikes “subsidy removal”), devaluation of the naira (now it’s known by the fancy term “floating of the naira”), deregulation (that is, allowing market forces to regulate the economy while the government takes the back seat), privatization (i.e., selling off of Nigeria’s national patrimony to a few moneybags), etc.

The immediate aftereffect of this IMF-endorsed “restructuring” (Tinubu calls his “reform”) of the economy was a never-before-seen inflationary conflagration, which eroded the purchasing power of the average Nigerian. It produced widespread hardship similar to what Nigerians are going through at this moment.

Petrol price spike and privatization led to job losses and a deepening of the unemployment crisis. Reduction in government spending, particularly on social services, led to declines in healthcare and education quality. Poverty rates also increased as a direct consequence of the removal of subsidies for fuel and basic services.

I distinctly remember all the rhetorical maneuvers that officials of the IBB regime used to fray nerves, and they are awfully similar to what honchos of the Tinubu regime now use: it will get worse before it gets better, there is light at the end of the tunnel, there is no gain without pain, Nigeria simply can’t afford to fund subsidies, our economy would collapse if we don’t restructure the economy, the current system is unsustainable, we’ll all smile and appreciate the wisdom of this temporary sacrifice when the gains start coming, etc.

By 1993 when IBB left power, Nigeria became firmly secured in the economic toilet. Manufacturing collapsed, social unrest rose, and brain drain (which is now called “japa”) started and blossomed, and hopelessness was democratized.

Someone very close to IBB who nonetheless opposed his IMF-backed economic “restructuring” told me he asked one of IBB’s IMF/World Bank-appointed finance ministers a few years ago what happened to the “gains” they promised would replace the “pains” people underwent between 1986 and 1993?

He reported him as saying the gains didn’t materialize because the “restructuring” wasn’t implemented faithfully. Meanwhile, thousands of people died, and millions of people were destabilized because of this “restructuring.” I can bet that Tinubu and his defenders would give the same excuse when they dig Nigeria deeper into the depths of despair at the end of their “reforms.”

In a 1995 report titled “Structural Adjustment and the Spreading Crisis In Latin America,” we see the same scenario repeated throughout the developing countries of South and Central America. Everywhere subsidies were removed, currency devalued, and so-called market forces given a free reign, the result is always the same: devastation, poverty, hopelessness, death of the middle class, etc.

The report instructively noted: “Mexico is one of many cases worldwide where adjustment and the free market have not only failed to alleviate poverty, but have further polarized the country and led to disaster, economic and social. World Bank and IMF officials continued to say — right up to the current crisis — that adjustment’s attack on poverty would take time, but, after more than a dozen years of adjustment in Mexico, things have never been worse than they are today, and there is no light at the end of the tunnel. There must be a point at which these institutions acknowledge that their strategy has failed and needs to be abandoned, and that a new, more democratically determined approach to the country’s development has to be taken.”

But it’s not inevitable that governments in developing countries should follow the IMF/World Bank’s ruinous prescriptions. Many countries with leaders who have guts and who care for the welfare of their people resist these institutions. And it often turns out that the only countries that are witnessing inclusive growth and development are countries that have chosen to depart from the hell-paved path created by the IMF and the World Bank.

For example, in 1997, when Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and South Korea faced economic headwinds and turned to the IMF and the World Bank for financial bailout, they were offered help with the usual conditionalities attached: budget cuts, subsidy removal, currency devaluation, etc.

Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed rejected the conditions. He said they would choke off economic growth, bankrupt companies, and cause massive unemployment in his country.  So, he went counter to the counsel of the IMF. Instead of budget cuts, he increased government spending. Instead of currency devaluation, he defended the ringgit, Malaysia’s currency, by fixing it to the US dollar. Malaysia recovered from the economic crisis faster than its IMF-obedient neighbors.

During “A Meeting of Minds” dialogue organized by Forbes magazine in 2009, the magazine’s chief executive officer and editor-in-chief, Steve Forbes, asked Mahathir how and why he bucked the IMF and did better than countries that slavishly obeyed it.

“Fortunately, I am not a financier,” he said. “I know very little about economics, so I do things which are not quite off props. When people tell me that the right way to handle a crisis like that is to obey the IMF and the World Bank, I thought otherwise. I actually examined their prescriptions, and I found that those prescriptions would actually make matters worse, so I didn’t see why I should be following them.”

I am glad Mahathir attributed his success in standing up to the IMF to his not being a financier and knowing “very little about economics.” It’s as if he was talking about Nigeria’s gaggle of slavish, brain-dead, self-impressed, IMF-controlled know-things who pass themselves off as “economic experts” and who have popularized the aggravating idiocy that subsidies are bad and must be removed because they are supposedly bad for the economy and don’t benefit the poor.

Now we know the truth. We need more people who “know very little about economics” and a lot about commonsense to make economic decisions for Nigeria.

The questions people with lots of common sense and very little knowledge of “economics” should ask are, what does it profit a national economy if a government increases the cost of production for manufacturing companies through sharp spikes in the cost of petrol and electricity?

What benefits does a country derive from a policy that causes mass pauperization, which ensures that everyday citizens can’t afford the basic things of life, not to talk of discretionary spending?  Recession kicks in when people have no money to spend.

How does a country get light at the end of the tunnel when its policies trigger inflation and a once-in-a-generation cost-of-living crisis because it devalued its currency under the instruction of far-flung economic institutions notorious for instigating mass misery in developing countries and that are concerned more for “their loans, not on growth,” as Mahathir once put it? How can a country surrender its economic sovereignty to a foreign entity and tell its citizens to expect a bumper harvest in an undefined future?

The only benefit of the ongoing “economic reforms,” according to Tinubu and his officials, is that it is bringing in more money for the government. And what does the government do with the money? Fritter it away in frivolities while people starve and die.

Even if the money will be used to build or renew infrastructure—we all know it won’t—if this is achieved at the expense of pauperizing the great majority of our people, it is still worthless.

Only people who are alive and healthy use infrastructure. The time to know very little economics and have lots of commonsense is now because the lofty “tomorrow” Tinubu’s IMF economic policies are promising will never come. It never came for countries that implemented similar policies.

The Edo State Deputy Governor, Philip Shaibu, has berated Governor Godwin Obaseki for failing to recognise the court judgment on his reinstatement to office.

Naija News recalls that the duo have been at loggerheads over issues regarding the governorship election in the state.

In an interview on Channels Television’s Politics Today, Shaibu said he was asked to be Obaseki’s deputy to add political value to the party’s ticket because the Governor was not a politician.

Shaibu also stated that it took former governor, Adams Oshiomhole, three months to convince him to support Obaseki to become governor.

He said, “Obaseki was not a politician, even financially, Obaseki was not financially strong to even contest the election. Oshiomhole brought him and when Oshiomhole brought him, some of us argued that he could not be him. It took Oshiomhole three months to convince me and some of our supporters to support Obaseki.

“And when we decided because of the respect for Oshiomhole to support him, he did not bring money – we brought our resources and our friends to bring money and we brought our political capital to make him governor. So, when you are talking about deputy governors and governors, he is not the one that made me, I made him.”

[NaijaNews]

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has authorised a significant reduction in deductions from the Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) of Aviation Agencies from 50 per cent down to 20 per cent.

LEADERSHIP Weekend reports that aviation unions had threatened to commence a nationwide protests over the 50 percent deduction from the IGR of the agencies, a policy the workers said undermined operational efficiency and financial stability.

The protests were expected to affect airport operations nationwide, as workers demonstrated their frustration and called for the policy reversal.

However, in a statement shared by one of the aide to the minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Saka Gbenga, the reduction showed President Bola Tinubu’s commitment to enhancing the Aviation sector.

According to Saka, the President will  thoughtfully address workers’ demands by seeking a balanced, lasting solution that meets both government fiscal needs and the operational requirements of Aviation Agencies.

“This move aligns with the minister, Festus Keyamo’s assurance to workers’ unions and other stakeholders that President Tinubu is deeply committed to enhancing the Aviation sector. The President aims to thoughtfully address their demands, seeking a balanced, lasting solution that meets both government fiscal needs and the operational requirements of Aviation Agencies.”

However, earlier in the day, the minister on his verified X handle said the concerns of the workers, especially regarding the negative impact the deductions had on investment, maintenance of critical infrastructure, and overall operations of the Agencies, have been duly noted.

“We understand the significance of the issues raised and recognize the vital role that our aviation workforce plays in ensuring the safety, efficiency, and smooth operation of the industry. The ministry is committed to addressing these challenges in a manner that ensures the continued viability and sustainability of the sector while maintaining the highest standards of service delivery.

“The minister wishes to assure the workers’ Unions and other stakeholders that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is very concerned about improvement of the Aviation sector and will give their demands due consideration with the goal of finding a lasting solution that balances both the fiscal needs of the government and the operational requirements of the Aviation Agencies.

“We appeal to all workers to remain calm and maintain industrial peace while the government is working assiduously towards amicably resolving the matter. The Ministry appreciates their patience and understanding and remains committed to ensuring a conducive work environment for all. We thank the workers for their understanding and continued dedication to the aviation sector.”

[Leadership]