The age-old adage, “The pen is mightier than the sword,” encapsulates a profound truth about the influence of ideas and communication in shaping societies. While the sword represents brute force and violence, the pen symbolizes intellect, creativity, and the power of words. It is against the foregoing backdrop that this writer is in this context exploring how the written word has historically triumphed over physical might, influencing change, inspiring movements, and fostering understanding.

Throughout history, humanity has witnessed numerous instances where the written word has led to significant societal transformations. Consider the impact of influential texts such as Thomas Paine’s “Common Sense”, which galvanized the American colonies towards independence. Paine’s persuasive arguments and eloquent prose inspired a revolution, demonstrating that ideas can mobilize people far more effectively than weapons.

Similarly, the abolitionist writings of Frederick Douglass and Harriet Beecher Stowe played crucial roles in the fight against slavery. Their words not only raised awareness but also humanized the plight of enslaved individuals, swaying public opinion and ultimately contributing to the abolition movement. These examples illustrate that while swords can conquer territories, it is the pen that can conquer hearts and minds.

Literature and journalism have long served as powerful tools for social change. Novels like George Orwell’s “Nineteen Eighty-Four” and Harper Lee’s “To Kill a Mockingbird” have sparked critical conversations about governance, justice, and morality. These works challenge readers to reflect on their values and the world around them, often leading to a greater awareness of social injustices.

In the realm of journalism, investigative reporting has exposed corruption and abuse of power, holding leaders accountable. The Watergate scandal, uncovered by journalists Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, is a prime example of how the pen can dismantle political tyranny. Their relentless pursuit of truth through writing ultimately led to the resignation of President Nixon, showcasing the pen’s ability to effect change where force fails.

In today’s world, where freedom of speech is increasingly threatened and governance often fails to serve the people, opinion articles have emerged as a powerful tool for holding those in power accountable. These pieces are more than just personal expressions; they act as intellectual protests against bad governance, exposing leadership failures, challenging unjust policies, and giving a voice to the silenced.

One of the key roles of opinion articles is fostering accountability in governance. In countries where institutions are weak and corruption is rampant, governments often operate with impunity. Opinion writers step in to fill this void by shedding light on failures that would otherwise go unnoticed. Whether it’s economic mismanagement, poor infrastructure, or widespread corruption, these articles serve as the public’s eyes and ears, calling out inefficiencies and demanding corrective action.

Politicians often try to shape narratives through public relations and spin, but opinion articles counter this with reasoned analysis and evidence. When governance fails, whether in economic policy, handling insecurity, or providing basic services, opinion writers expose these gaps, offering an alternative discourse that challenges official propaganda. By cutting through political spin, these pieces become a form of protest, providing a clearer picture of reality.

The phrase “speaking truth to power” finds its purest expression in opinion writing. Unlike objective news reporting, which must remain neutral, opinion articles allow writers to take a stance, critique leadership, and challenge the status quo. This freedom is essential in environments where bad governance thrives on public silence or institutional complicity. Through carefully crafted arguments, opinion writers hold leaders accountable for their actions and decisions, putting them under public scrutiny.

Tough questions, such as why public funds are mismanaged or why citizens lack basic services like healthcare and education, are posed by opinion writers. By asking these questions, they place pressure on those in power. Without these inquiries, governance would go unchecked, allowing corruption and inefficiency to flourish. Opinion articles become a thorn in the side of complacent leaders, forcing them to confront uncomfortable truths.

In places where political protest is banned or restricted, opinion writing becomes a form of silent civil disobedience. The pen becomes a powerful weapon against bad governance, allowing writers to express dissatisfaction without the risks associated with public demonstrations. Many journalists and opinion writers have faced persecution for their work because their words can influence public opinion and destabilize oppressive regimes. The silent protest embedded in these articles can be as effective as large-scale demonstrations, often sparking larger conversations about human rights abuses or financial scandals.

One of the most potent aspects of opinion articles is their ability to amplify the voices of the marginalized and disenfranchised, those most affected by bad governance. Opinion writers give these individuals a platform, highlighting their struggles and exposing the inequalities that stem from poor leadership. When government policies fail to address citizens’ basic needs, such as access to clean water, affordable housing, or functional healthcare, opinion articles act as advocacy pieces. They bring the plight of ordinary citizens into public view and pressurize governments to act.

In some cases, these articles have the power to shape public opinion and even influence policy. By providing well-researched, thoughtful analysis, opinion writers spark debates that go beyond the newspaper pages. Public opinion is a powerful force in any democracy, and well-informed citizens can demand better leadership. Historically, opinion pieces have driven policy changes by exposing governmental neglect or advocating for reforms. When written by respected voices, they carry authority, compelling policymakers to respond and often triggering reforms.

As new forms of communication, like social media, the role of opinion writing remains critical in protesting bad governance. While social media may ignite conversations, opinion articles provide the depth, structure, and insight needed for lasting change. In an increasingly complex world grappling with issues like economic inequality, climate change, and pandemics, incisive criticism through opinion writing is more urgent than ever. These articles remind those in power that their actions are being closely watched and judged by a critical public.

In today’s digital age, the power of the pen has evolved but remains just as potent. Social media platforms allow individuals to share their thoughts and mobilize support for various causes. Movements like #BlackLivesMatter,#MeToo, #EndBadGovernance and #EndSARS gained momentum through the written word, demonstrating how online discourse can challenge systemic injustices and promote social change.

However, this new landscape also presents challenges. Misinformation can spread rapidly, and the written word can be weaponized to incite division and hatred. Therefore, it is crucial for individuals to wield their pens responsibly, ensuring that their words contribute to constructive dialogue rather than conflict.

In fact, the phrase “The pen is mightier than the sword” serves as a reminder of the enduring power of words. While swords may achieve temporary victories, it is the ideas and narratives shaped by the pen that leave a lasting impact on humanity. As we navigate an increasingly complex world, let us remember to harness the power of our words to inspire, educate, and unite rather than divide. In doing so, we can continue to illustrate the profound truth that the pen, indeed, holds greater power than the sword.

Tinubu’s coldblooded statement on his reforms is not dissimilar from the image provoked by the award-winning photographer, Kevin Carter. Aged 33, Carter’s highly-rated photo appeared in the New York Times of March 26, 1993. It was the photo of a famine-stricken Sudanese boy. Initially thought to be a girl, his name was later found out to be Kong Nyong. The boy had collapsed of intense hunger and lay on his face in the hot desert sun of Sudan. He had an empty food bowl hidden beside his face like an Almajiri. A beaded necklace of his Sudanese nationality jutted out of his feeble neck. He was said to be on his way to Ayod, the United Nations ration centre in Sudan, which was about a half-kilometre away. As he walked languidly down the coarse road of the desert, all of a sudden, Kong’s hungry strength failed him.

Less than a meter from the collapsed boy was the unnerving figure of a vulture eyeing the gaunt boy and awaiting his eventual death, so that it could commence his devouring. Carter, on a United Nations photography assignment, according to him, took diverse photographs of the “interesting scene” of the collapsed boy and hurriedly left the scene. The photo went mega viral. Although, entitled ‘The Struggling Girl’, it won the Pulitzer Prize for Feature Photography in 1994, Carter committed suicide four months after, on July 27, 1994. He poisoned himself with carbon monoxide. Carter had been reportedly taunted by the world and haunted by what people perceived as his inhuman treatment of the dying boy. A caller on a radio programme, who asked what Carter did to help Kong after taking the “interesting” picture of the young boy, was shocked at his curt reply of, “I had a plane to catch.” Carter had earlier confessed to his friend that, “I see all this, and all I can think of is Megan,” his young daughter. The radio caller’s stinging retort was the clincher. It led to an emotional turmoil that eventually led to Carter’s breakdown and suicide. The radio caller had told him pointedly: “On that field were two vultures – you and the cadaver-eating bird!”

Nigeria is at the juncture where three footpaths meet. It is a critical intersection that troubles the stranger newly come to town. Speaking directly to the dilemma of a stranger at a loss on which of the three intersections to follow, Yoruba aptly named the juncture Ìkóríta méta tíí dààmú àlejò. There seems to be no need for pretext any longer. Efunsetan is Prof Akinwumi Ishola’s dramatization of the exploits of Efunsetan Aniwura, the powerful matriarch and pre-eminent slave merchant of Ibadan in the 19^th century. At that intersection when she finds out that her slave had been impregnated by a fellow slave, Efunsetan burst out into a scornful laughter. I paraphrase her hysterics: “The wild wind has blown and the naked rump of the hen is free to be beheld by all!”

It is same for Nigerians. The duo of those who aided and abetted the current runners of Nigeria into office, and those who didn’t, have come to same intersection. Bishop Mathew Hassan-Kukah drew the grim picture succinctly, in a recent beautifully arresting imagery. “A girl was asked, ‘which party are you, APC, LP or PDP?,’ she said: ‘I am hungry’”.

In literature, at the final part of a play, film, or narrative, when a natural resolution and the final strands of a plot are tied together, with knotty matters straightened, a denouement is said to have been achieved. Here, Yoruba conjure the allegory of the dead (Ení kú) and the lost (pèlú eni t’ó sonù) who have finally met each other. Today in Nigeria, hunger and pain have united us all. Our brains seem to have reset. If you watch viral videos of regrets and recounts about the Tinubu misadventure that litter the social media today, you will agree that the dead and the lost have indeed found their mutual level. At this critical stage, ownership of the clothing regalia found on the Egungun masquerade can no longer be denied. It belongs to the Egungun. No one can deny that the last fifteen fatal months of the Nigerian life have been an experience in weeping, wailing and gnashing of teeth. Moving forward is as challenging as back-pedalling. Nigeria is in dire straits. The Nigerian birds have refused to chirp as is their wont. Our rats now mutter foreign tongues. The government in power will seem to have exhausted all the talismanic magic wands in its pouch. Lies (iró) have failed liars and falsehood (èké) has broken the spines of its spinners.

In 1925 Abeokuta, the Alake, paramount ruler of Egbaland, Oba Sir Ladapo Ademola, was trapped inside a puddle of falsehood… until a denouement came. The Oba arrived his own Ìkóríta Méta without bargaining for it, trapped in a puddle of lies and mischief. Writer, radio broadcaster and educationist, Isaac Oluwole Delano, collated the king’s dilemma in a 1955-published book he entitled Aiye D’aiye Oyinbo (This world has morphed into the Whiteman’s). The story gained such huge traction in the Abeokuta area that it was nicknamed the Faripo Incident.

Faripo was a notorious convicted criminal. One morning, as warders conducted their rounds, findings revealed that Faripo had escaped from the Egba Native Administration Prison. There was pandemonium. Blame game began. The story whooshed from one home to the other with baffling speed of lightning, until it encircled the land. In no long a time, grapevine fingered Oba Ademola as one behind Faripo’s disappearance. Permutations were based on alleged past financial malfeasances of Oba Ademola as a prince in Lagos. In 1890, very hardworking Prince Ademola was head printer of Horatius Jackson’s Weekly Record newspaper and played a leading role between Lagos and his hometown Abeokuta in negotiating the passage of railway through Egbaland. The year 1920 was specifically fingered as the year Prince Ademola engaged in the less-than-straight financial transactions. Thus, the disappearance of Faripo was put to the pre-monarchy association between the convicted criminal and the king. According to the rumour, while in prison, Faripo had threatened to spill the beans. The above was a perfect foundation for the allegation that Oba Ademola secured the services of fellow prisoners to murder Faripo in prison and carefully put away his corpse.

Faripo’s disappearance caused immense tension in Abeokuta and environ. Even the Resident and District Officer were not immune from the spinning lie. The two officers then ordered police investigation. In the process, a corpse, assumed to be Faripo’s, was exhumed. Even Faripo’s mother identified the remains as her son’s. At this time, the lie had taken a full weight of truth. Oba Ademola, the major suspect, was about to be investigated. Then, all of a sudden, Faripo was reported found in Oyo town. A few days later, Faripo himself appeared in Abeokuta. Then the police cornered all who made false statements regarding the alleged murder. Oba Adedapo survived his traducers, made up of liars and merchants of falsehood.

A lot of talks have been generated over the sincerity or otherwise of this government in the last fifteen months. Without making a mountain out of a molehill of the issue, the truth is, governments, all over the world, tell lies. If you listen to the narratives from former President Donald Trump, he accuses the Joe Biden administration of lying to the people. It is also vice versa from Biden. Governments have so many reasons to engage in falsehoods. These falsehoods can sometimes be helpful. They range from ones in defence of national security to national integrity. However, when falsehood becomes a defining governmental character, then something is awesomely wrong.

Since its establishment, the NNPC has been an opaque corporation. A 1995 Working paper with the title ‘NNPC and Nigeria’s Oil Patronage Ecosystem’ had this unflattering word about the corporation: “Any attempt to analyze NNPC… must first confront the question of what it really is. Despite its formal organization as a vertically-integrated oil company, NNPC is neither a real commercial entity nor a meaningful oil operator.  It lacks control over the revenue it generates and thus is unable to set its own strategy.  It relies on other firms to perform essentially all of the most complex functions that are hallmarks of operating oil companies.  Yet unlike some NOCs it also fails to fit the profile of a government agency: Its portfolio of activities is too diverse, incoherent, and beyond the reach of government control for it to function as a government policymaking instrument.”

Irregularities in financial operations and non-conformity with statutory laws have been the NNPC’s abiding operational philosophy. Governments upon governments have capitalized on the opacity of its operations to fleece the people. It begins with the fact that Nigerians don’t know the amount of crude oil their country processes in a day, nor the amount of fuel they consume. You could hide an elephant inside the purse of the NNPC and remove foreign currencies of similar size.  Perhaps, the most phenomenally distressing has been this regime of fuel subsidy. It has since made emergency billionaires of laggards and is continuous till today. Nigeria has been fleeced of trillions of Naira all in the name of regulating the prices of this precious commodity.

Those who invested hope in this government believed, upon being sworn in, that it would dissemble the ancient incubus of corruption that has festered untamed in the NNPC. Only God knows where they got that illogic. Can Beelzeebub fight Beelzeebub since a house divided against itself falleth? They didn’t have to wait too long for the quashing of their hope. Some have even said that the foundation upon which this government is built is falsehood. Take for instance the subsidy regime pronounced by the president on May 29, 2023. Mountainous lies were told to give that lie a life. Government had begun making huge savings from subsidy, we were told. Economists however told us that it was incongruous that government wouldn’t be paying subsidy when the Naira to a dollar’s incestuous relationship is this abiding. At a time, the exchange rate went as high as N1,900, with government purchasing processed petrol in dollar. Recently, that adulterous relationship went burst and, as Efunsetan cried, “The wild wind (then blew) and the naked rump of the hen is free to be beheld by all!”

As it is often said, tonnes of lies are needed to defend a single strand of falsehood. It is same here. NNPC has gone into a binge of falsehoods ever since. When Reuters alleged that the corporation owed its oil suppliers to the tune of $6.8b, NNPC promptly and vehemently denied the claim. To shore up that lie, in August, NNPC announced via what it claimed was its audited financial statements for the fiscal year ending December 31, 2023, that its revenue from crude oil sales in 2023 had jumped up to N14.07 trillion, an increase of 298.7 percent. This was against the N3.52 trillion earned in 2022. Shortly after, in admitting that it was indeed owing oil suppliers the sum of $6b, NNPC painted a scenario of national insolvency.

In its relationship with the Dangote Refinery, NNPC has extended its serial falsehoods. This it does in its communication with Nigerians on what actually is the subsisting deal between the two. The most laughable scenario we are left to grapple with is that of a private refinery and national oil giant, the NNPC, exchanging liability of responsibility to fix fuel price as cavalierly as beer mugs are exchanged in shebeens. Trillions of Naira have been spent to make the four Nigerian refinery corpses walk, to no avail. It is either the Tinubu presidency infected NNPC with its lie virus or NNPC cleverly learnt the lying body language of Aso Rock. Or, both. The buck of this falsehood regime however stops at the table of the president. He is perceived as either abetting the lies or doesn’t see anything wrong with it.

The trust deficit between Nigerians and their president is as a thick fog. The people believe he has exported the “Eko for show opacity” to the federal. A government that wanted to disconnect from the rank corruption in NNPC won’t have the president as minister of petroleum. Its first hammer, according to projections, would land heavily on Mele Kyari and his oil-sucking bug directors. There was no hammer and no head for it to land on. The president compounded the equation by appointing his old warhorse ally as chair of board, a man whose recency of knowledge of the oil industry is as fossilized as prehistoric remains. Rumour also circulates that every liter of petrol bought in Nigeria is a goat tethered for sacrifice by the grove of Bourdilllon. The corruption broth is finally cooked.

Now, Nigeria is on her knees, totally castrated by a binge of falsehoods and Nigerian rulers’ illicit thirst to make money at the expense of Nigeria and Nigerians. Roiling angers are the mask worn by Nigerians as they walk long hours on the street to their destinations. Nigerians are dying in droves and fat cats are still talking about policies. You could feel the thickness of hopelessness hanging in the Nigerian sky. Yet, the president talks unfeelingly like a compassionless surgeon who just had a job to do – yank some goddamn flesh off the navel. I have analyzed President Tinubu’s China speech severally in less than 24 hours. He talked about a reform that is painful but which would yield results. Results to who, and for whom? To skeletons or cadavers in the mortuary? The president seems to have snatched the trophy of heartlessness from Ibrahim Babangida and his MAMSER, SAP excruciating policies. We should have known that Tinubu learnt the art from the Prince of Niger.

Deploying the image of Kevin Carter and his award-winning photography, dying Nigerians are Kong Nyong, battered by hunger and long hours at fuel stations. Hungry vultures are biding their time to feast on our carcasses. Our president has a reform to carry out. And, like Kevin, has “a flight to catch”.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s visit to China has been portrayed as a significant move towards shaping the future of Nigeria's economy. One of the key takeaways from the trip is that the hard decisions his government has so far taken since May 29, 2023, such as subsidy removal which he literarily announced on the day of his inauguration as president by saying “Subsidy is gone”, and currency devaluation on assumption of office, are intended for the greater good of the country. These measures are positioned as critical steps toward revamping Nigeria’s financial stability, creating long-term benefits, and promoting sustainable development.

To buttress the foregoing viewpoint, it is explanatory to recall that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in Beijing said he was ready to take the hard decisions to move the nation forward, adding that it is not always easy for a leader to have a national consensus on issues.

However, while these tough choices are being enforced, it is essential that the leadership also takes on the responsibility of tightening their own belts. Nigerian citizens are being asked to make sacrifices, even as they face the brunt of the current economic hardship, with inflation skyrocketing and daily essentials becoming increasingly unaffordable. If the Tinubu government is serious about reviving the country’s economy, it must ensure that those at the top lead by example.

The reason for urging Nigerian political leaders to lead by example cannot be farfetched as it is unarguable that in times of national austerity that nothing could be more counterproductive than government officials maintaining an extravagant lifestyle, while the masses are called to endure economic hardship. For Nigerians to buy into the narrative that these tough measures are truly for their benefit, they need to see evidence of leaders walking the talk.

In fact, austerity should not only be reserved for the common man. The Nigerian populace deserves to see their leaders experience some of the same sacrifices they are being asked to make. This could mean cutting down on lavish government spending, reducing the perks enjoyed by public officials, and reining in the ostentatious lifestyle often flaunted by those in power.

During Tinubu's China visit, he would have observed how that country’s leadership, particularly during critical periods of reform, embraced austerity measures themselves. Chinese leaders exhibited a sense of shared sacrifice with their citizens, which helped strengthen public trust in the government’s vision. Nigeria’s leaders should take a page from this playbook.

In fact, the need for public officials to show solidarity in times of hardship cannot be overstated. Nigerians are keen observers, and they recognize when their leaders are out of touch with the realities on the ground. A government that is seen as disconnected from the people’s struggles is more likely to face public backlash and skepticism.

If Tinubu and his administration are genuine in their quest to revamp the economy, they must commit to belt-tightening across all levels of leadership. Therefore, government can demonstrate few practical steps in that direction by reducing its convoy. The sight of long, luxury convoys accompanying politicians has become synonymous with excess and privilege. A reduction in such displays would signal that the government is serious about cutting waste.

Trimming the salaries and benefits of politicians and public officeholders in Nigeria is no doubt a step towards cutting cost of governance. A significant reduction in these perks, along with transparent disclosure of earnings, would show a willingness to share in the sacrifices being demanded of ordinary Nigerians.

Also, there is the need for the limitation of foreign trips and luxury spending. Given the foregoing backdrop, it is not a misnomer to suggest that frequent foreign travels, especially for non-essential reasons, must be curbed. While international relations are important, unnecessary trips at taxpayers’ expense in times of economic hardship send the wrong message.

In fact, Nigerian political leaders must lead by example. This can be done by demonstrating an austere lifestyle in times of economic turmoil, just as presently being experienced.  In the face of Nigeria's ongoing economic challenges, one fundamental question remains unanswered: Are our political leaders truly in touch with the reality of the hardship facing the masses? While millions of ordinary Nigerians grapple with skyrocketing inflation, unemployment, and the ever-increasing cost of living, it seems as though the nation’s leadership class is insulated from the economic turmoil gripping the country. This disconnection raises an urgent need for political leaders to lead by example through the demonstration of an austere lifestyle.

Without any scintilla of hyperbole, Nigeria is facing one of its toughest economic periods in recent history. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), inflation reached an all-time high in 2023, with prices of food, fuel, and essential services becoming unaffordable for many. The removal of fuel subsidies has worsened the situation, leaving citizens with the daunting task of navigating these harsh economic realities with little relief in sight. Yet, despite these difficult conditions, political leaders continue to live lives of opulence, funded by taxpayers who are barely surviving.

From fleets of luxury cars to extravagant overseas trips and ostentatious personal expenses, Nigeria’s political elite has shown little sign of embracing an austere lifestyle that reflects the harsh times. The public sees these extravagant expenditures and wonders how leaders can convincingly address the economic crisis while being so far removed from the struggles of the average citizen.

Extravagant spending by the presidency under Tinubu's administration has sparked widespread criticism in a country already grappling with economic hardships. Amid rising inflation and poverty, reports of lavish expenditures by the presidential office have fueled public discontent. Critics argue that the president’s office, along with other government bodies, has indulged in excessive spending on non-essential projects and luxuries, diverting funds from critical areas like education, healthcare, and infrastructure. This comes at a time when most Nigerians are struggling to afford basic necessities, leading to heightened frustration.

One glaring example of this extravagance is the budget allocated for the presidential fleet, security, and renovation of government buildings. Despite promises of austerity and responsible governance, the administration has continued to allocate significant funds to maintain the lifestyles of top officials. This includes multi-billion naira contracts for refurbishing presidential residences and excessive travel expenses for international trips, which have raised questions about priorities and the tone it sets for public office holders. Such practices contrast sharply with the administration's narrative of economic recovery and fiscal discipline.

The impact of these extravagant expenses extends beyond mere optics. It undermines public trust in the government’s ability to manage resources prudently and to empathize with the plight of ordinary citizens. While the presidency has defended these expenditures as necessary for governance, many Nigerians view them as out of touch with the economic reality on the ground. With increasing calls for transparency and accountability, the administration faces pressure to reconsider its spending habits to avoid further alienating an already disillusioned populace.

In times of economic downturn, a true leader should not only acknowledge the crisis but also take visible and meaningful steps to share in the sacrifices of the people. To restore public trust, Nigerian political leaders must demonstrate that they are willing to tighten their belts just like the citizens they serve. This can be done in several practical ways. 

The reason for the foregoing cannot be farfetched when political leaders visibly adopt an austere lifestyle; it sends a powerful message to citizens: we are in this together. It shows that leadership is not about privilege but about service, and that even the highest offices in the land are not exempted from the sacrifices required to rebuild the economy. This could lead to increased public confidence and a renewed sense of unity in overcoming the nation’s economic challenges.

Moreover, demonstrating austerity at the top can inspire better management of resources across all sectors of society. If leaders embrace frugality and accountability, it could encourage public institutions and private businesses to follow suit, leading to a more responsible and efficient use of national resources.

Nigeria’s economic crisis demands much more than rhetoric and promises. It requires real leadership that is empathetic and connected to the struggles of the masses. Political leaders can no longer afford to live in luxury while millions of Nigerians suffer. Leading by example through an austere lifestyle is not only a symbolic gesture but a necessary step towards bridging the growing gap between the leaders and the led. The time has come for our leaders to show that they are ready to make the same sacrifices they expect from the people, and in doing so, they will be better equipped to steer the nation towards economic recovery.

The attention of the NNPC Ltd has been drawn to a press release by the Muslim Rights Concern, MURIC, which claims that the Dangote Refinery Limited (DRL) is being undermined by actions of the Nigerian

National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd). Specifically, MURIC asserts that recent changes to the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) will prevent the Dangote Refinery from offering lower

prices and that NNPC Ltd has become the sole offtaker of all products from the refinery.

To set the records straight, NNPC Ltd wishes to further state as follows:

1. The pricing of petroleum products from any refinery, including the Dangote Refinery Ltd (DRL), is determined by global market forces.

          The recent changes in PMS prices have no impact on the DRL or any other domestic refinery's access to the Nigerian market. In fact, if current prices are perceived as high, it presents an ideal                      opportunity

           for the refinery to sell its products at lower prices in the Nigerian market.

2. Furthermore, we emphasize that there is no guarantee of lower prices associated with domestic refining compared to any global parity pricing framework, as confirmed by the DRL. The NNPC Ltd will only fully offtake PMS from the DRL if the market prices of PMS are higher than the pump prices in Nigeria. The DRL and any other domestic refinery are free to sell directly to any marketer on a willing buyer, willing seller basis, which is the current practice for all fully deregulated products. NNPC Ltd has no desire or intention to become the distributor for any entity in a free market environment, and therefore, the notion of becoming a sole offtaker does not arise.

3. The NNPC Ltd cannot undermine a business in which it holds a billion dollar stake. 4. As an advocacy group for fair and just treatment, MURIC should have verified the facts before making statements that are entirely flawed and has the potential to incite ordinary Nigerians against the NNPC Ltd.

Olufemi Soneye

Chief Corporate Communications Officer

NNPC Ltd

Newly crowned Miss Universe Nigeria, Chidimma Vannesa Adetshina, has  expressed her emotions about her recent struggles in South Africa.

Recall that  she withdrew from the Miss South Africa competition due to controversies that trailed the nationality and allegations of identity theft  leveled against her mother by the South Africa’s Home Affairs.

Chidinma revealed in an interview that she faced rejection from South Africans who felt she didn’t belong there due to her name.

She added that the experience was challenging for her, as she further highlighted issues of identity and acceptance in different cultural contexts.

“South Africans felt like I was not South African enough because of my name and it was really hard to see.

“It was a very horrible experience, and I would not wish it on anybody because I have lived there for 23 years.

“ It is heartbreaking to see that I was not welcomed and accepted”, she said.

When asked about the allegations of identity theft levelled against her mum, the beauty queen declined to comment on the issue.

“There were some statements that came out from Home Affairs with regard to my mom’s ID as well, and that is still a legal matter so I won’t comment on it.

“What I do know is that I was born in South Africa, and I am still South African, and I am still proudly Nigerian”, she said.

[Leadership]

Nigerian Singer, Korede Bello, offered reasons why he left the Marvins Record label in 2021.

The “God win” crooner offered the explanation on why he left the record label owned by Don Jazzy in an interview on Hip TV.

Bello, who joined the Don Jazzy-led Marvins Records in 2014, said: “I was at a season in my life where I needed to metamorphose, to explore my inner worth, do introspection, understand myself, understand meaning more, and reconnect to my why.

“Because I was at a stage where I started to feel like a product that is just there (at Mavins Records) to make money.

“You lose sight of what matters when you chase after the next hit, after the next whatever it is that can get you into conversations.

“So a lot of artists are addicted to that cycle.”

[EagleOnline]

Benson Upah is the spokesperson for the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC). In this interview with Weekend Trust, he expressed concern that the price of fuel may increase to N5,000 per litre. He added that the recent increase runs contrary to the agreement the union reached with the federal government.

During the week, the price of petrol went up again. What will the NLC do about it?

We are planning to have a meeting with the appropriate organs of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC). Those organs will take the decisions. We will take decisions that we believe would be in the best interest of our members and possibly, this country.

Not to pre-empt the outcome of the meeting, what should Nigerians expect?

It will be difficult for me to preempt what the NLC will do because the organ has a very large membership. Let me use the example of the National Executive Council of the NLC; it comprises the president, general secretaries and treasurers of all affiliate unions.

It also comprises state chairmen and secretaries of the state councils of the 36 states and the FCT, as well as members of the National Executive Council of the NLC. So, you can see it is a big family. In the absence of a delegates’ conference, it is the highest organ making body of the congress. So, there will be multiple ideas coming in; you know, we usually have robust debates. We look at issues and the implications from multiple perspectives. I will not be able to preempt the direction for you.

Nonetheless, the mood, I can tell you, is that of anger and I want to say that it is not only within the Nigerian Labour Congress that you have anger. Virtually every Nigerian is angry, except that first one per cent that is maintained by the state. You know, that one per cent has everything; we give them everything, those are the only ones who are not complaining. Every other Nigerian is complaining. So, our mood is reflective of the general mood of the country.

Recently, the president of the NLC said President Tinubu betrayed the union, can you elaborate more on this?

After the announcement, the next day, a Senior Special Assistant to the President on Print Media, Mr Abdulaziz Abdulaziz, said we were lying and there was no agreement. We want to reiterate that we feel betrayed by the present increase in the pump price of petroleum products.

One, when Mr. President called for the negotiation, recall that we were stuck at N62,000 and he made two offers; the first was to agree on the N250,000 we recommended while the price of PMS will rise to N1,500 or N2,000 or he will pay N62,000 and the status quo remains. He told us we had a few hours to consult. The labour leaders did not take the bait, rather we asked to be given more time and later requested at least one week to consult outside the Villa. At the end of that one week, the Presidency met again and the labour leaders unambiguously said we would not accept the offer of N250,000.

This was out of consideration for the well-being of the average Nigerian, because we said ‘what would be the effect of this on the ordinary person?’

To keep this brief, the president acted in breach of his promise to labour leaders and he knows the truth. But let us even look at this matter; what has happened goes beyond the parameters of minimum wage and negotiation. It negatively affects the generality of Nigerians. Since the first wave of price increase, occasioned by the removal of fuel subsidy on May 29, 2023, Nigerians have been trying to reorder their lives to accept the fate they never bargained for.

Coming to terms with 500 per cent hike in cost of education, transportation, food and everything else is not easy. At a time they were just trying to adjust to the new normal, you introduce another shock. So, what we have now is uncertainty; we have moved from pain to uncertainty. In fact, this matter goes beyond the logic and philosophy of our national minimum wage.

When the president mentioned that fuel price will increase to N2,000, one of the labour leaders interjected him and said, ‘Sir, you have removed fuel subsidy, so which other thing are you removing again?’ Remember, the subsidy was removed and prices were stabilised.  So, how many times are you removing subsidy, that you have removed? Subsidy was never restored at any point in time as they claimed. So, what will inform moving the pump price of PMS from N650 to N1,500 or N2,000?

I want to tell you something, what this signals is that Nigerians have not seen the end yet, we may end up paying nothing less than N5,000 per liter for fuel in this country. We hope not to get there but if we get there, the decision will be left to Nigerians.

Can the president justify the increase from N650 to N1,000 vis-à-vis the current minimum wage?

I would have said let the president answer that question, but clearly, there is no correlation between the national minimum wage and what he has done. In fact, at the time we demanded N615,000 as the national minimum wage, we broke it down to say N40,000 for rent, N20,000 for food for a family of six. Our permutations were based on a family of six, a husband, wife and four children. We were able to justify that.

We were patriotic enough by coming down to N250,000. But of course, even at that, you saw what the president did. He gave us the devil’s alternatives to choose from and we chose the one we felt was going to be less injurious to Nigerians, believing that he will keep his word but barely a month after, he violated it.

What is the status of the minimum wage, has the federal government commenced payment?

Only one state has started paying and it is Adamawa. We commend the governor for the spirit. But of course, while the process of negotiation was going on, the Edo State governor paid N70,000, with a promise to pay more if the minimum wage was to be resolved to something higher. Lagos paid N70,000. Other than this, I am not aware that other states have started paying, though committees have been put together to work out consequential adjustments to enable them commence payment.

I must tell you; governments are very rich now. What they declare and share from the federation account used to be N700bn, which has since moved to N1.3trn. That is what they declare and it does not include the ones they keep aside and pass under the table. With all of that, have you seen any improvement in the quality of the life of Nigerians? There has been no commensurate improvement, rather what we have been getting is pain, penury and trauma.

We do not expect much from those promises. How many CNG buses have you seen as an individual? At the time those promises were made, we were also meeting with Innoson Motors, a local brand. We were also in discussion with a reliable foreign firm that makes CNG buses, Yutong, in China. They said they were ready. They assured us they will provide facilities to offer Nigerians soft loans to convert to CNG. At that time, the government said it would cost N800,000 to do it but these people were ready to do it at N250,000.

These facts were made available to the government, yet nothing happened and those conversations fizzled into thin air. So, compare that with what General Ibrahim Babangida did, when he made his own increment. IBB ensured that every state government had a transport company and even labour had a transport company known as Labour Transport Company. It was by virtue of what IBB did, trying to manage the effects of the minimal change when he did his own increase. It was even a minor increase that IBB did compared to what we are now seeing. So, he was prepared and there was no noticeable side effect.

Also, Abacha introduced PTDF, chaired by Gen. Muhammadu Buhari. The impact of PTDF was cross-sector, including providing exercise books. Clearly, our military leaders were better prepared than what we are witnessing today because they anticipated the effects and they were prepared for them.

The president announced that subsidy was gone and did not think of what will be the consequential effects of this policy pronouncement.

The Nigerian government and some other persons believe the current economic challenges are pains Nigerians have to bear for a better tomorrow, what do you have to say to that?

They are insulting our collective intelligence. Those who make such comments are not competent to do so because they are isolated from the pains we bear. The National Council of State passed a vote of confidence on the president the other day, all of them are on subsidy. Let me say this, all of them don’t pay for petrol; they don’t pay for light. We did say that they were not competent to pass any vote of confidence. It is Nigerians; those who face this heat that are competent to pass a vote of confidence.

Those that say we should bear the pains should be jailed or shot. For how long are we supposed to continue like this? This situation has gotten to a point where our yesterday is always better than our today.

I keep telling people who say Buhari was the worst that they are joking. For us at Labour, we found Buhari very accommodating. He did everything humanly possible to ensure that life was stable and good. When he came in, he gave money to the states to pay the backlog of salaries and pensions but it was diverted. He made other interventions to avoid the insane increases.

If you ask those same people now, they will tell you that the Buhari administration was very good. We are talking about less than two years ago. Before Buhari came, it was Jonathan. We said Jonathan had messed up this country, but now look at the indices and compare the exchange rate, the interest rate, the debt. So, we are in a situation where we are progressively getting worse.

Those people who say we need these pains should be shot, how much of these pains would they bear themselves? They can’t even bear one per cent of it. It is because they are isolated from this trauma; that is why they have the effrontery to say that we need the pain. We don’t need these pains. We don’t need the president who will come and complain. When this one first came, he said, ‘I asked for this job’. I was impressed by that, but later he said that these problems were caused by his predecessor. When any leader begins to talk like that, that leader has come to the end of the road in terms of ideas.

[DailyTrust]

A member of the House of Representatives, representing Ideato North South Federal Constituency, Hon. Ikenga Ugochinyere (PDP, Imo) has said that no congress of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, was held in Rivers State at the weekend.

Ugochinyere said, rather the FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike held a party with his friends, under the guise of a party congress.

The main opposition party’s state congresses, took place at the weekend, and was marred by complaints from several states, including Rivers, Benue, Katsina, and Kogi.

In Rivers, the congress was held despite an existing court order preventing the process.

This has led to a dispute between the National Working Committee (NWC) that authorised the congress and the PDP Governors Forum, which asserted that Governor Siminalayi Fubara should remain the party leader in the state.

The Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike, and his faction are also claiming control of the party structure after the congress that was boycotted by the state governor and his supporters.

But the PDP has stated that the process is subject to review by the party’s organs.

Ugochinyere, who is the spokesperson of G-60 federal lawmakers in the House of Representatives, in a statement on Saturday, described the supposed Congress held by the Wike faction as laughable and a jamboree.

According to the PDP chieftain, no PDP Congress was held in Rivers state, rather “Nyesom Wike out of desperation to look good before his dwindling followers who are losing confidence in him held an owambe party and called it state Congress.”

The lawmaker recalling the interim order stopping PDP from holding congresses in the state, said the party Wike conducted for him and his friends was an exercise in futility.

The statement reads, “Take it from me, there is no PDP state Congress yet in Rivers state.

“Wike out of desperation to look good before his dwindling followers who are losing confidence in him held an owambe party and called it state Congress.

“Recall that in July, a State High Court, holding in Port Harcourt, Rivers State and presided over by Justice Charles Wali had issued an interim order stopping PDP from holding congresses in the state.

“The court decision was clear and the Congress was stopped from holding and so if people out of desperation gather to hold a family or kindred meeting from their hideout under the guise of Congress, you can only but pity and laugh at their political frolicking caused by joblessness and desperate quest for power.

“Defying the court orders, some members of PDP hobnobbing with the APC reportedly made an attempt to pass off some family gatherings of their faction as PDP congress.

“The purported Congress is a nullity and an exercise in futility as there is still an existing valid order against any conduct of Congress in Rivers and in view of that, the purported Congress will be set aside as you can’t put something on nothing.”

[DailyPost]

Popular actress Omotola Jalade Ekeinde has addressed her intermittent absence from the Nollywood industry.

In a social media post, she revealed that she needed to take a break to relax, reflect and recharge.

Omotola, who started her acting career at 15, explained that working non-stop for decades led her to feel the need to unwind and revitalise.

She emphasised that taking time off is essential to maintaining her creative energy and passion for her craft.

“I know many Never understand why I take time off Movies for a few years then come back and do it again!

Lol..,I see fans asking when I’ll be back on screens but when you’ve been working since you were 15! like I have…

“You’ll do good to Relax, Relive, Relearn and Re-charge.,Who Understands & Who’s Following,” she wrote.

[TheNation]

The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited has denied claims that it is responsible for the recent hike in premium motor spirit, commonly called petrol, in the country.

The company said the pricing of petroleum products from any refinery, including the Dangote Refinery Ltd, is determined by global market forces, stating that there is no guarantee of lower prices associated with domestic refining of the products in the country.

The NNPC stated this on Saturday in reaction to rumours it is attempting to monopolise the offtake of all products from the Dangote Refinery Ltd.

In the statement titled “NNPC Ltd Not the Sole Offtaker; Market Open to Lower Prices from Any Domestic Refinery”, the Chief Corporate Communications Officer NNPC Ltd., Olufemi Soneye, said “The attention of the

NNPC Ltd has been drawn to a press release by the Muslim Rights Concern, MURIC, which claims that the Dangote Refinery Limited (DRL) is being undermined by actions of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd).

“Specifically, MURIC asserts that recent changes to the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) will prevent the Dangote Refinery from offering lower prices and that NNPC Ltd. has become the sole offtaker of all products from the refinery.”

The company said to set the records straight, “The pricing of petroleum products from any refinery, including the Dangote Refinery Ltd. (DRL), is determined by global market forces.”

NNPC said “The recent changes in PMS prices have no impact on the DRL or any other domestic refinery’s access to the Nigerian market,” adding that “In fact, if current prices are perceived as high, it presents an ideal opportunity for the refinery to sell its products at lower prices in the Nigerian market.”

The NNPC further emphasised, “that there is no guarantee of lower prices associated with domestic refining compared to any global parity pricing framework, as confirmed by the DRL.”

“The NNPC Ltd. will only fully offtake PMS from the DRL if the market prices of PMS are higher than the pump prices in Nigeria. The DRL and any other domestic refinery are free to sell directly to any marketer on a willing buyer, willing seller basis, which is the current practice for all fully deregulated products.

“NNPC Ltd. has no desire or intention to become the distributor for any entity in a free market environment, and therefore, the notion of becoming a sole off-taker does not arise,” it said.

The NNPC said it cannot undermine a business in which it holds a billion-dollar stake.

“As an advocacy group for fair and just treatment, MURIC should have verified the facts before making statements that are entirely flawed and has the potential to incite ordinary Nigerians against the NNPC Ltd,” the company said.

[Punch]