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It is as if Paul Coelho knew Dele Momodu when he said "When you are enthusiastic about what you do, you feel this positive energy. It's very simple", for it is quite visible to the blind and audible to the deaf, Momodu has carved a niche for himself as an altruistic, enthusiastic, passionate leader and a big name in all that he does with sterling records of success.
 
I believe some of my readers will be quick to say that Ooh, Dr. Baba will be sentimental for obvious reasons, but the truth is that I was not, I am not and I will not. All I am going to say is the honest truth.
 
My major stimulant to writing this today emanated from this simple question. Ooh how does an individual capture the essence of this your boss, Dele Momodu? Just how? Asked by many of my friends including a number of them that slide into my DM to say hi, and subsequently asked around the above question, and here is my humble and sincere reply to all of them.
 
But before then, I'd like to emphasise on one of his best characters and that is the fact that he's multi-layered and versatile which are characters that distinguished him from his peers in all ramifications. I believe the aforementioned question mostly emanated from the perception about the fate of most politicians post-election. Anyway, here is my reply. When I got confused in the past as to how to describe him, it occurred to me I could use the allegory of the blind men and their encounter with the elephant. The story first originated from India. A group of blind men who had never seen an elephant were said to have argued fiercely as to what it looks like. Each of the blind men touched and felt a different part of the body. Just one part of the elephant is quite big. Each described what he felt with his hands. Each version of the experience was limited, even though true. Each suspected the other of profanity and dishonesty. They were even said to have come to blows. But they were all right; yet all wrong.Though there are several Hindu, Jain and Buddhist versions of this story, each of the blind men were said to have groped different parts of the elephant. The same thing about Dele Momodu. If you're fond of reading stories about him, it will be easier to understand who he is from the views of others using the elephant's story even if you don't know him. Their individual perceptions of what the Elephant looks like are as follows:
 
One who touched the trunk said the elephant was like a thick snake. Another touched the large ear, he concluded the elephant must look like a fan. For another who touched the leg, he said the elephant is a pillar, like a tree trunk. One touched its hard side and concluded it was like a wall. The one who touched its tail described the elephant as a rope. Yet, another touched the tusk, and vowed to the heavens that the elephant is like a hard, smooth spear.The blind men were all partially correct; but also, all partially wrong.
 
In desribing my mentor, brother, friend, Dele Momodu when people asked me, I have encountered the same difficulty of these blind men.
The reason is that Momodu wears many caps, so many that he means a different person to different observers and analysts.
Some would encounter him and tell you he is a business tycoon because of his business establishments and relationships with business leaders worldwide. Readers of his books and weekly column PENDULUM would say that he's only a writer and journalist who's a Veteran at that. Others would encounter him unknown to them about his seven traditional titles at home and abroad, including the recent Aare of Iwoland and tell you he's a traditional ruler who doesn't care to dress like a king, perhaps because of the obvious respect he earned like royalty in many high places. In the same vein, the political analysts would report that he's a political legend due to his active participation in politics and the political role he has played over a period of four decades. Similarly, some might choose to call him an activist because of the role he's played in defence of democracy in 1993 that saw him forced into exile, and many events that followed thereafter till today. Lastly, some assumed he's a teacher because of the knowledge that he used to rain for free via his verified Instagram handle Instagram live, twitter spaces, Facebook live, Clubhouse, and etc for the young generation plus the way he intermingles freely with his proteges and mentees around the world. 
 
Others think he's a Blogger because no younger man or woman multitasks than him on social media platforms which he handles personally, at nearly 63 years of age. Same with his unprecedented collection of pictures and videos, as if he's a veteran photographer. He may also be called a Librarian with his stupendous collections of books. He actually worked at the University of Ife library from 1977-78 became a pioneer JAMBITE in 1978. And he has almost completed his library resort in the ancient city of Ibadan which will soon become a tourist attraction for scholars. You won't be wrong to call him a Travel agent if you see the thousands of flight ticket stubs he has garnered on trips to over 60 countries on five continents, the reason many call him the OLABISI AJALA, the globetrotter of our time. 
 
Some may be tempted to call him a Music producer with the way he's been promoting our young talents since 1989 when he sold Sir Shina Peters to the world on the cover of Weekend Concord and Classique magazine. He sponsored the biggest music carnival ever on the campus of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, in 1999, where he assembled the Plantation Boys, Remedies, Sir Shina Peter's, Queen Salawa Abeni, and others at the massive amphitheatre of Oduduwa Hall. Since 2007, he has attracted millions of dollars in sponsorship from UBA, GLOBALCOM, the Esther Ajayi Foundation and others for the promotion of young talents in Music, Comedy and Fashion. Many of the beneficiaries of these Ovation Red Carol concerts include D'banj, Don Jazzy, Wande Cole, Olu Maintain, Waje, Tiwa Savage, Sinach, Sammie Okposo, Davido, Wizkid, Tuface, Burner Boy, Seun Kuti, and so many great entertainers...
 
Lastly, you're likely to call him the quintessential Opposition Leader with the way he has never been in government and continues to support only opposition parties. He believes a country as bedevilled with myriads of problems like Nigeria needs powerful voices to speak up, one the reasons he owes no one apologies for not supporting his friend, Chief Bola Tinubu, as a Presidential candidate...
 
These I believe would reflect the scenarios on the perceptions of those blind men about the elephant.
Interestingly, a friend of mine SANI AUWAL MUDI recently asked me whether Momodu is also a former football legend, and my answer was a straight NO. He was compelled to ask having seen the way Momodu was respected and well treated by the President of FIFA Mr. Gianni Infantino and others including the legendary Arsene Wenger the former Arsenal manager in Kigali, Rwanda last week. Unknown to many that it was a formal invitation of world leaders and big names around the world for the FIFA Congress, and he graced the event as a VIP guest of FIFA under the leadership of FIFA president Gianni Infantino, an invitation that even Presidents around the world will never reject and will feel much honoured to be invited. How many Nigerian politicians have you seen there? None? So to me its a matter of personal integrity, self accomplishments and Momodu's worth on the eyes of worthy world leaders.
 
The moral of the story is that Aare Dr. Dele Momodu loves his job, and he never feels he's bigger than his job and businesses in line with the assertion of Paul Coelho. Perhaps why he succeeded in life without being a full time politician. Never in life consider politics as a job or only what you know. Those that have been asking me about Momodu's political future should know that he's too busy to even think of that. Many of his close associates kept on wondering how he managed to spend about five months working in presidential campaign office, recording only two international trips during this period, a man who to some is synonymous with travelling.
 
Even by the time he lost the Presidential primaries in May 2022, he has moved on with his business activities. I was his agent at the Presidential Primaries, but I could vividly remember that 48hrs after the election, he resumed in Ovation International Office in Lagos after which he went abroad, business as usual. This shows how occupied he is outside politics. Only to receive a call when he was on his way out of the country, from the Presidential candidate of his party H.E ATIKU ABUBAKAR asking him to serve as a Director of Strategic Communications of his Presidential Campaign Organization, on account of his competency and capacity, which he accepted, delivered handsomely and effectively.

March 18, 2023 gubernatorial election in Enugu State will go down in history as the fiercest political contest since the creation of the State some three decades ago. Not even the famous 1979 governorship tussle between the defunct Nigeria People's Party (NPP)'s Chief Jim Nwobodo and defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN)'s Chief Christian Onoh of old Anambra State could rival it. It came with a lot of intrigues, suspense, drama, misconstruction, propaganda and harsh realities, thanks to Peter Obi's unique innovative entrance into the national politics that birthed the OBI-dient movement and altered the usual colouration of electoral certainties across the strata. Not even former governor Chimaroke Nnamani could comprehend it, as he has been running rampage on Twitter (his newly found abode) trying to wrap his head around it.
 
Enugu have never had such competitive election!
 
After the wave of February 25 presidential and national assembly elections that swept seven out of eight federal constituency seats and two out of three senatorial seats in the state to Labour Party, many cynics wrote off Peter's Mba's chances and announced the obituary of PDP in Enugu.
 
However, those who despised Mbah's chances at the time did it not on the basis of his competency or otherwise. It was purely on two factors they considered drawling albatrosses against his emergence. First was his association with former governor Nnamani, who, allegedly, was his ipso facto godfather. Second, was the party he ran in, which is out of tune with the hoi polloi of the state.
 
There was nothing Mbah could do to unwind these stereotypes in the people. PDP was fast losing its relevance in the southeast, the zone that had served as its life wire when it ran into out-of-power identity crisis from 2015. And caught up in such dilemma in the heat of a fast approaching election, he had to renegotiate his campaign train. He started running a competency-driven campaign. Gradually, he replaced the apparel of godfatherism and PDP's totem, with the garb of a political novitiate, an astute technocrat, and a successful administrator who is premiering in the state's electoral arena. 
 
Fortunately for him, as the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) postponed the election, the steam of those albatrosses gassed out.
 
The competitiveness in the contest was back, and each camp intensified their grip of the masses' trust. But the gruesome murder of Barr. Oyibo Chukwu the previous week was not something the opposition would allow to smoke off just like that. It marked another turning point in the race. Many around town alleged that his PDP opponent in Enugu East Senatorial seat race was responsible. Some Labour Party faithfuls who were supposed to imitate Mr. Peter Obi by running issue-based campaign cashed into the narrative and used it to promote their campaigns, and hunt for sympathy votes.
 
They labelled PDP a murderers' party and further depleted what was remaining of its meagre goodwill. Not even the usual appeal to religious sects could help its candidates. Gov. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi — a Catholic (the dominant christian sect in the state) lost to Barr. Okey Ezea — an Anglican.
 
Peter Mbah, a Catholic too, went to Ugwudinso Eke Catholic pilgrimage center, and was almost booed off, but for the intervention of the host priest. This is irrespective of the fact that his opponent in Labour Party is an Anglican. These worshippers were acting on unverified false information that has sailed as truth. All allegations of man's inhumanity to man hanging on former governor Nnamani is transferred by default, to Mbah. On him lied the burden of 'inherited' vicarious allegations. And his doom's day was predicted to come with March 18 election.
 
Amidst all these, Mbah's heart remained enlargened. He never held grudges against the people. Perhaps he knew they were being misled by few campaigners of calumny. His undauntedness astounded me the most. Being unruffled in the heat of social misconception is a rare virtue called temperance — emotional intelligence.
 
The cultural affiliation of Isi Uzo people to Nsukka (Enugu North zone) made many believe that Mbah's rival — Hon. Barr. Chijioke Edoga, an equally competent candidate, was running as Nsukka candidate. All the Obidients cliques within the zone offered their wings to fly his campaign. The slogan "LP from top-to-bottom" became chorusal.  Statistically, Nsukka zone commands at least 52% of votes in Enugu State. With boundless acceptance which Edoga's candidacy received among them, it is almost a done deal for him.
 
Yet, Peter Mbah scheduled Town Hall meetings across all villages in the zone. He marketed his manifesto to them. Naysayers never gave him chance. But like rain drops, his message was having regenerative effect on their souls. Like Peter Obi who used nine months to turn Nigeria's national politics around, three weeks between Presidential and gubernatorial elections were enough for Mbah to change the narrative. He started winning people's heart back, when he proved by his body language, that he is an independent candidate using PDP as special purpose vehicle (SPV) to ascend the office. Not a few Nsukka people believed, few days to the election, that he may have been a victim of a single story.
 
The D-Day came, and Ndi Enugu went to the ballot albeit manifest voter apathy resulting from the disappointment of Peter Obi's alleged stolen mandate. 17 Local Government Areas voted in unanimity. The collation of results indicated a neck-to-neck contest. It was a two horse race.  Before the controversial Nkanu East result came in, the two were separated by paltry figures in the neighborhood of 3000 votes.
 
The allegations of over voting on Nkanu East result kept the state in her worst political stalemate for three days until 22nd March when it was resolved and final result declaration made in favour of Peter Mbah with 3,317 votes difference.
 
The jubilation was out of this world!
 
The people celebrated widely — an eloquent testimony that the results represented the wish of the people. However, there are still disgruntlement among those insisting that INEC overreached itself in declaring Mbah the winner. Opposition insisted Nkanu East result needed outright cancellation. Such grudges can be healed if the winner became magnanimous in victory, without making the loser pliant. Mbah knew this. And he was prepared to soothe the hearts.
 
And so he mounted the rostrum a day after, to deliver his acceptance speech; and like Cardinal Karol Wotjila (archbishop of Krakow Poland) who reigned as Pope John Paul II, he began his speech with "do not be afraid!" A speech that prepared the world for the most remarkable papacy ever witnessed in recent history.
 
Here was Peter Mbah. He knew that in the build up to this election, seeds of discord were sowed. A chasm of dichotomy was created between Nkanu and Nsukka zones. Many made it look like Hon. Edoga was an Nsukka candidate. Some people in Nsukka are currently apprehensive as to what will become their fates now that their candidate has lost.
 
Mbah opened his mouth and let peace flow: "Let me restate that ours will not be a government of any section of Enugu State. It is your government, Ndi Enugu. Under our administration, there can never be division between Nsukka and Nkanu or any other section of the state. We are all brothers and sisters. Those who attempted to create a wedge between us failed woefully. We were massively voted by every section of the state. Those who wanted to smack our heads together had an ulterior motive and it was to create perpetual fussing and fighting between us. We resisted their machination and today, we are coming together stronger. Our resolve thereafter is to pursue the spirit of divisiveness from our state."
 
Dr. Mbah left no one in doubt as to where his regime is headed. In a 1,126-worded statement spread across 20 paragraphs, he mentioned Nsukka five record times as he reassured that they're integral part of his policy plans. The soothing balm was well massaged into the tissues.
 
He went ahead in paragraph 16 to reiterate his resolve to embrace all section of the state: "Ours shall not be an administration by a section of the state. We shall run an all-inclusive government designed to provide an inclusive economic development for our dear state."
 
Finally, he made another landmark remark — calling on his opponents (those he ran the race with) to join hands with him in pursuit of the Enugu project. "Let me, at this juncture, call on everyone to join me in this task of chiseling a great tomorrow from the rock of a despondent today. In the elections that we ran, we are all winners. No one is a victor, nor is anyone vanquished. The task at hand transcends emotions, politics and other mundane divides. It is why I extend my hands of fellowship to all my colleagues with whom I ran the gubernatorial election. Our dear Enugu State is greater than all of us. Let us come together and give our people a tomorrow that befits their hard-work, industry and ancestry of greatness."
 
After the address, not few Nsukka people hissed a sigh of relief, saying in native parlance: "uso okpeye dr' gē isì ye" (may he match his words with action). First step is to make an endearing statement. The next is to live up to it.
 
May daylight spare us!
 

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I had expected the Obidient movement to abandon its punitive expedition after the elections and evolve into an ideological pressure group – a worthy opposition. But the movement is still anything but ideological and civil. It has become more brutish, more desperate, nastier, and feral. The Obidient movement is shaping up to be a gaggle of insurrectionists.

For all intents and purposes, the movement seems to be gearing up to make the country ungovernable.

Diligent and disciplined opposition is essential for democracy. In fact, there is no democracy, if there is no educated opposition. No government is short of opposition. In a democracy, the residence of an animated opposition signals the buoyancy of the system. Where there is democracy, there is opposition. Opposition is the mitochondrion of a republican system – it keeps the government on the mill working according to purpose.

But one thing that drives genuine oppositions and that should be the nucleus of every group is national interest. National interest and security should dictate the terms of engagement of any movement.

Any movement not guided by the national interest is a threat to the security of all Nigerians. The Obidient movement appears unconcerned about the deleterious effects of its methods on national security and the national psyche. I fear that some members of the proscribed group, IPOB, may be within the commanding heights of the movement.

The resort to malicious falsehood, threats of violence and violence on those who differ betokens a grimier trajectory. The Obidient movement may just be the political platform for those waging a war against Nigeria by other means.

The movement’s methods are worsening the already deteriorating relationship among Nigerians of different ethnic backgrounds. This is how inter-ethnic dissension is born. There is the assumption that it is the Igbo against the Yoruba or the Yoruba against the Igbo, but this is not true. It is ‘’Obidients’’ against the rest of Nigeria.

The Obidient movement does not represent the Igbo. Let me make that very clear. It is peopled by a melange of persons who pursue the illusory ambition of one man. They are powered by the ambition of one man, and not the interest of any ethnic group. It is important Nigerians situate the present confusion within this context. The Obidient movement does not represent any ethnic group.

Political actors and lovers of Nigeria must wade in with their voices and actions to tame this babel. Nigeria is on a slippery slope. This is not a time for politics, but a time for statesmen and stateswomen to rise and defend the country against internecine strife. National interest and security should govern public comments at this time.

We must put the peace and security of this nation first.

I have no doubt that we will come out stronger as a nation. From chaos comes change. Nigeria will always triumph – over the pestilence of the night; the darkness of Edom, principalities, and powers; snakes and scorpions. Nigeria has survived pestilence, riots and unimaginable chaos that split countries. It is still going.

But why does Nigeria always win – in the end? It is because you, me, they, them, we, us. It is because of all of us who despite our dissatisfaction with the system, come together to steady the ship and steer it aright against the blizzards and tempests.

It is because of you who despite your financial challenges refuse to compromise the public purse; refuse to steal public funds or cut corners; it is because of you who decline to take bribes to get jobs done; it is because of you who against personal trials and tribulations refuse to join the choir of the scoffers who do not see anything good in the country and who will neither make an effort nor contribute a mite to its progress. It is because of all of you who do not give up but stand to fight for the country.

When I say ‘One Nigeria’ I do not deny the very obvious threats to our unity. I do not live in denial of the chasm keeping us apart, but I believe in that uncommon facility of Nigerians to close this gap and work together for the common good. When it comes down to it, Nigerians are their brother’s keeper. We have seen this rare quality in display all the time.

One Nigeria’ is not a political placebo; it does not mean the absence of conflict or a denial of the present realities; it is a term that should evoke hope and promise for us all.

To me, Nigeria means hope and promise of a greater now and future; it means resilience and courage to rise from dust and nothing; it means purpose in disarray, unity in diversity, brotherhood in divergence and love even in dangerous times.

Politics, they say, is a dirty game. In Nigeria, it is far worse than that. It is a criminal enterprise. For those hoping that it will get better next time, perish the thought. It can only get worse. And this is not wishing the country bad. It is a statement of fact. Nigeria’s democracy is dead, killed under Buhari’s watch, with Mahmoud Yakubu as the undertaker.

On March 18, 2023, some Nigerians, incurable optimists I must say, still went out to cast their votes in the governorship and Houses of Assembly elections after the presidential and National Assembly elections fiasco of February 25; believing that Nigeria is still redeemable.

Well, I am not one of them. I used to be sanguine as well before the presidential election, having been taken in by President Muhammadu Buhari’s promise of bequeathing the country a legacy of credible elections. The chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof Mahmoud Yakubu, was a real charmer who totally took me in in the days leading up to the elections.

But the deliberate effort by INEC to sabotage the elections convinced me that we are dealing with hardened persons to whom integrity means nothing.

I made up my mind that going out on March 18 to vote in the governorship election would be tantamount to legitimising a horrendous scam.

In this column on March 2, I stated how disappointed I was in Yakubu and INEC and vowed never to allow myself to be fooled again.

“For too long, I had hoped that Nigeria would ultimately get it right despite the serial disappointments from leaders who continue to treat the citizens most contemptuously,” I wrote penultimate Thursday.

“But this electoral heist, the worst since the return of democracy in 1999, is the axiomatic last straw that broke the camel’s back. Many Nigerian politicians are not prepared for democracy and trooping out every four years in the name of elections is tantamount to legitimising their shenanigans. The ballot I cast on February 25, 2023, will be the last time I will ever do so in this country.”

Many well-meaning Nigerians called to say that while they shared in my disappointment, boycotting the March 18 poll would be counter-productive. Apparently they didn’t see what I saw.

For me, the point at issue is total state capture. Every institution of state – the police, military, banks, media, civil society, and judiciary – has been suborned by the ruthless desperados masquerading as political leaders.

So, try as hard as we may, dislodging them through the ballot box is mission impossible. That was exactly what happened on February 25. Long-suffering Nigerians, determined to change the forlorn trajectory of their beloved country voted to supplant the old order. But INEC betrayed their trust by superintending over Nigeria’s worst election in this technological age.

I had a very interesting argument with a friend who insisted that despite my reservations about the outcome of the February 25 elections, significant progress had been made. For him, Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party, carrying the day in 12 states, including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Abuja, was an incredible feat. I agree. It was revolutionary.

 

He also believes as I do that Obi won the election outright. But I don’t share in his optimism that the Supreme Court will do the needful and upturn Mahmoud Yakubu’s false declaration of a supposed president-elect.

Besides, he also believes that even if the Supreme Court disappoints, having tasted blood, literally, Nigerian youths are only one election away from wrestling power from those that have held the country hostage for so long.

Again, I disagree. And my point is simple: even with the few states that INEC grudgingly conceded to Obi in a contest he won outright, considering what happened on February 25, there is absolutely no reason to be hopeful.

Those who purloined the people’s mandate are busy taunting the victims of their heist to go to court because they know that Nigerian courts are incapable of delivering justice, at least not in this matter.

Already, the Supreme Court Justices have an alibi as Dr Chidi Amuta poignantly explained in his article in TheNiche, titled “Nigeria expects.”

“If a verdict in a political matter serves the end of justice but is likely to produce dangerous political consequences, every Supreme Court whether in Washington or Abuja will rule on the side of order and political expediency. The ready argument is always that it is better to deliver a judgment that maintains the status quo of law and order instead of one that will overturn the polity, send the society into tumultuous anarchy and erase the nation.

“You must have a nation before you have right and wrong, good and bad judgments and heroic judges. It is wiser to save the nation so that even the just man who loses a case today has a country in which to try his luck next time. There needs to be a ‘next time’ first before a Supreme Court is applauded!”

But the flip side of Dr Amuta’s position is that when considerations for law, order and political expediency trump social justice, the Pyrrhic victory will not guarantee stability whether in the short or long run.

Besides, what happened on March 18 shows that there is no “next time” because even if the courts annul the election and order for a fresh presidential poll, Obi, this time, will not win even one state, not because Nigerians will not vote for him as they did on February 25, but because the garrison commanders, embarrassed by what happened, will ensure there is no repeat performance even if it means stopping the people from getting close to any polling booth.

And that was exactly what happened on March 18. Our “democracy” has degenerated to the level where town criers go around warning those not prepared to vote for a particular political party to stay home. And the people, aware that the Nigerian state, working in cahoots with the political terrorists will offer them no protection, obeyed and stayed home.

The few who dared to come out were brutalised. Some never survived to tell their stories. As I write, those who orchestrated the mayhem, captured on camera are walking the streets, taunting their victims to do their worst.

Those who hoped that the indefatigable youths – the Obidients – will consolidate on their “achievements” in the February 25 elections on March 18 were grossly disappointed. But I wasn’t. And I doubt if the European Union Election Observer Mission (EU EOM) was disappointed because in its preliminary observation report for the March 18 governorship elections, the group said the process lacked transparency.

“Throughout the mission we saw that Nigerians have a great appetite for democracy and are keen to engage in various civic activities,” the EU-EOM Chief Observer, Barry Andrews, said.

“However, in many parts of the country, their expectations were not met. Many were disappointed and we witnessed voter apathy that is in part a clear consequence of failures by political elites and, unfortunately, also by INEC.”

 

The mission said its findings revealed that there were multiple incidents of thuggery and intimidation of voters, polling officials, observers, and journalists, disrupting the process in some parts of the country.

That is the sad reality of Nigeria’s “demonstration of craze” – apologies to the Afrobeat legend Fela Anikulapo-Kuti.

Truth be told, the 2023 elections, which offered Nigerians the best opportunity to get it right democratically, has been tragically, albeit typically bungled, turning the promise of a glorious celebration of democratic ethos into a funeral dirge.

Now after profiling, threatening, maiming, killing and destroying the means of livelihood of their bête noire for no crime other than exercising their franchise, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the man on whose behalf, perhaps instigation, all these atrocities were and are still being committed is talking about healing even as Bayo Onanuga, his spokesperson, is busy with vile, incendiary tweets warning Ndigbo in Lagos against “interfering” in politics in their own country.

Politics, they say, is a dirty game. In Nigeria, it is far worse than that. It is a criminal enterprise. For those hoping that it will get better next time, perish the thought. It can only get worse. And this is not wishing the country bad. It is a statement of fact. Nigeria’s democracy is dead, killed under Buhari’s watch, with Mahmoud Yakubu as the undertaker.

 

 
 
 

Adamu: A man who rigs his way to power carries a moral burden!

Orezime: A moral what?

Adamu: You heard me, didn’t you?

Orezime: I’m not sure I heard you right. Moral what you said?

Adamu: A moral burden, I said!

Orezime: Hahahahahahaha! You make me laugh! Are you from the moon?

Gani: Or Mars?

Emeka: In which country? In Nigeria? That principle does not apply in Nigeria! There is no moral burden on anybody in this country! The election which produced Bubu in 2015 was rigged. Where are the two million voters from Kano State who voted in 2015? Was an INEC official not burnt alive after that election? The one which brought Obj to power was also rigged by the forces which wanted him to ease the tension of the Abiola tragedy on the Yoruba people. Yet those men had the temerity to preach against corruption!

Orezime: The international community winked at the whole exercise.

Gani: Yes! That’s why those two could only preach; they couldn’t really act decisively. A moral burden? Thye spoke from both sides of their mouths on the issue of corruption. Late President Yar Adua confessed that the election which produced him was compromised. An honest man, he didn’t live long enough to right the wrong of the period!

Orezime: That’s why I laughed when Adamu talked about a moral burden arising from rigged elections.

Bankole: In the ideal world, any power that is stolen and acquired through a dubious means imposes a moral burden on the power holder. No matter what the person does, that power remains stained.

 

Orezime: What does that amount to in our country? Even the brigands who shot their way to power in the notorious days of military misadventure in Nigeria soon became legitimate.

Emeka: You are going too far in our history. See what happened in Lagos State in the governorship elections of March 18. Ethnic jingoists went about preaching hatred against Igbo people and warned them against coming out to exercise their constitutional rights. Security officials looked the other way when ballot boxes were snatched in broad daylight in places where the opposition was leading.

Gani: A serving state governor personally went about snatching ballot boxes and threatened to shoot whoever got in his way. The same governor declared somebody wanted without recourse to the Inspector General of Police! He worked against the party on which platform he won the seat to spite the party hierarchy!

Adamu: And to think that this is the President-elect’s state. He kept mute through the horrendous attacks on Igbo people in Lagos State just the way the incumbent president has looked the other way when herdsmen went on the loose!

Bankole: Rigged elections are so familiar yet notorious in our land. It was the main trigger to the crisis in the Western Region in the First Republic because the people reacted when they saw a rape of their rights and wishes! It soon snowballed into a conflagration that consumed the nation in the late 1960s. Already, the youths are talking about a protest in the ENDSARSNOW# manner. I hope it doesn’t result in disaster. We have lost too many lives already!

Orezime: What I fear is the rise of ethnic profiling in a supposedly democratic society. To be sure, Governor Sanwo-Olu and the party hierarchy did not single out any ethnic group for verbal attacks. They even courted them. Yet they didn’t caution their followers to stop the degeneration into ethnic hatred. It is a dangerous curve what is happening in Lagos. I don’t subscribe to the Lagos is no man’s land nonsense which some misguided fellows are spewing, but threatening anybody not to vote their candidate is a new low! Can a Sanwo-Olu victory be said to be legitimate if a significant percentage of the electorate is disenfranchised?

Emeka: Good question. They did not stop there. They rolled out the culturally dreaded Oro rituals on election night. Come on! Who is fooling who? The Oro festival was designed to drive fear into non-Yoruba in Lagos. In the 21st Century?

Gani: I am sure the reports from election observers will be damning.

Bankole: I don’t care about those biased observers.

Adamu: Where are we headed in this country?

Orezime: We are on the road to Kigali!

Bankole: May we not travel that route!

Orezime: It’s a good prayer. But what are we doing to avoid the descent into anarchy? Nothing. Those monkeys are simply interested in acquiring power.

Gani: The Obedient Movement seems to have lost steam once it was misbranded as an ethnic agenda to grab power at the national level. Peter Obi needs to tread carefully so he doesn’t become another June 12! Some people are egging him on to challenge INEC through protests.

 

Orezime: If he decides to lead a protest, it would be within his constitutional right to do so, especially as INEC is stalling on the issue of inspecting elections materials despite an order from the courts. Peaceful protests are guaranteed by the Constitution.

Adamu: No one can be sure whether a peaceful protest will remain peaceful after it starts. That’s the experience the ENDSARS people had.

Gani: It’s not enough to stop people from taking to the streets. Protests are fundamental to democracy.

Adamu: We do not want dead heroes! Mark my words.

Bankole: That’s ominous!

Emeka: It means nothing. Nigeria must change. We cannot go on like this forever! Things are just going down. No cash. No fuel. No power supply. No security. No nothing.  Peter Obi gave a glimmer of hope. Now that has been dashed to the ground.

Adamu: Rigging will remain a moral burden each time our President-elect travels outside the country, each time he meets foreign observers, especially those ones who have a dossier on him. History will also judge him and assess how he came to power. This applies to all the states as well where some politicians have turned themselves into demigods and have compromised poor INEC officials with mouthwatering sums. This is not how to build a democracy. The votes must be counted and must count. Seventeen people have their lives during the governorship and House of Assembly elections. We are supposed to count ballot papers, not bodies. Sad!

Bankole: The moral burden of rigged elections is on all of us. Without our connivance there would be no rigging. We can only hope that this will end some day!

Emeka: Tough luck!

THE International Criminal Court, ICC, on March 17, 2023 added a comic dimension to the tragic war in Ukraine by issuing warrants of arrest for Russian President Vladimir Putin and Commissioner for Children’s Rights, Maria Lvova-Belova. The ICC, a body notorious for the persecution of people in the bad books of the European Union, EU, and its allies, is accusing Putin of “unlawful deportation of population…from occupied areas of Ukraine to the Russian Federation”.

 

It claims that: “There are reasonable grounds to believe that Mr. Putin bears individual criminal responsibility for the aforementioned crimes (and) for his failure to exercise control properly over civilian and military subordinates who committed the acts, or allowed for their commission…”. The ‘court’ is also accusing 39-year-old Ms Lvova-Belova of the same alleged crimes. The ICC also said “there are reasonable grounds to believe that each suspect bears responsibility for the war crime of unlawful deportation of population…from occupied areas of Ukraine to the Russian Federation, in prejudice of Ukrainian children”. 

The ICC warrants do not disclose what it means by deportation of population. Does it refer to the Prisoners of War or the hordes of mercenaries Russia captured and moved to its territories? Or is it populations of Russian-speaking Ukrainians who were evacuated from war zones just like those moved or evacuated from Ukraine to neigbouring countries like Poland? Can Ukrainian President  Zelensky be accused of deportation of populations to other European countries? 

These are in the realms of speculation, but what is not speculative is that asking countries around the world to arrest the Russian President is a sick joke. Any country that tries it can be annihilated; it would be the same as arresting a sitting United States President. These countries are not superpowers for nothing. So, the ICC’s quixotic moves can only be in the service of its EU owners.

I must, however, say that this is a new low for the ICC whose speciality is the arrest and persecution of African leaders who refuse to toe the path set for them by the West. The war in Ukraine is one that pitches Russia against the EU and the latter owns the ICC. Since its 2002 establishment, the EU has been responsible for 63 per cent of all ICC funds. In 2009, for instance, just five members of the EU: Spain, Germany, France, Italy and the United Kingdom, UK, paid 44 per cent of the ICC budget. In 2020, the main funders of the ICC were Germany, France, Japan, and the United Kingdom.

So the ICC jumps when the EU asks it to do so; the only question it would ask is: ‘How high boss?’ Therefore, the ICC has neither independence nor self-esteem, and certainly does not command the respect even of its owners. Let me give an example. When the ICC in 2021 strayed into investigating Israel for its on-going genocide against the Palestinian people, its sustained murder of civilians, including children, and the continuous theft of Palestinian land, then UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson firmly told the ICC to back off as it was exceeding its bounds. Although the ICC probe also covered rockets fired by Hamas and other Palestinian groups into Israel,  the British Prime Minister in a letter declared that: “This investigation gives the impression of being a partial and prejudicial attack on a friend and ally of the UK.” 

Apart from the EU and some of its allies like Japan, plus the horde of African countries pressured by the EU to join the ICC, no self-respecting country has joined;  not China, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Iraq, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt, Iran, Israel, Russia, Sudan, Syria; not even the US  whose allies built the contraption. In fact, the US which has gone to war almost non-stop for two centuries and has most military bases in the world, would not allow even murderous  American mercenaries like those of Blackwater, to be tried outside its own courts.  

The same 2002 the ICC was born, the US Congress in warning it against investigating its war crimes across the globe, including places like Afghanistan and Iraq, passed the American Service-Members’ Protection Act. The Act banned financial assistance to any member country of the ICC which may want to hand over US personnel.  The law also authorised the US to use force to free any American that may be held by the ICC. The Americans went on to force dozens of countries to sign bilateral agreements not to handover over any American to the ICC. To counter the ICC’s joke, the Russia Investigative Committee countered with its own symbolic investigation of the ICC prosecutor and judges who issued the warrants of arrest. It said neither Putin nor Lova-Belova were criminally liable and that Heads of State in the world enjoy absolute immunity under a 1973 UN Convention. 

Almost all cases brought to the ICC concern Africans and their then-sitting Presidents like Omar al-Bashir of Sudan, Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya and his then Vice President (now President) William Ruto, and Laurent Gbagbo of Cote d’ Ivoire. President Gbagbo’s case is illustrative of the way the ICC functions. There was an electoral dispute between Gbagbo and opposition leader Alhassan Quatara with each claiming to have won the elections. The latter’s rebel army with the backing of French and United Nations troops, marched on the Presidential Palace on April 11, 2011 and captured Gbagbo who became a Prisoner of War. But he was not treated as such neither was he accorded his right to be tried in his country. Rather, the foreign troops contrary to UN protocols on a President’s diplomatic immunity, bundled Gbagbo out of his country and deposited him in an ICC  jail for five years without trial while his rival was installed as the country’s President. He was subsequently subjected to a charade in the guise of judicial trial and after another three years, declared innocent. 

The ICC was simply used by the EU to remove an uncooperative African president, and after incarcerating him for eight years, set him free while his rival was in power in Cote d’ Ivoire doing the wishes of the Europeans, including subverting Africa’s move for a common West Africa currency. Even after he was declared innocent, the Europeans still prevented Gbagbo from returning home until their stooge was ready to cage him. The African Union, AU, realising that the ICC is primarily an instrument of neo-colonialism, on January 31, 2017 asked the 34 African countries who signed up to the ICC to make a collective withdrawal. Lives are being needlessly lost in Ukraine, what the world needs is a negotiated peace settlement not a clownish performance by an howling lapdog.

Nigeria is a frail, imperfect patchwork of disparate nations that is perpetually on the brink of implosion on account of political and identitarian stressors. The past presidential election dramatizes the abiding fragility of Nigeria and the imperative to tweak our democratic practices in response to this fact.

When most people vote, they don’t vote as individuals. They don’t even vote as people. They often vote as members of a collective identity. I am not saying that this is the case for every voter. There are certainly exceptions. But it is the case that voting behaviors are often patterned along notions of the interests of collective identities.

This isn’t, by any means, unique to Nigeria. It’s a feature of all modern representative democracies, including in the United States, which sees itself, and is seen by others, as the patron saint of democracy. 

Here in the United States, political parties have devolved into more or less inflexible tribal groupings where merit is the last thing people consider when voting for political candidates. Identity is the most salient consideration in voting decisions.

 In states where Republicans dominate, as I pointed out last week, literal dogs that run as Republicans have 100 percent higher chances of being elected to political positions than the smartest Democratic candidates. The reverse is also true of states dominated by Democrats. Exceptions can be found in so-called battle-ground states where Democratic and Republican candidates have equal chances of winning statewide electoral contests. Such states are just a handful of America’s 50 states, typically no more than 10 in a generation.

In Nigeria, the embeddedness of identity in electoral politics is complicated by the fact that our political divisions are formed around invariable attributes such as ethnicity and near invariable categories such as religion. A Democrat can change to a Republican, but an Ijaw man, for example, can’t change to a Berom man. Even if he does culturally, linguistically, and by reason of geographic presence, he will always be reminded of his “outsider” ancestral origins by people who consider themselves “indigenes.” We have seen examples of that this year even in ethnically homogenous states, particularly in the South where ethnic identity tends to be stronger than religious identity.

This fixity of our identity categories makes political rivalries built around them intensely emotional and prone to rhetorical and physical violence. In democracy, sadly, the end justifies the means. The end is to win elections and the means is often to mobilize the sentiments of collective identities in a certain direction.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu chose a northern Muslim running mate even though he is also a Muslim not because he hates Christians (his wife is a pastor, and all his children are Christians) but because it was the surest means to actualize his end. He had a choice between doing the “right” thing and “losing” and doing the “wrong” thing and “winning.” Like all politicians, he chose the option that came with “winning.”

 In the Southwest, moreover, he galvanized the support of people, irrespective of religious affiliation, by appealing to the common ethnic origins he shares with the people there. Meanwhile, among northern Muslims, he played up his Muslim identity to achieve identification with that voting bloc.

Atiku Abubakar tried to blunt Tinubu’s northern Muslim appeal by calling attention to the common ethnic and regional identity he shares with northern voters. His electoral battle cry in the North was “naka sai naka,” which translates as “yours is yours.” That’s a direct challenge to Tinubu who, although a Muslim, isn’t a northerner. This is in spite of Atiku’s reputation as a tolerant, broadminded, cosmopolitan politician who isn’t beholden to narrow ethnic, regional, and religious loyalties.  

In the South, meanwhile, Atiku sought to appeal to the emotions of the people of the Southeast by saying he has always been an unwavering friend of theirs and that he is the surest and shortest path to an Igbo presidency. Every single running mate he has had since he started running for president, he pointed out, has been an Igbo man, even if his latest running mate, Ifeanyichukwu Okowa, is a Midwestern Igbo whose people have historically disavowed affiliation with Southeastern Igbos.

 Peter Obi, for his part, cashed in on the Muslim identities of Tinubu and Atiku to rally Nigerian Christians to vote for him. In perceptual terms, he started off as an Igbo candidate who took advantage of the justified sentiment that an Igbo person has never been elected president. He later expanded his electoral base to become the southern Christian candidate. He ultimately emerged and campaigned as the all-Nigerian Christian candidate and abandoned attempts to transcend this confine because he knew he didn’t stand a chance against Tinubu and Atiku outside this.

Right from the demographic profiles of the people who constituted his presidential campaign council to his hopping from church to church in search of votes (even going so far as to say to Taraba Christian leaders, “Please church, wake up, take back your country”), to isolating Christian communities in predominantly Muslim Northern states for targeted campaigns and even making his post-election legal team an all-Christian and mostly Igbo affair, he has left no one in doubt that he is riding on the crest of the wave of Christian resentment against the two major political parties, on one of whose platforms he was a running mate in 2019 and a short-lived presidential contender in 2022, for fielding Muslims as their candidates.  

Yet, Obi may well be a secular person who isn’t wedded to religion, but he needed to mobilize the Christian vote because it was his only way to have a fighting chance.

This sort of divisiveness isn’t healthy or sustainable for a fractious, fissiparous country like Nigeria. That is why we need to constitutionalize power rotation between regions. We need to avoid a repeat of what happened this year where collective identities squared off against each other and raised the national emotional temperature to fever pitch. Its cost to national cohesion isn’t worth the trouble.

Given our peculiarities, systematizing power rotation between the regions at national, state, and local levels is the way to go. I know this will be resisted by politicians who will see this suggestion as the indefinite deferment of their political aspirations, but it’s the best way to ensure tranquil co-existence.

The constitution should draw up a schedule of power rotation so that every region and subregion of the country will have a chance to be president, vice president, governor, deputy governor, member of the House of Representatives, senator, house of assembly member, and local government chairman. All registered political parties should be required to nominate their candidates (and running mates in the case of presidential and governorship elections) from one region for eight years after which another region will have a shot.

This will eliminate ethnoreligious tension and promote merit in leadership selection. If all the presidential contenders in 2023 were, by law, from the Southeast and their running mates were from the Northeast, for instance, appeals to religious and ethnic solidarity would be pointless. Voters would focus on the pedigree and programs of candidates, and only the best from the regions that are scheduled to produce candidates would emerge since no one can mobilize the emotions of collective identities to win elections.

Abia State is one of the few in Nigeria whose contradictions are quite self-evident. It is an oil producing State. Aba, its big city is not only the commercial nerve centre of the east but a potentially huge money spinner in revenue terms. Mineral resources like gas, kaolin lead, limestone etc.  abound in commercial quantities in different parts of the state.  It also has huge fertile land resources. Above all, it has a high concentration of entrepreneurs, skilled and semi-skilled human resources.

 

Abia State has all the potentials to be a developed and model state in the country, yet the reverse is rather the case. Aba its commercial city is rated as the least developed city in Nigeria. Umuahia the state capital is often referred to as a glorified village on account of absence of basic infrastructure in the place. Most of its rural areas are characterised by dilapidated infrastructure.

The state ranks least in several development indices. The reason for such an ugly state of affairs is because Abia State government policy formulation and implementation have most often been characterised by a great deal of arbitrariness, inefficiency, lack of transparency, accountability and outright failure.  

Abians themselves are quite aware of their peculiar predicament and the most conscientious of their political elite has always struggled against it.

 

Abians often make a joke of the negative forces that have held their state down including the electoral malpractices that have always militated against their democratic choices by derisively referring to them as “Abia Demons”

The quest to defeat the ‘Abia demons’ have a long history. Some trace the origin to the quest by Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe’s “Otu Onu Movement” that sprouted during the 2003 gubernatorial elections while some others refer the origin of a change movement to the quest by Chief Onyema Ugochukwu during the governorship election of 2007.

However, there is a near consensus amongst the intellectual class, that the quest to defeat the Abia demons got a real boost when in 2014, one of its brilliant minds, Dr. Alex Otti, a first-class economist resigned his very lucrative job as the managing Director of Diamond Bank to lead the charge.

 

He had then reorganised the moribund state chapter of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) into a real fighting force. Otti, parading incredible academic and public sector credentials plus very high level of personal integrity did not have much difficulty convincing most Abians about his messianic message of liberating them from the iron grip of the ‘Abia demons’ that had over the years held them hostage.

Even though Abians voted massively for Otti’s APGA in the governorship election that held on Saturday 11th April 2015, some magic humongous figures suddenly sprouted up in three local government of Obingwa, Isiala Ngwa North and Isiala Ngwa South which were areas that both international and local observers held in their reports that elections did not hold.

On the basis of such reports, the returning officer for the election cancelled the magic results and was about declaring Otti as the winner when he was ordered to return the magic figures thereby enabling a PDP Win.

The matter became a subject of intense litigation and dragged up to Supreme Court where the learned Justices held that the card reader, which was the basis of the election was not backed by law.  Otti ever so determined tried his luck again in 2019 and the magic figures from the same local governments were yet his undoing in that 2019 gubernatorial election.

The ‘Abia Demons’ were still not done yet. Meanwhile as the demonic forces of electoral malpractices were on full ascent in the elections, which prevented the democratic choices from accessing political power, Abians watched helplessly as their state regressed in all indices of development.

They watched in consternation as their state became the object of rudicle amongst south easterners. They became bemused as the state debt profile, which ballooned in 2015 and kept piling up to the extent that it is estimated to be in the region of N150 billion as at date.

 

They watched helplessly at the mismanagement of the N27 billion world bank loan, secured to take care of the road and flood problems around Uratta road, Obohia road Porth Harcourt road, Ngwa road etc. Abians watched helplessly as the public sector workers went months after months without any prospect of having their emolument paid to them. The same was also the situation with the pensioners.

The situation was compounded with the first rains that came which saw the major cities of Aba and Umuahia being submerged by floods. These were the factors that induced a more determined quest by Abians led by Otti and his Labour Party to decisively defeat the “Abia Demons” this time around.

The situation was helped by the emergence of Peter Obi as the leader of the change agents in Nigeria

It also has to be noted that Otti with his Labour Party Partisans campaigned very hard in all the nooks and crannies of Abia State to the extent that his acceptability and prospect of winning the election was not in doubt

However, the “Abia Demons” as it relates to electoral malpractices were not yet done and were rather prepared for an overkill just like it happened in 2015 and 2019. The magic figures from Obingwa local Government again surfaced on Saturday march 18th gubernatorial elections, which was intended to cancel majority of the votes cast by Abians. As has been proven now, a figure of 9962 was fraudulently changed to 108,000 and with the help of thugs and other armed groups, the figure was successful uploaded into the INEC IREV Server. This must be the most scandalous malpractices ever recorded in the 2023 gubernatorial election. The ‘Abia Demons’ clearly wanted an overkill.

The orgy of wild celebrations witnessed in all the nook and crannies of Abia following the declaration of Otti as the winner of the Saturday 18th march 2023 governorship election goes to demonstrate the relief which the citizens felt over the defeat of the ‘Abia Demons’ as it relates to electoral malpractices.

 

It has to be noted though that only one part of the “Abia Demons”, the part dealing with electoral malpractices has been defeated. The other part which might even prove more resilient, which has to do with the maladministration and under development of the state, is still waiting and rearing for a fight.

Abians has over the years queued behind Otti’s Messianic message of liberation from the iron grip of the “Abia Demons” because of their conviction that he has the strength of character, brilliance and exposure to liberate them. So much has been given to him in his quest, so much will be expected of him. He cannot afford to fail. In this quest for good governance, he should be aware of the major albatross of his predecessors and that he is the company of all manner of scoundrels, sycophants and jobbers, the yes men.

The bad governance structure in the state has over the years produced large numbers of such people as an industry.

It is also good to note the congratulatory messages and pledges of not challenging the electoral outcome in court. It is a good omen for the state. Otti clearly needs all the good will he could garner in other to enable his government to take off well. Otti is clearly deserving of all the congratulatory messages he is receiving.

Nnanna, former Chairman,Arochukwu LGA is a Member of Otti Campaign Council

I shall reproduce in good measure something that was said here two years ago under the above title. The same thing was reemphasized in different words on the 5th day of March, 2019, thus: “A time comes in the life of a people when a conspiracy of circumstances heralds a new era. This usually happens when no one is expecting it; and also, when all principal actors are occupied with their private schemes. So did it happen in Obodo Mmehie, after decades of suffering and failed promises by various factions of the confiscators of the commonwealth. The suffering of the people and the total disregard for the principles of natural justice, equity and good conscience led to the coming of Ejindu, the Young Man of Valour.

Until Ejindu’s emergence, the people looked up to the self-recycling leadership elite for a radical transformation of their lives. They did not know that conflicts between the various factions of the consumption-driven leaders were always about power and privileges, rather than service. Watch them fight over portfolio allocation after electoral victories and you will be reminded of vampires scrambling over which of them would get the juicier bodies to suck blood from.”

 

The article in question continued thus: “The deafness of our leaders may yet cost them everything. Yes, everything! Ejindu will come upon any land where genuine morality has left and where the supposed custodians of the law are making cheerful displays of unlawful plunder. It is natural that an Ejindu visitation should dawn on any land that routinely condoned aggravated misconduct and undermined the people’s sense of the sacred. It is natural that there should be a comprehensive redemptive intervention when the high priests, leaders and titled men who are supposed to be the guardians of all sublime values of the community put their imprimatur on profanity everywhere – and with impunity.

The dawn of the new era in Obodo Mmehie began one day with an innocuous incident in the Village Square during a New Yam Festival. A gangling old man who had witnessed the decay in the land muttered to himself in disgust: “Should decent people always step back just because the depraved are without compunction? Apparently there is no young man in this village who can say ‘Eji ndu eme gini’ and put an end to this nonsense.

 

Beside him was a tall young man, named Eji Ndu Eme Gini, who turned to stare at the old man in surprise. But the latter took no notice of him at all, as he got up and found his way out of the Village Square. Perplexed, the young man later narrated his strange encounter in the Village Square to his grandfather and asked the old man the meaning and implication of his name.

His grandfather replied: “The words in your name cannot be easily explained, translated or interpreted, my son. Your name actually asks the question: ‘Of what value is one’s life if it is not spent in the service of what is good? This name is for people who easily act out of conviction and concern for truth and justice, because they want what is right. Such people will always find it difficult to live for nothing, or keep quiet while the land rots.

“How could things be made right again in this village?” was the only thought in Ejindu’s head afterwards.He recalled how the elders used to be the living symbols of the tradition, law, values and pristine wisdom of the land. But he could now see that these Standard Bearers of right and wrong for the community had embraced the profane. The women and the maidens who once embodied flawless grace and womanly dignity had become something for which he could not yet find a name. The young men and the children who were once very diligent and industrious had become the victims of an older generation that glorified distribution and consumption. Neighbouring villages no longer admired and respected their village. The fertile lands and lush vegetation were still there, but the human beings in Obodo Mmehie had made the community bad.

 

But no one seemed to know, or was willing to admit, the source of the problem plaguing the now-sick land. The young ones blamed the elders, while the elders blamed the titled men. The titled men, in turn, said it was the fault of the kingmakers who made a wrong choice. Not to be outdone, the kingmakers declared that it was the fault of the King, who would not listen to anyone. So misery, despondency and weariness of the spirit soaked the land through and through. It was horrible, because people who could not lead, advise, nor admonish, anyone were in charge everywhere.

Desire for cheap and immediate material rewards was the focus. The few good ones among them lost their voice after repeated unsuccessful attempts to show the way. Others had their voices strangulated by the favours they had received, and continued to receive, from various quarters. Thus did the leaders cease to be the Standard Bearers for right and wrong for the people in Obodo Nmehie.

Ejindu was angry at first. Then his anger changed into the desire to eliminate everything that stood in the way to a better society. That led him to develop a plan by means of which he would disrupt the alliance of a questionable elite that was the root of all the problems. So, he sought out other like-minded people. Behold the Handmade of Providence had come!

Ejindu planned, held meetings, consulted and created a small team with a strong moral backbone. All the while he was also sharpening his Obejili, with calm dignity. Finally, he decided that it was time to strike. The precipitating circumstance was the selection of new members for the Council of Elders, shortly before a New Yam Festival. Ejindu came to the Village Square with his Obejili and struck one telling blow.

And what a blow it was! There was a mythical story in the village about Ejindu’s Obejili: that if he struck the air with his machete, the air on both sides of the dreaded Obejili would stand still for minutes before coming together again! What a machete! What a swordsman!

 

Many false priests, servants of fake oracles, elders without pedigree, reprobate leaders and their collaborators were sort out wherever they were and struck. Obodo Mmehie witnessed a great cleansing, after which Ejindu summoned the people. 

As he stood before them, he remembered a story his father once told him about a great seer who once warned a new king of their village thus: “Your new position was given to you so that you would grow into it with the help of many gifted people in this village. You are not to be guided by only your own ideas, because the people are to learn and grow with you to a new form of responsible leadership that uses diversity to strengthen itself. That is why you are their King today.” The same seer also said to the people: “The gods have given all heads of households the duty to protect legacies and guide the unwary. Responsible farmers and householders do not eat, or ruin, the seed yams meant for the next planting season. Elders and leaders who mislead the people are like householders who are eating the seed yams of the next planting season. They are like springs bringing out dirty water and progressively poisoning the entire community. The gods would want such leaders to change – or be visited with their wrath.”

With this at the back of his mind, Ejindu began to address every segment of the community. First, he spoke to the women and pointed out how they could have been more effective as custodians of value. He asked them whether any man would continuously bring home stolen goods, if his wife constantly raised the necessary queries. He even blamed them for allowing their husbands to travel so far on the wrong road that turning back became difficult, and even impossible, for many of them. He then turned to the men and showed them how most of them had become incapable of clear thinking, because they only kept bad company; and had become too stiff-necked to take the genuine concerns of some of the women seriously.

 

He did not spare the elders, leaders and priest of various shrines and proprietors of oracular pronouncements who survived the cleansing. To them he said: “Most of you now look cheap and ridiculous because your kind betrayed the people entrusted to them and wrongly humoured evil. You failed to stand up for truth, natural justice, equity and good conscience. Look at you today. Would anyone in your position have died of hunger or thirst if you did not get any of the gifts and favours that cheapened and scandalized you before the people? The misfortunes of many of you are only just beginning, because you are primarily responsible for the evil in the land today.

Not quite done with them, Ejindu thundered further: “Have you asked yourselves why many people can now look the elders, leaders, priests and titled men in the face and say: “Do not push us around, after all several of you were drunk yesterday and the day before.” Can you still guide, control, frighten or rebuke anyone by asking, ‘Do you want the custodians of value to hear about your behaviour?’

Then Ejindu paused. Looking into the far distance, but at nothing in particular, he continued: “Should I be the one to tell you that it takes maturity, a broad and free spirit to lead others? Should a sensible cassava farmer not know that a cassava tuber that was harvested prematurely and left in the village stream to ferment would lose its sap in the water and become a tasteless pulp, after losing its essence? Chaff would be left of the cassava and those waiting to eat from it would go hungry; making the cassava and the people joint losers. Do we not all know that the Ijele, that great embodiment of the highest of all that is noble and royal, doe not dance for money; or lend itself to cheap approbation in narrow and recondite neighbourhoods? Should leadership be defined by reprobate self-presentation? Should ignorance be granted a faculty building and declared a School of Thought in a citadel of learning? Mbanu! No!

Coming back to the present, after the last elections and before the one taking place today, we must realise that there’s an ongoing national political education and maturation process. An awakening about informed decision-making is afoot. The owners of Nigeria, the people, will matter henceforth. The unmitigated myopia and selfishness of a misguided elite will be its may soon stand forth as the undoing. The wrongs to be righted by the religious, traditional and political leaders are still being papered over. Ejindu will be a symbol. A symbol of the new, the vaues of rebirth, the values of sustainable nationhood and of humanity. The Ejindu principle will find anchorage individuals – but most especially in an increasing number of people who opt for new values.