Jesus wept three times in the Bible. One was at the death of Lazarus. Jesus showed his displeasure with death as a heritage that came from the failure of Adam and Eve on their mission on Earth. Jesus also wept at the inability of us, His creation, to believe Him and avoid dying in sin. Poor Jesus. He must have overestimated what we could do. The third time Jesus wept was when He pictured the destruction that would befall Jerusalem on judgment day for again failing to live up to Jesus’ expectations.

Since then, Jesus has not wept again despite humanity’s continuing misbehaviour since He left. Jesus has not wept since because of His hope in scientists’ work in opening up the heavens one layer after another.

On October 14, 2024, while you were sleeping, NASA launched the Europa Clipper mission from the Kennedy Space Center in Florida. It is going to land on one of Jupiter’s moons called Europa. This moon has an ocean on it. The spacecraft will travel 1.8 billion miles for six years and arrive in 2030. The implications will be momentous if the spacecraft finds life on Jupiter’s moon, Europa. You might as well say, “It’s finished.”

For those who may not know it, Jupiter is one of the planets in our solar system. Galileo Galilei spotted Europa as a dot in 1609 with his ancient telescope. Together with seven others around our sun, they orbit the Milky Way galaxy’s center once every 210 million years. And they travel at the speed of 240km/second. We don’t feel it move because it travels at the same constant velocity. It is the same thing with the aircraft. Even though an aircraft travels about 460 to 575 miles per hour, those inside mostly do not feel it is moving.

This $5.2 billion mission to Jupiter to check out its ice-encrusted moon is at the heart of a renewed search for life outside the Earth. The ocean on Europa holds more water than all the oceans on Earth combined. Scientists hope to find biological ingredients inside the ocean that have existed for billions of years.

When scientists work hard to go to our moon or Mars, we think of visiting a place inhabited by some life forms billions of years ago. However, visiting Europa might take us to a spot currently occupied by life.

Meanwhile, scientists have uncovered lava tubes under the surface of our moon. It is now being studied as a place to build infrastructure where astronauts can live.

On Mars, scientists have used seismic data collected from many Mars probes to determine that underground water exists inside rocks found 7–13 miles below Mars’ surface. While it may be challenging to drill that far on Mars, it gives hope that one day, we may travel to Mars and make a home on the red planet.

As you read this, a 2020 rover called Perseverance that landed on the surface of Mars has collected over two dozen rock samples in an airtight titanium tube. According to NPR, NASA is working with the European Space Agency to retrieve the rock samples and bring them to Earth for more studies. An earlier plan would cost over $11 billion and not happen until the 2040s. NASA is considering two new and cheaper plans to return the samples before 2039.

Scientists are salivating about possible geological and biological treasures these rocks from Mars will have. They can explain the history of Mars that we do not know and evolving life on the planet. Unlike Martian meteorites, which sometimes land on Earth, these rocks will be pristine, unaltered by their long space journey and atmospheric entry.

Besides the technical challenge of retrieving the rocks and bringing them to Earth, there are concerns the rocks could bring in particles that may contaminate the Earth.

If NASA and their European allies delay, China is pursuing its mission to retrieve rocks from Mars.

The race is on. But that is not the only race going on.

In 2005, Mike E. Brown “killed” Pluto. I hope you heard the news.

Based on the studies by Brown, an astronomer and a professor of planetary astronomy at the California Institute of Technology, the International Astronomical Union in 2006 demoted Pluto from planet status to dwarf planet. Pluto failed to meet one of three criteria that make an object a planet. While it is orbiting the sun and is spherical, it is not large enough to ensure that other objects of a similar size are not in its orbit.

Since then, scientists have been searching for a replacement for Pluto. They suspect one orbiting at the edge of our solar system. They believe this because something is distorting the paths of smaller objects somewhere there. It is something that planets do. They have determined that whatever is doing it is about five to ten times the mass of the Earth, but smaller than Neptune. A new telescope to be launched soon is promising to find this planet. It is called the Vera C. Rubin Observatory in Chile. The telescope’s strength is unmatched, capable of discovering countless new objects, potentially including the elusive 9th planet.

Mike Brown, the man who “killed” Pluto, is hoping to be the person who finds it.

In biological studies, scientists recently discovered a 520-million-year-old worm lava with its brain and guts intact. Evolutionary biologists are celebrating because of all the possibilities they can deduce from this rare ancient find. They are already drawing evolutionary connections between the ancient insect and the ones we have scurrying around today. This advanced study will enhance our knowledge of evolution.

These are hopes, not hypes. These are not pipe dreams.

Talking of dreams, scientists are working hard to engineer dreams. They hope to use it to treat nightmares and PTSD. It is as fascinating as what they wish to do with the vagus nerve, the brain’s most interconnected nerve. Some scientists believe that stimulating the vagus nerve (also known as the tenth cranial nerve) in specific ways can cure various illnesses.

Even physical scientists will tell you that the universe as we know it today is not how it will be one thousand years from now. As of today, we know four fundamental forces govern the universe. Physicists called them the strong nuclear force, the weak nuclear force, electromagnetism, and gravity. They believe that in the early days of the universe, electromagnetism and the weak nuclear force existed as one force called the electro-weak interaction. This force existed only in the first trillionths of a second of the universe. Later, the Higgs mechanism separated the two forces.

We can currently observe and measure this force at the CERN’s Large Hadron Collider (CHC) in Switzerland. As China builds its Circular Electron-Positron Collider and Japan builds its International Linear Collider, with Switzerland’s new Future Circular Collider and the Compact Linear Collider, we hope scientists will arrive at the long sought-after Grand Unified Field Theory. And if you add gravity, we will get the complete “Theory of Everything.”

Make sure you don’t die soon. The best in the world is yet to come. When we get to the “Theory of Everything,” the news media will scream on the front pages, And Jesus wept, for the fourth time.

When Jesus weeps for the fourth time, it will be for joy because humanity has overcome sin and gravity and soared to the heavens.

Rudolf Ogoo Okonkwo teaches Post-Colonial African History, Afrodiasporic Literature, and African Folktales at the School of Visual Arts in New York City. He is also the host of Dr. Damages Show. His books include “This American Life Sef” and “Children of a Retired God.” among others. His upcoming book is called “Why I’m Disappointed in Jesus.”

On Friday December 19, 2008, Prince Vincent Eze Ogbulafor (24 May 1949-6 October 2022) from Olokoro, Umuahia South local government of Abia State declared that his party the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) would rule Nigeria for the next sixty years. At the time he made the declaration, he was the fifth National Chairman of the party. Before him, the past Chairmen of the party were Chief Solomon Lar (1998-1999), Chief Barnabas Gemade (1999-2001), Chief Audu Ogbeh (2001-2005) and Colonel Ahmadu Ali (2005-2008).

Before his appointment as the Chairman of PDP, Chief Ogbulafor was the Minister of State on Economic Matters in the PRESIDENCY. The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was then under him. His responsibilities as Minister of State were to formulate and issue economic intelligence guidelines for government projects, ensure monitoring of projects and progress relating to plan implementation and supervise the National Economic Intelligence Committee (NEIC).

In 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR appointed other Ministers of State and placed them under THE PRESIDENCY. They include Mr. Abayomi Edu (79) and Dr. Abimbola Ogunkelu, a consultant Physician and Cardiologist, from Ibowon, Epe in Lagos state, who is also a member of the Amala group, a group of eminent journalists who meets monthly at Bunmi Sofola’s place in Surulere, Lagos.

The schedules of these Ministers of State at that time were prepared by the then Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Chief Ufot Ekaette (1939- 25 September 2019), assisted by the then Director of Special Duties in the office of the Secretary of the Government of the Federation, Dr. Goke Adegoroye and approved by the President, Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR.

There were Ministers of State Economic Matters, Minister of State Special Project, Minister of State for Inter-Governmental Affairs, Minister of State, Cooperation and Integration in Africa, Minister of State, Civil Service matters and also Minister of State, Special Duties. Mr. Abayomi Edu was Minister of State, Special Duties. He is the son of the Billionaire Politician from Epe, Alhaji Shafi Lawal Edu (7 January 1911 – 8 January 2002) who was elected into the Western State House of Assembly in 1951. Mr. Abayomi Edu who now lives in America is expected home to celebrate his 80th birthday.

Mr. Abayomi Edu’s schedule and responsibilities at that time were to coordinate for the President: award of Titles; National Honours and Decorations (ii) Liaise on behalf of the President, with committee on the Prerogative of Mercy (iii) carry out any special duties assigned by the President.

Alhaji Ibrahim Umar Kida was the Minister of State, Inter-Governmental Affairs in THE PRESIDENCY. His schedule and responsibilities were to (i) formulate and implement policies and programmes geared towards enhancement of inter-governmental relations (ii) Liaison between the Federal, State and Local Governments (iii) Conduct desirable studies and collect intelligence information on Federal/State/Local Government relations and process to the Vice President (iv) initiate follow-up actions to ensure that State and Local Government fulfil their respective statutory obligations (v)

Advise the Vice President on Boundary Commission Matters.
Chief Abimbola Ogunkelu was Minister of State in THE PRESIDENCY for Cooperation and Integration in Africa. His schedule and responsibilities were to (i) formulate policies and programmes on regional cooperation and integration in Africa (ii) Strengthening of Intra-African economic cooperation (iii) Foster relations with and coordinate ECOWAS matters (iv) Coordination of matters relating to the Economic and Social Commission of the OAU (v) Coordination and strengthening of matters relating to Joint Economic Commissions in Africa e.g. the African Common Market, the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA).

The emergence of Prince Vincent Ogbulafor as the National Chairman of PDP was dramatic. He was brought to the PDP headquarters in 2001 after serving as Minister of State.

President Umaru Musa Yar’adua GCFR (16 August 1951- 5 May 2010) was eventually declared the winner of the 2007 general elections, held on April 21, and was sworn in on May 29, 2007, amid widespread allegations of electoral fraud. In the Nigerian National Assembly election, the party won 260 out of 360 seats in the House of Representatives and 85 out of 109 seats in the Senate.

At the PDP’s 2008 National Convention, the party chose Prince Vincent Ogbulafor as its National Chairman on March 8, 2008 held in Abuja. Chief Ogbulafor, who was the PDP’s National Secretary from 2001 to 2005, was the party’s consensus choice for the position of National Chairman, selected as an alternative to the rival candidate’s former Governor Sam Egwu and Senator Anyim Pius Anyim. All 26 candidates, including Dr Sam Egwu (70) from Ezzamgbo and Senator Pius Anyim GCON (63) from Ishiagu, both in Ebonyi state, withdrew in favour of Ogbulafor. Meanwhile, Alhaji Abubakar Kawu Baraje was elected as National Secretary.

When Prince Ogbulafor made that declaration in 2008 people believed that his boast could come true. He was on a solid ground at that time.

Let’s look at the situation now. In the Senate, All Progressive Congress (APC) has 58 seats, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has 37 seats, Labour Party has 7 seats, New Nigeria People’s Party has 2 seats, Social Democratic Party—2 seats, All Progressive Grand Alliance—1 seat and Action Democratic Party—1 seat. In the House of Representative, All Progressive Congress has 175 seats, People’s Democratic Party has 118 seats, Labour Party has 35 seats, New Nigeria People’s Party—-19 seats, All Progressive Grand Alliance—-5 seats, African Democratic Congress—2 seats, Social Democartic Party— 2 seats and Young Progressive Party—1 seat.

The PDP governors in 2008 when Prince Ogbulafor made that prediction were Thoedore Orji (Abia State), Murtala Nyako (Adamawa), Godswill Akpabio (Akwa Ibom), Timipre Sylvia (Bayelsa), Gabriel Suswam (Benue), Ali Modu Sheriff (Borno), Liyel Moke (Cross River), Emmanuel Uduaghan (Delta), Martin Elechi (Ebonyi), Olusegun Oni (Ekiti), Sullivan Chime (Enugu), Mohammed Danjuma Goje (Gombe), Ikedi Ohakim (Imo), Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Namadi Sambo (Kaduna), Others were Ibrahim Shema (Katsina), Usman Saidu Nasamu Dakingari (Kebbi), Ibrahim Idris (Kogi), Bukola Saraki (Kwara), Aliyu Doma (Nasarawa), Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu (Niger), Gbenga Daniel (Ogun), Olusegun Agagu (Ondo), Olagunsoye Oyinlola (Osun), Christopher Alao-Akala (Oyo), Jonah David Jang (Plateau), Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers), Aliyu Magatakarda Wamako (Sokoto), Danbaba Suntai (Taraba) and Mahmud Shinkafi (Zamfara).

At that time the AD governors were Babatunde Raji Fashola (Lagos), Kayode Fayemi (Ekiti), Rauf Aregbesola (Osun) and Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole (Edo). Peter Obi was governor of Anambra (APGA), Isa Yuguda(ANPP)—Bauchi, Ali Modu Sheriff (ANPP)—Bornu, Ibrahim Shekarau (ANPP)—Kano, Ibrahim Gaidam (ANPP)—Yobe, Olusegun Mimiko(Labour Party)—Ondo state.

As of today, there are twenty-two states with APC governors, twelve states with PDP governors, one each with APGA, Labour and NNPP. The APC is yet to equal the feat achieved by the PDP in 2008.

At present the governors are Alex Otti(Abia State)—Labour Party, Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri(Adamawa)—PDP, Umo Eno(Akwa Ibom)—PDP, Charles Soludo (Anambra)—APGA, Bala Muhammed (Bauchi)—PDP, Douye Diri (Bayelsa)—PDP, Hyacinth Alia (Benue)—APC, Babagana Zulum (Borno)—APC, Bassey Otu(Cross River)—APC, Sheriff Oborevwori (Delta)—PDP, Francis Nwifuru (Ebonyi) APC, Monday Okpebholo(Edo), Biodun Oyebanji(Ekiti)—APC, Peter Mbah(Enugu)—PDP, Muhammad Inuwa Yahaya(Gombe)—APC, Hope Uzodinma(Imo)—APC, Umar Namadi (Jigawa)—APC and Uba Sani(Kaduna)—APC.

Others are Abba Kabir Yusuf (Kano)— New Nigeria Peoples Party, Dikko Umaru Radda(Katsina)—APC, Nasir Idris(Kebbi)—APC, Ahmed Usman Ododo (Kogi)—APC,AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq(Kwara)—APC, Babajide Sanwo-Olu(Lagos)—APC, Abdullahi Sule(Nasarawa)—APC, Mohammed Umar Bago(Niger)—APC, Dapo Abiodun(Ogun)—APC, Lucky Aiyedatiwa(Ondo)—APC, Ademola Adeleke(Osun)—PDP, Seyi Makinde(Oyo)—PDP, Caleb Mutfwang(Plateau)—PDP, Siminalayi Fubara(Rivers)—PDP, Ahmad Aliyu(Sokoto)—APC, Agbu Kefas(Taraba)—PDP, Mai Mala Buni(Yobe)—APC, Dauda Lawal(Zamfara)—PDP
The above may change when the gubernatorial election takes place in Anambra on November 6, 2025 this year, while that of Ekiti and Osun state will hold on July 14 and September 22 next year respectively.

As of now most of the parties are in crisis, serious crisis including APC. The worst hit is the PDP. I hope the PDP will not go the way of AD, ACN, ANPP and APP. The death of All People’s Party is tragic. It was the second most powerful party in 1999.

In the 20 February, 1999 legislature elections, the APP won 20 out of the 109 Senate seats and 68 of the 360 seats in the House of Representatives. The presidential election, held on 29 February, 1999, was won by PDP candidate Olusegun Obasanjo. He received 62.78% of the vote compared to 37.22% for the Olu Falae/Umaru Shinkafi ticket. The last functioning leader of the party was my close friend, Senator Mahmoud Waziri. Till he died we disagreed on how he ran the APP. Although he was compensated with position of special adviser by President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR. He felt uncomfortable. I cherished his friendship. Great soul from Yola.

The party elected nine governors at that time. They were Mala Kachalla(Borno), Abubakar Abu Hasheed (Gombe), Ibrahin Samiru Turaki (Jigawa), Adamu Aliero (Kebbi), Abubakar Audu (Kogi), Muhammed Lawal (Kwara), Attahiru Bafarwa (Sokoto), Buka Abba Ibrahim (Yobe) and Ahmed Sani (Zamfara).

Tragically, the APP suffered factional split and contested the next round of elections in 2003 as the as the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP).

The crisis of the PDP now is similar to that of APP. The possibility of PDP recapturing the PRESIDENCY which they lost almost ten years ago is remote. What can emerge is that a faction of the PDP and disgruntled elements in the APC and other parties may form a coalition to challenge the Presidential candidate of the APC in 2027. Definitely there will be a new alliance. That is the Nigerian way. The APC is not invincible, just as PDP was not ten years ago with its failing policies.

Now there is a rush to enlist in the ruling party, the APC. At the second or third year of any Presidential tenure, this is a common occurrence. It is nothing new, we are used to it. It happened in 1981 during the tenure of President Usman Aliyu Shehu Shagari GCFR. I remember Alhaji Umaru Abdulrahman Dikko (31 December 1936 – 1 July 2014) from Wamba village near Zaria, the then Minister of Transport, boasting then that the NPN would rule forever. He told Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola GCFR (24 August 1937 – 7 July 1998) that there was no vacancy in the Presidency and that the Presidency was not for sale.

The possibility of a single party structure or a dominant single party structure has threatened the democratic structure of this great country from time to time. And somehow it never becomes possible. The country survived that threat in 1965, it did in 1983 and also in 2008.

In 1965, the dominant party was Northern People’s Congress (NPC). It was formerly a cultural organization known as Jamiyaar Mutanen Arewa. It was a party that never pretended. It was formed on the basis of Northern interest as the name explains.

Before he was assassinated on January 14, 1966, the leader of the party, Sir Ahmadu Bello (12 June 1910- 15 January 1966), the Sardauna of Sokoto, Premier of Northern Nigeria, was the most powerful politician in the land.

In his book titled “MY LIFE”, the Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, wrote on page 85 “The Northern People’s Congress grew out of purely cultural society of that name. This had been started in Zaria by Dr. Dikko, who is now an important figure in the Ministry of Health. After the 1951 elections—-the electoral college ones—Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, who had been a member of the original House of Assembly from the start and who always had a keen political sense, asked me to join this cultural party, later to become our own political party with the same name. Curiously enough, this is how the Action Group also started, for it is in origin the ‘Action Group’ of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, a Yoruba cultural society. And they started at much the same time.

I agreed to do this and so later became President of the political Northern People’s Congress, with Abubakar as Vice President, and Ibrahim Imam, who since then has had a number of different political allegiances, as Secretary General. We called it Northern because we wanted to unite the Northern people and at that time we were not looking much beyond our own borders. It had an immediate success and most of the members of the Northern House joined it. Since then, it has remained unshaken, though other parties have blossomed and faded.

Our aims were very simple. To develop the country to the fullest extent in the shortest term; to preserve the peace, good order, and friendly relations between all our different peoples; to conduct an efficient and impartial administration; to ensure for all, freedom of thought and religion, to do good to all men. You will see that we were never militant ‘nationalists’ as some were. We were sure that in God’s good time we would get the power. The British had promised this frequently and we were content to rest on these promises; there was plenty of work ready at our hands for us to do”.

The Principal officers of the Northern People’s Congress of the first Republic were: President-General—Alhaji Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, first Vice-President-General—Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, second Vice-President General—Alhaji Muhammadu Ribadu, acting Secretary General Secretary—Alhaji Ahmadu Galadima Pategi, acting assistant Secretary General —Alhaji Ibrahim Biu, National Treasurer—Alhaji Aliyu Makama Bida ad Financial Secretary Alhaji Isa Kaita Waziri Katsina.

The Staff of the National Headquarters were Party Manager—Alhaji Habib Raji Abdullahi, Chief Operating Officer—Mallam Muhammadu King, Chief Publicity Officer—Mallam Yusuf Dantsoho, Research Officer—Mallam Abubakar Tugga, Local Government Officer—Mallam Abba El Anasari, Officer in charge Youth Wing—Mallam Ahmadu Kwanbo, North Regional President—Alhaji Ibrahim Musa Gashash and North Regional Secretary—Mr. Michael Audu Buba.

Executive committee members (unofficial) were Mallam Mu’azu Lamido, Alhaji Shehu Usman, Galadima Maska, Zanna Bukar Dipcharima, Alhaji Ahmadu Sarkin Fadan Zazzau, Alhaji Ndagi Farouq, Tafidan Bida, Mallam Sule Gaya, Mallam Mu’azu Gambo, Mallam Tanko Yusuf, Alhaji Ibrahim Biu, Alhaji Muhammadu Bashar, Wamban Daura, Alhaji Dalhatu Bida, Mr. S.A. Ajayi, Mallam Idrisu, Tafidan Adamawa, Alhaji Ari, Alhaji Sanda Na Alhaji, Alhaji Zakari Isa, Mr. J.C. Obande, Mr. M.A.O. Olanrewaju and Alhaji Sani Okin.

Others were Mallam Usman Sarkin Musawa, Alhaji Ladan Barki, Mallam Maitama Sule, Alhaji Shehu Ahmed, Madawakin, Kano, Mallam Baba Nahannun Dama, Alhaji Audu Anace, Mallam Ibrahim Mukun, Bida, Mallam Hassan Makaman Abuja, Mallam Usman Son Gari Wukari, Alhaji Usman Sarki, Alhaji Shehu Shagari, Alhaji Tijani Hashim, Mallam Bello Malabu, Madakin Adamawa, Alhaji Aliyu Magajin Garin Sokoto, Mallam Mamman Tela, Alhaji Chief Sule Enugu, Alhaji Isa Haruna, Alhaji Abubakar Madawakin Sokoto, Mallam Sani Dingyadi Makadamn Sokoto, Alhaji Baban Gire, Chiroma Suberu, Bukar Batulbe Maiduguri, and Alhaji Audu Bida.

Members of the working committee were Zanna Umara Bensheikh, Alhaji Mustafa Monguno, Mallam Mu’azu Lamido, Alhaji Muhammadu Bashir, Wamban Daura, Alhaji Isa Kiata, Waziri Katsina, Alhaji Umaru Babura, S. Fulani, Alhaji Ahman, Galadima Pategi, Alhai Ibrahim Biu, Alhaji Muhammadu Kabir Ciroma Katagum, Mallam Muhammadu Nasir, Alhaji Ibrahim Musa Gashash and Alhaji Sule Gaya.

Others were Mr. Michael Audu Buba, Alhaji Shehu Usman, Galadima Maska, Habib Raji Abdullahi, Alhaji Mu’azu Gambo, Alhaji Sani Okin, Mallam Hassan Ahmed, Alhaji Audu Anance, Alhaji Dalhatu Bida, Mallam Gwani Jatau, Mallam J. Tanko Yusuf, Alhaji Muhammadu Kokori Abdul, Alhaji Tijani Hashim, Mallam Muhammadu Sokoto, Mallam Abba Masta, Alhaji Usman Sulayman, Mallam Haliru Zarma Hong, Mr. Edmond B. Mamiso, Alhaji Ndagi Farouq and Mallam Muhammadu King.

From the above, one could see the direction of the party. Fortunately, Section 173 of the 1978 electoral decree has made it entirely impossible for a political party to represent regional interest.
There have been several attempts to force this country to have a one-party structure or a two-party structure, but the boldest attempt was made by General Ibrahim Babangida GCFR (83).

On January 10, 1986, he established a 17-member political bureau to oversee and co-ordinate the debate on the political future of the country. Three days later, that is on January 13, 1986, he inaugurated the bureau. The bureau was headed by Professor Sylvanus John Sodienye Cookey, an historian from Opobo in Rivers state. Professor Cookey was born on April 9, 1934. In 1982, he became the second Vice Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile Ife. He is the first President of the Council of Knights of the Niger Delta Dioceses and first President-General of the Joint Council of Knights of Church of Nigeria (Anglican Communion).

As a Philanthropist, he has endowed a professional Chair in Malaria Studies at the University of Port Harcourt while the Sylvanus Cookey Foundation, established by him, is helping to transform the lives of youths in his home town, Opobo.

During the Civil War, he served as Commissioner for Special Duties in Ojukwu’s Cabinet and was awarded the Biafra Silver Medal (BSM). He has since received many honours including Officer of the Federal Republic (OFR), Honourary Doctor of Science (D.Sc) and Doctor of Letters (D.Litt) from the University of Port Harcourt and Anambra State University respectively as well as Chieftaincy titles from Upata Kingdom in Rivers State and Ogbor in Mbaise. He is a member of the Institute of Doctors of Nigeria. He holds the unique title of Arusibidabo (Inspirational Leader) in Opobo Kingdom.
Other members of the bureau were E. O. Awa, A.D. Yahaya, Haroun Adamu, Ibrahim Halilu, Pascal Bafyau, Oye Oyediran, Tunde Adeniran, Sam E. Oyovbaire, Bala Takaya, O.E. Uya, Sani Zaharadden, Mrs Hilda Aderarasin, Mrs R. Abdullahi, Ola Balogun, Edwin Madunagu and Abdullahi Augie (Executive Secretary).

On June 27, 1986, different categories of politicians were banned from participating in politics until after the transition programme.

On March 26, 1987, the Political Bureau submitted its report. It recommended that any Nigerian who hadn’t been previously convicted of a criminal offence be allowed to participate in politics in the 1990s as well as the gradual replacement of the military administration by civilians.

On July 11, 1987, the White Paper on the Political Bureau report was released. A new date of 1992 was given for the army’s handover. Other items in the White Paper included the retention of Presidentialism and the rejection of any religion as state religion.

On September 1, 1987, a 46-member review panel was named to review the 1979 constitution. It was headed by Justice Mohammed Buba Ardo.

On September 4, 1987, local government election time-table was released. It was scheduled for 12 December. Registration was to hold between 12 October and 1 November.

On April 22, 1988, elections were held into the Constituent Assembly while on April 25, 1988, government’s nominees to the Assembly (117 of them) were announced. To head the Assembly was Justice Anthony Aniagolu. The Assembly was saddled with the job of fashioning a new Constitution for the country.

On April 1, 1989, the Constituent Assembly concluded sitting in Abuja while General Ibrahim Babangida received the draft on April 5, 1989. On May 3, 1989, General Babangida lifted ban on political activities while the National Electoral Commission headed by Professor Eme Awa (15 December, 1921- 11 March 2000) recommended six political associations to the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) for registration on September 26, 1989. The political associations were the People’s Solidarity Party, Nigerian National Congress, Peoples’ Front of Nigeria, Liberal Convention, Nigerian Labour Party and the Republican Party.

On October 7, 1989, General Babangida in a broadcast to the nation dissolved the political parties claiming that they had been hijacked by some individuals as their personal property. He then created two political parties by decree—the Social Democratic Party and the National Republican Convention. He also created the Centre for Democratic Studies.

In creating the two parties, General Babangida declared “by this decision, the AFRC has declared its acceptance of the principles of a grassroots democratic two-party system. It is our belief that the system shall: provide a grassroots basis for the emergence of political parties, establish a grassroots or mass platforms for the emergence of new leadership, give equal rights and opportunities to all Nigerians to participate in the political process irrespective of their wealth, religion, geo-political backgrounds and professional endeavours, de-emphasise the role of money in politics and reduce to a minimum level, the element of violence in our electoral process.

“Preclude the emergence of political alliances along the same lines as in the First Republics and therefore, give Nigerians a new political structure within which to operate, ensure the emergence of a new, more dedicated and more genuine leadership cadre, which will not be a mere proxy for old political warlords, chart a new patter of political recruitment and participation which will enhance Nigeria’s stability, establish strong instructional structures which not sustain future governments, but also be strong enough to stand the test of time and establish a political system that will be operated according to the spirit and letter of the Constitution of the Federal Republic”.

Between July 21 and 25, 1990, the National Republican Convention held its convention in Port Harcourt, Chief Tom Ikimi was elected as the Chairman. At its own convention in Abuja, the SDP elected Ambassador Baba-Gana Kingibe as the chairman. On December 2, 1991, General Babangida arrested and detained eleven banned politicians. They were Abubakar Rimi, Maitama Yusuff, Lateef Jakande and Lamidi Adedibu. Others were C.C. Onoh, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Arthur Nzeribe, Dr. Olusola Saraki, Mr. Solomon Lar, and Major General (rtd.) Musa Shehu Yar’adua.

On September 23, 1992, ten Presidential aspirants of the SDP, withdrew from the contest scheduled for Saturday, September 26, 1992, claiming that the party was bent on imposing Major General (rtd.) Musa Shehu Yar’adua on the party. The aspirants were Chief Olu Falae, Olabiyi Durojaiye, Arthur Nzeribe, Alhaji Datti Ahmed, Mahmud Waziri, Lateef Jakande, Drs Olusola Saraki, Patrick Dele Cole, Layi Balogun, and Professor Jerry Gana.

A few weeks later, the same General Babangida banned 21 Presidential aspirants, leaving only Chief M.K.O. Abiola of the SDP and Alhaji Bashir Tofa of the NRC to contest the June 12, 1993 Presidential election. The election was annulled later by General Babandiga while General Sani Abacha GCFR (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998) sacked the elected governors, the Interim Government of Chief Ernest Adegunle Oladeinde Shonekan GCFR (9 May 1936 – 11 January 2022) and also the two political parties.

Joining the ruling party is only a partial solution to the country’s problems. Apart from personal consideration, there must be enough justification for joining the ruling party in terms of performance. To me, the destination must be good governance which we are still expecting from the APC because, we in bad shape at the moment.

The Ogun state government has suspended Abdulsemiu Ogunjobi, a traditional ruler of Orile Ifo, for six months over alleged assault of an elderly man.

In the viral video, the victim was seen kneeling and prostrating on a dirt road as a baritone voice rained curses on him.

“You’re a traitor who won’t enjoy the fruits of your labour. You’ll lose your family, and evil will befall you. I dare anyone who thinks they can defend you to come out publicly and say it to my face,” the shadowy figure bellowed in Yoruba.

“Go ahead and report me to the police if you dare. If you die, you’ll be buried, and no one will even ask about you.

“You are an ungrateful person. I’m the one who made Wasiu Baale and this is how you repay me? I’ll put you in jail, and I have the power to control the police.”

In a statement, Ganiu Hamzat, Ogun commissioner for local government and chieftaincy affairs, said Ogunjobi’s conduct was unbecoming of a traditional ruler.

The commissioner said the ministry has summoned the monarch and victim for questioning.

He added that the decision was reached by the ministry in conjunction with the Egba Traditional Council.

“After the investigation conducted on the matter, Oba Ogunjobi has been suspended,” Hamzat said.

“He has been stripped of the paraphernalia of the stool of Olorile of Orile-Ifo pending the determination of his culpability or otherwise in the matter.

“This was in accordance with Section 52(1) of the Obas and Chiefs’ Law of Ogun State 2021.”

Hamzat said the state government would not tolerate disrespect towards residents — regardless of the perpetrator’s status.

OGUN POLICE COMMENCE PROBE

In a statement, the Ogun police command said it is aware of the video.

A statement by Omolola Odutola, police spokesperson in Ogun, identified the victim as Areola Abraham.

She added that Lanre Ogunlowo, the state’s police commissioner, has ordered a probe of the incident.

“Both parties reported at the State Criminal Investigation Department Eleweran, and their statements were obtained,” Odutola said.

The command condemned any form of assault, harassment and violence, regardless of the status of the individuals involved.

Odutola added that the command would ensure that justice is served and that the public is kept abreast of developments.

[TheCable]

Each time we hear or read outsiders say they are fighting for Yoruba Muslims, some of us (Yoruba Muslims) laugh. Who told them that we cannot fight our war ourselves – if there is a war? A statement signed by an Imam Haroun Muhammad Eze on behalf of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) led by the Sultan of Sokoto alleged last week that Yoruba Muslims were suffering marginalization in Yorubaland. The statement headlined ‘Live and Let Live’ complained about what it called “calculated attempts to prevent Muslims in the (South -West) region from practising their faith.” I read it and asked myself if that truly was the case. I asked some of my Muslim friends also. We compared notes and laughed.

The statement from the NSCIA wanted Sharia law in Yoruba states. Eighteen years ago, Kano-based Islamic scholar, Sheikh Adam Koki, was quoted as telling the New York Times that “politicians (have) started seeing Sharia as a gateway to political power.” They saw right and used it very well in pocketing Kano and its two million votes. They still annex and harness that gateway to arrive at power and wealth. With the piety of Sharia, a partnership in governance has evolved with northern Nigeria’s highbinders. And, because some persons pestled a tiger to death yesterday, some club-wielding people without muscles are on the prowl in 2025 Yoruba forest, hunting tigers and leopards. They do not know that it is not every leopard that is fated to fall to clubs.

The present cries are very unnecessary. Sharia never left Yorubaland. Our fathers called it seria. It has evolved adopting adept procedures in deft accommodation of its environmental and social realities. Yoruba Muslim families, who desire it, still conduct their private affairs in accordance with Sharia without disturbing their neighbours.

A quiet Sharia panel has been sitting for decades at Oja’ba, Ibadan. There is another one in Osogbo. I suspect that other major Yoruba towns have them. They adjudicate on marriage and marital issues; they arbitrate on disputes among Muslims. They do their thing without noise and drama and excesses. Every willing Muslim who goes there loves what the panels do and how they do it. The respective state governments are aware of their existence but they do not disturb them. At the compound and family levels, check out what we do with Muslim weddings, burials, administration of estates and inheritance matters etc. Those who want more than this should be bold to say what exactly they want. They want hisbah, moral police on the streets of Ibadan, Abeokuta and Akure? They want a Yoruba Bello Buba Jangebe who would be amputated for stealing a goat while big men who steal roads and bridges hold court? Anyone who wants the Kano, Zamfara kind of Sharia in 2025 Western Nigeria needs counseling. They can have that only in an Islamic Republic of Yorubaland. And, to have that, they will need more than mere words and farty threats. The Nigerian state is a multi-religious reality; it exists to enforce its laws – your creed and my credo notwithstanding.

The case for officially sanctioned Sharia in Yorubaland will be easy to argue and win if its solicitors can show how its introduction in the North has helped the North. They should just exhibit how 22 years of ‘Sharia’ has turned Kano to Dubai or Riyadh or Doha; how more religious, more pious, more equitable, more peaceful and more prosperous the Muslim North has become since ‘Sharia’ became their guiding moral and political philosophy. That is all they need to prove to the Yoruba that Western Nigeria is missing something cool and good for their physical and spiritual growth.

The claim that Yoruba Muslims suffer persecution at the hands of Yoruba leaders and principalities is absurd. The most powerful human being in Nigeria today is the president; he is a Yoruba Muslim. He possibly read that NSCIA’s press statement and laughed as I did. Am I, a Yoruba Muslim, marginalised in Yorubaland? Who is marginalising whom and who is complaining or should complain?

I come from a state (Osun State) that has had six elected governors since it was created in 1991. Five of those six governors are/were Muslims. And, I will identify them: Alhaji Isiaka Adeleke was the first elected governor of the state. He was in power from 1992 to November 1993 when General Abacha sacked everyone everywhere. With democracy in 1999 came Chief Abdulkarim Adebisi Akande, a Muslim. After Akande came Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, a Christian. Then came Alhaji Rauf Aregbesola, a Muslim who spent eight years in power and was succeeded by a Muslim, Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola. Alhaji Oyetola’s successor, Senator Nurudeen Ademola Adeleke, flaunts his Muslim heritage and pedigree for all to see. No one has ever complained about the religious identity of these leaders – and no one will. Indeed, there is a governorship election next year; virtually all contenders that have shown their faces so far in the two principal parties are Muslims.

No one’s religion has ever truly been an issue in Osun State. On May 29, 2003, a Muslim Chief Judge swore in a Christian governor (Oyinlola) and a Christian deputy governor (Erelu Olusola Obada). The Christian-Christian ticket of Oyinlola/Obada was elected by an electorate from three senatorial districts, two of which are predominantly Muslim. There was not a single word of complaint from anywhere. The Muslim incumbent who lost that election did not bother to contest his loss in court.

I work in a state (Oyo State) that has produced five governors from 1999 to date. Three of the five are/were Muslims. Again, I will identify them: Alhaji Lam Adesina (Muslim) was the first to take the baton in 1999. He was succeeded by Senator Rashidi Ladoja, a Muslim. Otunba Adebayo Alao Akala, a Christian, succeeded Ladoja. Alao-Akala spent a term and handed over to Alhaji Isiaka Abiola Ajimobi, a Muslim, who spent two terms. The incumbent is Mr Seyi Makinde, a Christian. He will be succeeded by a Muslim or a Christian in two years’ time – no one cares.

If Sharia as it exists in the North is truly a priority of the Yoruba, would those Muslim governors have ignored doing it? Or are those gentlemen not Muslim enough? Indeed, as recently as 2011 to 2015, the governors of Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, and Osun States were all Muslim. We are talking of four out of six states being ruled by Muslim governors at the same time. I am referring to the years when Raji Fashola (Lagos); Ibikunle Amosun (Ogun); Abiola Ajimobi (Oyo) and Rauf Aregbesola (Osun) were governors. The four states operated under Muslims – leaving Ekiti and Ondo states for Christians. And there was peace. There will always be peace because what throws in governors and what kicks them out in Western Nigeria is the sobriety that comes with good behavior and good governance –not praise and worship.

Where I come from, we were taught to learn how to state our case before learning how to fight. The statement from the NSCIA said sharia was a constitutional issue. If it was, shouldn’t it be properly handled in a constitutional way? If we, Yoruba Muslims, truly want codified Sharia law and Sharia Courts, there are Muslim legislators in virtually all the state Houses of Assembly. Sharia proponents should ask these Muslim legislators to sponsor bills on the matter and lobby their colleagues to pass them into law. Or, if they think it is already in the constitution, and it is their right, let them go to court for enforcement of that right. If I were they and I could not do this, I would keep quiet forever. Extra-legal, unilateral, self-help declarations cannot help them in a democracy.

I once wrote against some Yoruba Pentecostal Christians who said (and still say) my sallah meat is sin. We look at such here and say they’ve packed unwellness with their faith. Yoruba Muslims who jog to the North in search of pity and support are exactly like those ones. They are as misguided as the misguided Pentecostal Christians. They are both working hard to rip open the belly of amity in Yoruba land with their fundamentalism. And they cannot succeed.

Now, what do I think of Imam Eze signing a Live-and-Let-Live statement on Sharia in Yorubaland? An Eze, I assume and presume, is from the South-East. If that signatory is from the South-East, then it was a ghastly error on the part of those who procured him to sign that statement. It was also an insult to the Yoruba, a people with a robust history of engagement with Islam dating back to more than seven hundred years. Procuring outsiders to speak for the Yoruba Muslim is a misnomer. They have leaders; their leaders are the Imams; they listen to the Imams, the Imams listen to them. Channeling the Yoruba spring to flow desert-wards for rejuvenation is an effort that hurts.

The Imam Eze statement will make me draw an analogy: We all know that Ilorin has no physical and spiritual space for Sango, the Yoruba god of thunder. Now, imagine an Ilorin man donning the costume of the Mogba, priest of Sango, and marketing the god of thunder to Oyo Alaafin, Sango’s hometown. Or who does not know that Mùsùlùmí Ìgbò gégé bi OníSàngó Ilorin ni? I will neither interpret nor translate that question. The Eze man should have first launched Sharia for his own home region before looking the Yoruba way. My people say if you think velvet is good and you would clothe me with it, I must first see on you velvet or something superior to velvet. How can the unclad clothe the clothed?

A group of eminent Yoruba Muslim scholars, seven years ago, published a book entitled: ‘Islam in Yorubaland: History, Education and Culture’. The editors were kind enough to give me a copy. Those who are seeking to fetishize Sharia today will learn from those scholars that what they seek to import has actually been part of their heritage before the white man created Nigeria with all its contradictions. Persons who are begging for external help on Sharia should read what the scholars say in that book. They will read the story of a Timi of Ede, Oba Abibu Lagunju (1817-1900), his court and the existence of Ilé Bàbá Kóòtù (compound of baba who holds court) in Ede. They will read also of Oluwo of Iwo, Momodu Lamuye, who became Oluwo of Iwo in 1858 and died in 1906. They will read of why a compound is named Ile Alikali (Alkali’s compound) in Iwo. They will read more of Islam, Sharia and the Yoruba society before colonialism.

Provocation excites and tickles us in this country. In 2016, a bill for a Christian court was sponsored by Hon. Gyang Dung (PDP) from Plateau State and eight other members of the House of Representatives. It scaled the second reading and that was the last we heard of it. The bill was an act of provocation and it was so treated and trashed. The statement from Imam Eze and its associated noise fall in the same category.

The difference between the past and the present is change. We live in a world that shifts with time. The World Bank in 2020 ranked Saudi Arabia as the fastest-reforming country in the world. That country has gone far doing that, redefining the concepts of right and wrong and striking a balance between Islamic law on the one hand; local politics and global economic realities on the other. Today, even rude Donald Trump lowers his voice when the subject is Saudi. Those who have knowledge tell us that the reforms that burnish and refurbish Saudi Arabia do not make that country less Muslim.

It should be the same here. Reform and innovation are at the core of Yoruba’s cultural resilience. That is possibly what the Muslim North has not sat down to study and understand about Western Nigeria.

Let me say finally that making Sharia a hot-button topic in 2025 Nigeria is suspect and very unnecessary. Elections are coming, especially presidential and governorship elections. Flightless birds need the winds of religion to fly their political planes. They will use all magic and talismans to conjure those winds. The sudden interest in Sharia is one talisman that worked wonders in other climes at other desperate times of polls. It cannot work in today’s and tomorrow’s Yorubaland. So, I appeal to the Sultan and other well-meaning Muslim leaders to back off on agitations that seek to use their respected and respectable anvil to forge this idle tool. Adding their weight to weightless claims does no one any good.

The crisis that has plagued the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in recent months, finally blew into the open last Wednesday as the party’s 79th Board of Trustees meeting turned into a ring for a physical fight. The bitter contest for the position of the party’s national secretary between Senator Samuel Anyanwu and former Youth Leader, Sunday Ude-Okoye had turned into fisticuffs as loyalists of both men engaged in a free for all. The forceful removal of Ude-Okoye from the BOT meeting, which had Anyanwu in attendance, had incensed his supporters who engaged Anyanwu’s loyalists in a fruitless effort to return him into the hall.

The video clip of the encounter shown on major television outlets, may have amused leaders of the ruling All Progressives Congress, but it is yet one of the most disgusting displays by a political party in Nigeria. It is simply the symptom of a deeper decay caused by the festering internal crisis in the main opposition party, a situation that underscores the challenges the PDP faces in fulfilling its role in Nigeria’s democratic process.

There are reasons to believe that the crisis in the PDP, like similar ones in the Labour Party and the NNPP, are hatched by the ruling party of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The manner in which he has consolidated power since becoming President in May, 2023, continues to raise concerns about the health of Nigeria’s democracy and the PDP, with the connivance of its conscienceless leadership, has been used as the experimental guinea pig. The contestation for the office of national secretary has been an opportunity to foster internal divisions and manipulate its political structures.

The controversy started when Senator Samuel Anyanwu vacated the National Secretary role to contest as the PDP’s candidate in the November 2023 Imo State governorship election. Following his departure, the PDP’s South-East zonal executive committee nominated Sunday Udeh-Okoye as his successor. However, since after an unsuccessful gubernatorial bid, Anyanwu – a close ally of former Governor Nyesom Wike who now works for the ruling party’s federal administration as Minister of the FCT- has sought to reclaim his former position. His assertion that his four-year tenure remains valid until December 9, 2025, led to legal challenges, culminating in a ruling by the Enugu Division of the Court of Appeal that recognized Udeh-Okoye as the legitimate National Secretary. Though Anyanwu contested this decision, resulting in a subsequent judgment by the Federal High Court in Abuja affirming him as the rightful officeholder, this has raised competing legal interpretations and another legal hurdle at the nation’s apex court.

Beyond Wednesday’s shameful display lies a deeper concern that some unseen hands are working very hard to ensure that the party never recovers to mount a reasonable challenge to Tinubu and the APC in the 2027 general elections. A significant point of contention is the belief among some party leaders that Acting National Chairman Umar Damagum and National Secretary Samuel Anyanwu are acting as proxies for Nyesom Wike. This perceived allegiance has led to a factional split within the PDP, with some governors and party members supporting Wike, Damagum and Anyanwu, while others vehemently propose a new direction for the party. Though Wike continues to refer to himself as a card-carrying member of the PDP, he does not matter to him that the internal strife he helped engender in the party has diverted attention from its primary role as an opposition force.

If the failure of PDP to mount the opposition against the ruling All Progressives Congress has become obvious, the likelihood that the Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) will pick the gauntlet is far-fetched. Like the PDP, both parties have since been plagued by internal crises, factional disputes, and leadership struggles, making them ineffective in challenging the ruling APC. The Labour Party, which posed a significant challenge to Tinubu in the 2023 elections through Peter Obi’s candidacy, has been riddled with infighting since the election ended. Many observers believe that elements linked to the ruling APC have played a role in exacerbating these conflicts. Similarly, the NNPP, which made remarkable inroads in the North, has suffered from internal discord. The party’s leadership crisis, which saw Kwankwaso suspended and then reinstated, has been linked to political interference as many believe that the APC has fueled these divisions, recognizing NNPP’s potential to erode its influence in northern Nigeria.

By systematically weakening opposition parties and meddling in their internal affairs, the ruling party has created an environment where it dominates without meaningful resistance. And since a strong democracy thrives on vibrant opposition that holds the government accountable, the ruling party’s actions surely reduce democratic competition and limit alternative voices. If this trend continues, like several prominent figures have warned, Nigeria risks sliding further into a one-party system where opposition is rendered ineffective. Surely, that will be a sad commentary on our march in the democratic journey.

Section 35 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 and article 6 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights Ratification and Enforcement Act Cap A9 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004 guarantee the personal liberty of every person in Nigeria. Even though the right to personal liberty may be encroached upon by the State if there is reasonable suspicion that any person has committed a criminal offence, a criminal suspect is entitled to bail pending the conclusion of investigation or trial or appeal.

However, bail can be justifiably denied by a court if there is evidence that an accused person may tamper with investigation or jump bail or that the suspect may continue the crime. The principle behind bailù pending trial is to ensure that an accused person is not kept in custody since every person is entitled to presumption of innocence until the contrary is proved by the State. In Obekpa v. Commissioner Of Police (1980) 1 NCR @ 113, Al-hassan Idoko J. (as he then was) had this to say:

“as it appears, the spirit behind the provision in S.32(4) (a) and (b) of the Constitution is to keep an accused person out of incarceration until found guilty through the process of court trial. It is a conditional privilege, which he is entitled to under the Constitution. The reason for such privilege is obvious. It allows those who might be wrongly accused to escape punishment, which any period of imprisonment would inflict upon them while awaiting trial, staying out of prison guarantees easy access to counsel and witness and ensures unhampered opportunity for preparation of the defence. 

Of much greater importance in this regard is the fact that, unless the right to bail or to freedom before conviction is preserved, protected and allowed, the presumption of innocence constitutionally guaranteed to every individual accused of a criminal offence would lose its meaning and force."

In the second republic, Nigerian Judges admitted accused persons to bail in liberal terms in line with the letter and spirit of section 32 of the 1979 Constitution which is in pari materia with Section 35 of 1999 Constitution. Even under the defunct military junta, politicians and activists who were charged with treason and treasonable felony were granted bail in liberal conditions. A few of such cases are briefly reviewed below:

1. In Commissioner of Police v. Dr. Beko Ransome Kuti & 4 Ors. (reported in The BAR and the BENCH in defence of the RULE OF LAW in Nigeria by Ayo Olanrewaju Esq. Nigerian Law Publications, 1992 P. 431), the accused persons were charged with treasonable felony for circulating posters with inscription :"Babangida Must Go" and thereby formed an intention to remove President Ibrahim Babangida as Head of the Federal Military Government contrary to Section 41 of the Criminal Code Act. 

Chief Gani Fawehinmi was the 2nd defendant while I was the 3rd defendant. As we and other defendant were held incommunicado in Kuje prison, we were unable to brief a lawyer to represent us. So Chief Gani Fawehinmi) and I appeared for our Comrades and ourselves. We applied and argued an oral application for our bail. Apart from making a strong case for our bail, we argued that the provisions of the Criminal Code Act are not meant to protect the military dictators who had sacked a democratically elected government on December 31, 1983.

The presiding Chief Magistrate, Nwada Balami Esq. (as he then was) said that he did not have the authorities cited by us in the course of our arguments. We requested the Chief Magistrate to order our law firms to send the authorities to the court through the Kuje prison management. The request was granted and the order was carried out and the authorities were supplied by our law firms in Lagos. Two weeks later, the Chief Magistrate delivered his ruling and admitted each of us to bail in the sum of N20,000.00 and one surety in like sum. 

M.K.O. Abiola v Federal Republic of Nigeria (1995) I NWLR Part 370 P.155

The appellant declared himself President and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on the ground that he won the June 12, 1993 presidential election. He was arrested and arraigned on a 3-count charge of treasonable felony contrary to Section 41 of the Criminal Code Act.

The Appellant pleaded not guilty and applied for bail orally through his counsel. The Federal High Court refused to grant the oral evidence and directed the counsel to file a formal application. Dissatisfied with the ruling, the Appellant appealed to the Court of Appeal. In allowing the appeal the Court of Appeal held that the lower court was wrong to have rejected the oral application for bail. 

Consequently, the Court granted bail to the appellant in the following terms:-

(1) The appellant is granted bail in his own self recognisance.

(2) The appellant should not indulge in any activity that will jeopardize the peace of this country.

Gani Fawehinmi & 2 Ors

As a result of the nationwide protests which greeted the criminal annulment of the result of the June 12, 1993 presidential election by the Ibrahim Babangida military junta, the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Dr. Beko Ransome Kuti and I were arrested in Lagos and taken to Abuja where we were charged with unlawful rallies, sabotage of political transition programme. Our application for bail was rejected by the presiding Magistrate, Aisha Allasan.

We were remanded in Kuje prison. To prevent the high court from granting us bail, General Babangida ordered our detention under the obnoxious State Security Detention of Persons Decree No 2 of 1984. But we were admitted to bail by Bage J.(who later rose to the Supreme Court bench, retired and became the current Emir of Lafia). We were granted bail in self recognisance, notwithstanding that we were also detained incommunicado under a preventive detention decree.

3. AHMED EBUTE & 5 ORS V THE STATE (1994) 8 NWLR (PT 360) 66

In this case, the following Senators: (1) Ameh Ebute; (2) Chief Polycap Nwite: (3) Rev. Mac. Onyernechi Nwulu; (4) Onyeka Amadi Okoroafor; (5) Abu Ibrahim and (6) Bola Ahmed Tinubu and others at large on the 30th day of May, 1994 at Lagos in the Lagos Judicial Division of the Federal D High Court formed an intention to remove during his term of office other than by Constitutional means the Head of State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, General Sani Abacha as Head of State and manifested such intention by issuing a Press Statement declaring the Federal Government illegal and thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 41 (a) E of the Criminal Code Act 77, Laws of the Federation, 1990 and punishable under the same section.

The appellants pleaded not guilty and applied for bail. The application was refused by the learned Chief Judge of the Federal High Court. Dissatisfied with the decision of the trial court the appellants took the matter to the Court of Appeal. In allowing the appeal, the Court of Appeal ordered as follows:

 "(i) Bail is granted to each of the appellants in his own recognizance.

(ii) Each of the appellants shall within 24 hours hereof deposit his passport (s) with the Deputy Chief Registrar of this court pending the determination of his charge before the trial court.

(iii) Each of the appellants should show his presence to the Deputy C Inspector General in charge of C.I.D. Alagbon, Alagbon Close, Lagos, or any other officer designated by him in an area nearest to the place of abode of the particular appellant on every Friday at 10 to 11 a.m. of the week beginning from 29th, day of July, 1994 pending the determination of his charge before the trial court."

ONEROUS BAIL CONDITIONS UNDER DEMOCRATIC RULE

Under the current democratic dispensation, Judges of the various High Courts in the country have a penchant for imposing stringent bail conditions on suspects even though the proof of evidence may disclose the case of the prosecution is weak. The bail conditions that are imposed by judges of the Federal High Court include the sum of 100 million Naira and 2 sureties in like sum. One of the sureties must have a property in Ikoyi, Victoria Island or Banana Island in Lagos State or Apo, Asokokoro or Maitama in the Federal Capital Territory while the other surety must be a level 17 officer in the public service of the Federal Government. 

It is an ironic to note that bail conditions set by judges under military rule were not as stringent as bail conditions imposed on citizens charged with criminal offences under the current democratic dispensation. The few cases will reviewed below will confirm that the majority of Nigerian judges do not agree with Justice Atkin who once said that "amidst the clash of arms, the laws are not silent. They may be changed, but they speak the same language in war as in peace." 

FRN v Omoyele Sowore & Anor (2019)

In August 2019, Omoyele Sowore and Olawale Bakare were charged with treasonable felony, money laundering and cyberstalking at 

the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja. The learned trial judge, Justice Ijeoma Ojukwu granted bail to Sowore in the sum of N100m with two sureties in like sum. The sureties, who must be resident in Abuja must also have landed assets worth the bail sum in Abuja, and they were to deposit the original title documents of the assets with the court. The judge also ordered him to deposit the sum of N50m in the account of the court as security. 

The judge granted bail to Bakare in the sum of N50m and one surety in like sum. The sum of N50 was to be deposited as security. Both Bakare and Sowore were barred 

from addressing any rally pending the conclusion of their trial. As if that was not enough, the judge barred Sowore from travelling out of Abuja and restricted the movement of Bakare to Osogbo during the duration of the trial. 

As the Defendants could not meet the bail conditions they remained in the custody of the State Security Service. However, the court granted the application for variation of the bail conditions by cancelling the deposit of N50 million by one of the two sureties. The Defendants approached the Court of Appeal for further variation of the bail conditions. In granting the applicant, the Court cancelled the restriction of the movements of the Defendants. 

FRN v Michael Tobiloba Adaramoye (aka Lenin) & 9 Ors (2024)

The Defendants who had taken part in the #endbadgovernance in August 2024 were charged with treason and allied offences before the Federal High Court in Abuja. Each defendant was granted bail in the sum of N10 million with one surety who must have landed property worth the bail sum in Abuja. As part of the bail conditions, the judge ordered that the sureties must submit their passports to the court.

FRN v Adebayo & 118 Ors (2024)

The Defendants including 29 malnourished children were charged with treason at the Federal High Court, Abuja for aleged participation in the #endbadgovernance protests.

They pleaded not guilty and were granted bail in the sum of N10 million and one surety in like sum who should be a civil servant of not less than level 15.The children were however granted bail to their parents who were ordered to stand sureties for them. 

It is submitted that it is contradictory to grant bail and proceed to impose stringent conditions that cannot be met by defendants without filing an application for variation or an appeal. For instance, how did the trial judge expect poor parents to travel from Kano, Kaduna, Sokoto, Maiduguri etc to travel to Abuja to stand sureties for the 29 minor defendants? 

Apart from politically exposed persons, how many defendants are in a position to mobilise Grade Level 17 officers in the public service of either the federal or state government to stand sureties for them? In a country where the national minimum wage is N70,000 per month, how many defendants can deposit N100 million as security for their bail? 

Inspector-General of Police v Omoyele Sowore (2005)

Last week, the authorities of the Nigeria Police Force arrested Mr. Omoyele Sowore for alleged cyberstalking. In admitting him to bail, he was asked to produce a surety who is a Grade Level 17 officer in the Federal Public Service. Following my intervention in the case, the Police Authorities reviewed the bail condition and substituted a Grade Level 16 officer for a Grade Level 17 officer as a surety!

It is pertinent to draw the attention of Nigerian judges and law enforcement agencies to fact that the Court of Appeal had declared illegal the involvement of top level civil servants in the bail of criminal suspects in the the case of Dasuki V. Director-General, S.S.S. [2020]10 NWLR PT.1731 PG. 136-143 where Adah JCA (now JSC) held as follows:

"Let me quickly say that of concern it is to us that as a court we must be ready and sensitive enough not to allow or do anything that will run foul of the law. The issue of involving civil servants or Public Officers in the Public Service of the Federation and the State in bail of people accused of criminal offences has never been the practice in Nigeria or any part of the civilized world. It was an oversight on our part to allow it in. Our Civil and Public Service Rules do not have any room for it. Expecting a Level 16 Servant to own property worth N100,000,000, will be running counter to the Public Service Rules and by extension the war against corruption. It is in this respect that I will act ex debito justitiae to ensure that the aspect of involving serving Public Servant below the status of Level 16 Officer in either the state or Public Service of the Federation or any of its agencies be removed and I so order.”

VERIFICATION BY PROSECUTORS

In order not to be accused of detaining arrested suspects illegally, the police and other law enforcement agencies usually furnish them with bail conditions. Once that is done, it is said that the suspects have been granted administrative bail by the detaining authorities. However, as the bail conditions are always made stringent, the suspects may be detained for several days and months while efforts are made to fulfill them. 

Even when the bail conditions are met they may not be verified timeously by the detaining authorities. Thus, the suspects may be further detained while awaiting the verification of their bail conditions. Since Nigeria is a class society, former governors, ministers and other politically exposed persons are able to meet onerous bail conditions which are usually tied to ownership of properties. The detaining authorities ensure that the verification of the bail conditions is carried out with dispatch in order not to subject members of the ruling class to illegal detention.

Since the granting of bail is at the discretion of a trial court, it is legally indefensible to direct2 prosecutors, who had opposed bail applications, to authenticate the title documents of sureties. Henceforth, only court officials should be authorised to verify the documents submitted by sureties.

CONCLUSION

In view of the clear and unambiguous state of the law on bail, Nigerian judges should stop adjourning bail applications since it is going to be eventually granted. Indeed, once a suspect is charged before a court the trial judge should dispense with written applications and oral arguments and proceed to fix the bail condition. After all, the Court of Appeal had ruled in the case of Abiola v Federal Republic of Nigeria (supra) that an oral application for bail can be entertained by a High Court Judge. 

Finally, even though bail is usually tied to properties in every capital society, Nigerian Judges should realise that the over 150 million citizens who are said to be dimensionally poor do not own developed or undeveloped properties. Therefore, ownership of properties should no longer be a conditionality for bail when indigent citizens are charged with criminal offences either in the Magistrate Court or High Court in any part of the country. Otherwise, the correctional centres will continue to be congested by thousands of defendants who are unable to meet bail conditions on grounds of impecuniosity.

Sickle cell anemia is a genetic blood disorder characterized by the production of abnormal hemoglobin, known as hemoglobin S (HbS). Sickle cell disease changes the shape of blood cells into crescent (or shape of sickle), hindering blood flow. This condition leads to the distortion of red blood cells into a sickle or crescent shape, which can cause various health complications. This blood disorder affects individuals of African descent, but it is also found in people from other ethnic backgrounds. 

Apart from afflicting individuals of African descent, the disorder also affects people of Mediterranean - countries around the Mediterranean Sea, such as Greece, Italy, and Turkey. People of Middle Eastern descent, including parts of Saudi Arabia, and other Gulf countries, are also at risk.

Sickle Cell anemia also afflicts people from the Caribbean, particularly those with African ancestry.

Sickle cell anemia is caused by a mutation in the HBB gene, which provides instructions for making the beta-globin subunit of hemoglobin. The disorder follows an autosomal recessive inheritance pattern, meaning that a child must inherit two copies of the mutated gene (one from each parent) to develop the disease. If a person inherits only one mutated gene, they are considered a carrier (sickle cell trait) but typically do not exhibit symptoms.

Symptoms

Symptoms of sickle cell anemia can vary in severity and may include:

- Anemia: Due to the rapid destruction of sickle-shaped red blood cells, individuals often experience fatigue, weakness, and pallor.

- Pain Crises: Sudden episodes of severe pain, known as vaso-occlusive crises, occur when sickle-shaped cells block blood flow in small blood vessels. These episodes can affect various parts of the body, including the chest, abdomen, and joints. 

- Swelling: Painful swelling in the hands and feet, known as dactylitis, can occur in infants and young children. 

- Frequent Infections: Sickle cells can damage the spleen, increasing susceptibility to infections, particularly from encapsulated bacteria.

- Delayed Growth: Children with sickle cell anemia may experience delayed growth and puberty due to chronic anemia.

- Vision Problems: Blockages in the blood vessels of the eyes can lead to vision issues.

Complications

Sickle cell anemia can lead to several serious complications, including:

- Acute Chest Syndrome: A potentially life-threatening condition characterized by chest pain, fever, and difficulty breathing caused by lung infections or blocked blood vessels in the lungs.

- Stroke: Blockages in blood flow to the brain can result in stroke, particularly in children and adolescents with the disease.

- Organ Damage: Chronic reduced blood flow can lead to damage in organs such as the kidneys, liver, and spleen.

- Leg Ulcers: Poor circulation can result in painful ulcers on the legs.

Diagnosis

Sickle cell anemia is typically diagnosed through blood tests, including:

- Hemoglobin Electrophoresis: This test identifies different types of hemoglobin and can confirm the presence of hemoglobin S.

- Newborn Screening: Many countries routinely screen newborns for sickle cell disease as part of standard health checks.

- Pain Management: Over-the-counter pain relievers or prescription medications may be used to manage pain crises.

- Hydroxyurea: This medication can help reduce the frequency of pain crises and acute chest syndrome by increasing fetal hemoglobin levels, which helps prevent sickling.

- Blood Transfusions: Regular blood transfusions can help reduce anemia and the risk of stroke, especially in children.

- Folic Acid Supplements: These can help support red blood cell production.

- Bone Marrow or Stem Cell Transplant: In some cases, a transplant may offer a potential cure, especially if performed in childhood.

- Preventive Measures: Vaccinations and antibiotics are often recommended to reduce the risk of infections.

Lifestyle and Management

Individuals with sickle cell anemia can benefit from lifestyle changes, including staying hydrated, avoiding extreme temperatures, and managing stress. Regular medical check-ups and monitoring are essential to address complications early.

This break through in the treatment of the disease, comes as a great relief to many sufferers of the ailment, especially, when a lot of resources have been deployed in the past in drug discovery. Clinical trials find a one-time gene therapy ECA-CEO offers functional cure in 95% of patients. 

According to the publication in The Guardian UK newspaper, of January 31, 2025: 

“A groundbreaking £1.65 million treatment offering a potential cure for people in England living with sickle cell disease has been approved for use on the NHS, the medicine watchdog has announced. 

Campaigners welcomed news of the approval of the one-time gene therapy, known as exagamglogene autotemcel, or exa-cel, which edits the faulty gene in patient’s own stem cells.

The NHS set that 50 patients, older children and adults with severe form of the disease, who are suitable for a stem cell transplant but without a matched donor, will each year receive the cutting-edge treatment. 

Clinical trials for exa-cel have indicated that the therapy can stop painful sickle cell crises, which occur when blood vessels become blocked, with researchers finding that there was a “functional cure” in 96.6% of participants who received the treatment”.

According to the newspaper, “Toby Bakare, 35, from South London, who has sickle cell disease but received a stem cell transplant, said: “it’s a great day, so many people living with sickle cell disease will now have access to treatment that gets rid of pain [that] is a blight on your life. I’m lucky I had a sister who was a match.

Prof Bola Owolabi, the director of the National Healthcare Inequalities Improvement Programme at NHS England, said: “This represents a monumental step forward in the treatment of people with sickle cell disorder, which is a condition that mostly affects people of Black African and Black Caribbean heritage. This groundbreaking therapy, available on the NHS, represents a very real prospect of a cure for this devastating disorder. 

While John James OBE, the chief executive of the Sickle Cell Society said: “We are absolutely thrilled to see this groundbreaking gene therapy treatment available on the NHS from today. The significance of this milestone for the sickle cell community cannot be understated”

Now coming back to how Sickle Cell disorder could be tackled in Nigeria, it is essential to acknowledge the unwavering dedication and perseverance of Prof. Olu Akinyanju, a globally recognized hematologist and the founder and chairman of the Sickle Cell Foundation of Nigeria. In a recent article in Pharmanews, it was noted that "any discussion about the management of sickle cell disease in Nigeria and Africa would be incomplete without mentioning Professor Akinyanju." He played a pivotal role in establishing the National Sickle Cell Centre in Lagos.

With advancements in the treatment of sickle cell disorder emerging from England, it is crucial for both the public and private sectors in Nigeria—the country with the largest population of Black individuals—to enhance their collaborative efforts in supporting the National Sickle Cell Centre, led by Prof. Akinyanju. This partnership is vital for securing access to some of the medications already available through the NHS in England, aimed at reducing the pain and suffering of those affected by this condition.

Sonny Iroche is a Senior Academic Visitor at the African Studies Centre of the University of Oxford 2022-23

LinkedIn: linkedin.com/in/sonnyiroche

Next Monday, February 10, marks one year since Herbert Wigwe, his wife Chizoba, their son Chizi, and their friend, Abimbola Ogunbanjo, tragically lost their lives in a helicopter accident in Southern California, United States. The crash occurred over the Mojave Desert between 10 p.m. and 11 p.m. on Friday, February 9, 2024, California time (between 7 a.m. and 8 a.m. on February 10, 2024, Nigerian time). Access Holdings is planning a memorial event to honour their memories, with details to be announced soon.

Over the past year, significant changes have taken place within the banking group, guided by its business continuity plans. Bolaji Agbede succeeded Herbert as the Group Chief Executive of the holding company; Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede returned as Board Chairman, while Roosevelt Ogbonna continues as the bank’s CEO. Together, they remain committed to driving Access Holdings and Access Bank’s vision of global expansion. Reflecting on the past year, Roosevelt remarked, "It has been full of grace."

Herbert’s surviving children are adjusting to life without their parents and continuing their education. They have filed a wrongful death lawsuit against the helicopter company in a California court, seeking both economic and non-economic damages. Similarly, the family of Abimbola Ogunbanjo has filed a separate lawsuit. According to Paul Usoro, SAN, a distinguished lawyer, and former NBA President who is involved in the case, the legal proceedings have been delayed due to the wildfires that have swept across Southern California, causing evacuations and business closures. He expressed confidence that the case would have been resolved sooner than later, if not for these disruptions.

 Another legal expert noted that damages awarded in wrongful death cases depend on the specifics of the case and the extent of the victims’ losses.

The tragic loss of basketball star Kobe Bryant and his daughter Gianna in a 2020 helicopter crash in California provides a precedent. In June 2021, Kobe's widow, Vanessa Bryant, and their surviving daughters received a significant but confidential settlement from the helicopter company. Two years later, they were awarded more than $28 million in damages from Los Angeles County due to the unauthorised sharing of crash site photos. Wrongful death lawsuits are taken seriously in the U.S., where institutions function effectively, and the rule of law prevails.

Wigwe University, Herbert’s legacy project, has successfully commenced classes. Vice Chancellor Prof. Marwan Al-Akaidi stated that the university, in collaboration with the Wigwe family, will hold a memorial church service at the RCCG Church in Isiokpo, Rivers State, and a reception on campus on February 9 to honour Herbert, his wife, and their son. Traditional rulers and members of the Isiokpo community are expected to attend. Before the memorial, the university will host an Open Day on February 8 to welcome parents, prospective students, and other stakeholders. Prof. Al-Akaidi emphasised Herbert’s visionary leadership and commitment to Africa’s development, stating, "My duty is to ensure that his mission and vision are fulfilled." Over 100 students matriculated in the university on November 14, in a ceremony attended by Herbert’s eldest surviving child, Tochi; his father, Pastor Shyngle Wigwe; and his brother, Emeka. Tochi delivered a moving speech at the event. A visit to the university in October confirmed its impressive infrastructure—true to Herbert’s philosophy: "I don’t do small things."

How have Access Holdings and Access Bank fared over the past year? A visit to the corporate headquarters in Lekki, Lagos, earlier this month revealed remarkable resilience and determination among its leadership and staff. The successful completion of the Access Holdings’ capital-raising exercise was widely commended in the industry. The company generated over N351 billion from its Rights Issue of 17.772 billion shares at N19.75 per share, closing the offer in August. With this achievement, Access Bank became the first financial institution to meet the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) N500 billion minimum capital requirement for banks with international authorisation—well ahead of the March 2026 deadline. The bank’s share capital will rise to N600 billion, exceeding the regulatory minimum by N100 billion. Additionally, the bank and its executives have received numerous awards and accolades globally.

Herbert Wigwe’s sudden death on the morning of February 10, 2024 (Nigerian time), sent shockwaves across Nigeria and beyond. He was an iconic figure of global significance. As the first anniversary of his passing approaches, it is imperative for Access Holdings, Access Bank, and its stakeholders to consider meaningful ways to immortalise him. One such initiative could be the establishment of the Herbert Wigwe Memorial Lecture Series, in collaboration with the family and Wigwe University. This platform would serve as a lasting tribute to his legacy and contributions to the banking sector and beyond.

Ogunseitan lives in Lagos

President Donald J. Trump is actively reshaping the global political landscape, navigating the tension between globalization and fragmentation to establish a new order in the United States and, by extension, the world.

Before delving further into this discussion, I must disclose that I am an unapologetic supporter of the 47th President of the United States, Donald J. Trump. My support stems from my belief that he is undeniably a catalyst for change.

Many, including Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden and former Vice President Kamala Harris, have accused Trump of seeking to dismantle democracy. However, a more accurate assessment is that he is challenging the status quo in Washington through radical policy shifts. While Democrats frame his actions as a threat to democracy, I see this as a misleading narrative.

Despite the alarm raised by his opponents, American voters prioritized economic concerns—rising inflation, the high cost of living, soaring housing prices, and the influx of undocumented immigrants—over the warnings about democracy. It was these pressing issues that motivated voters to support Trump’s return to the White House.

The more than 77 million Americans who voted for him did so because they believe he was elected to address what they see as a “woke” and financially struggling America. According to the Oxford Dictionary, “woke” refers to those who are socially aware but is often used pejoratively to describe individuals perceived as self-righteous or overly dogmatic in their advocacy.

True to his promises, Trump wasted no time in implementing his agenda. During his inauguration, he took a strong stance against “woke” ideology by affirming that the U.S. Constitution recognizes only two genders—male and female—a direct challenge to the LGBTQ+ community. He has since followed through on his pledges by signing a series of executive orders aimed at radically reshaping America.

From my perspective, Trump is simply fulfilling the commitments he made during his campaign. The backlash from those negatively affected by his policies is therefore unsurprising, yet it should not overshadow the fact that he is delivering the change that millions of Americans willingly voted for, believing it will restore the country’s greatness.

As someone who embraces change, I am excited to see a leader who challenges the status quo in public leadership finally take charge. That leader is Donald J. Trump, who has now assumed office in the White House, the seat of U.S. political power.

As the leader of the free world, the U.S. exerts enormous influence on global affairs, reinforcing the popular saying: when America sneezes, the rest of the world catches a cold. This is evident in Trump’s decision to impose tariffs on key trading partners—25% on Mexico, 25% on general goods plus Canadian 10% on Canadian oil, and 10% on China—primarily to curb illegal immigration and combat the flow of fentanyl, a deadly drug ravaging American communities.

Before Trump even took office, his threats of tariff hikes caused global concern. However, World Trade Organization (WTO) Director-General Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, speaking at the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, urged caution: “I am concerned, but my approach is to stay calm. Let’s wait to see what policies are actually enacted before overreacting.”

Despite this advice, some countries affected by the new tariffs —especially Mexico and Canada—have already announced retaliatory tariffs, raising fears of an all-out trade war. Meanwhile, China has opted for a legal approach, filing complaints against the U.S. through the WTO.

As the head of the WTO, Dr. Okonjo-Iweala will play a crucial role in resolving this looming global trade conflict. Given her extensive experience—including her tenure at the World Bank and her ongoing second term as WTO chief—there is hope that she can help de-escalate tensions.

Anticipating the economic impact of the trade war, President Trump has urged Americans to brace for temporary hardships, acknowledging that tariffs might contribute to inflation. However, he remains confident that the outcome will ultimately benefit the country, declaring: “This will be the golden age of America. Will there be some pain? Yes. But we will make America great again, and it will be worth the price.”

This sentiment is reminiscent of Nigerian President Bola Tinubu’s remarks when he removed the long-standing fuel subsidy and floated the naira, leading to economic hardship for Nigerians. He reassured the nation, saying: “I understand that our people are suffering, but there can be no childbirth without pain. The joy of childbirth is the baby. Relief comes after the pain. Nigeria is being reborn.”

Trump’s policies signal a fundamental shift away from globalization—a concept introduced between 1870 and 1914 and later popularized in 1983 by economist Theodore Levitt in “The Globalization of Markets.” The current global order, shaped by decades of economic integration, now faces disruption under Trump’s America First doctrine, which prioritizes national interests over international cooperation.

Interestingly, Trump’s long-held stance on tariffs is not new. In a resurfaced 1978 interview with Oprah Winfrey, he expressed similar views, making it clear that his current trade policies have been decades in the making.

While trade wars typically harm weaker economies (when elephants fight, the grass suffers), Africa might stand to benefit from this geopolitical shift. As tensions escalate among major trading partners—U.S., Canada, Mexico, and China—Africa, historically seen as merely a source of raw materials, could emerge as an alternative manufacturing hub.

For instance, Nigeria’s oil exports to the U.S. declined significantly under President Barack Obama, with Canada and Mexico becoming America’s top crude suppliers. However, if the trade war leads to disruptions in North American oil exports, Trump may turn back to Nigeria, currently the 8th largest supplier, to fill the gap.

Rather than viewing Trump’s policies as purely negative, it may be worth considering the potential opportunities they create for Africa. Instead of getting caught up in narratives of doom and gloom, could this be a moment for the continent to reposition itself as a key player in the evolving global trade landscape?

It is time for the world to recognize that Africa is not a problem to be solved but a vital part of the global solution. The continent holds vast reserves of critical minerals essential for the energy transition that the world desperately seeks. Rather than being viewed merely as a supplier of raw materials, Africa should be seen as a prime destination for investment and industrial partnerships.

There is a well-known economic principle that a rising tide lifts all boats and yachts. In that spirit, industrialized nations like the U.S. and China must acknowledge that Africa—home to 54 countries and a population of approximately 1.5 billion, larger than China’s 1.3 billion and rivaling India’s 1.4 billion—is not a charity case but an investment opportunity.

As a long-time advocate for Africa’s economic resurgence, I have consistently argued that the continent needs trade, not aid. It is imperative that major global economies shift their perception of Africa from a passive recipient of aid to an active economic partner. Historically, Africa has been exploited—most notably through the partitioning of the continent at the 1884–1885 Berlin Conference, where European powers divided African territories for their own benefit. As a result, Africa has remained marginalized in global trade, accounting for less than 3% of total global trade, despite having 18% of the world’s population.

To secure a greater share of global trade, Africa must be integrated into the evolving international economic order. Without disruptions to the existing system—such as those triggered by President Trump’s policies—meaningful change is unlikely. Given the resistance Africa has faced in its bid to gain a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, a fundamental shift in global power structures, like the one Trump is advocating, may be necessary for Africa to be taken seriously as a key player in international trade.

At this moment in history, the world may actually benefit from the tensions between defenders of the entrenched old order and leaders like Trump, who are determined to shake up the system. Since assuming office on January 20, 2025, Trump has been implementing the bold changes he promised during his campaign. In my assessment, the mandate given to him by American voters provides a unique opportunity to push for a rebalancing of global trade and governance.

Throughout history, transformative change has always required bold action. If astronauts had not pushed boundaries, Neil Armstrong would never have walked on the moon in 1969, a breakthrough that reshaped human understanding of the universe. Similarly, astronomer Galileo’s discoveries challenged the belief that the Earth was flat, paving the way for modern scientific thought. It is this same drive for progress that appears to be fueling Trump’s disruptive approach to governance.

Keyu Jin, a professor of economics and author of The New China Playbook, recently highlighted a growing shift in global trade patterns, noting that China and other nations have been diversifying their markets away from the U.S. even before the current tariff wars. Trump’s policies are merely accelerating this trend. In Europe, for instance, we are seeing a rise in nationalist-leaning leaders, particularly in France and Germany, who are also prioritizing domestic interests over globalism.

This geopolitical realignment is further evident in the expansion of BRICS—a coalition of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—which has recently welcomed new members like Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Egypt. As more countries join BRICS to counterbalance U.S. influence, efforts to reduce dependence on the U.S. dollar in global trade may intensify. If America continues using tariffs as a tool to pressure its trading partners, it risks pushing them further toward alternative alliances, potentially diminishing its own economic influence.

For Africa, this shifting landscape presents an opportunity. If trade flows are redirected away from the U.S., Africa could gain a larger share of global commerce—but only if the continent positions itself strategically. With the establishment of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), headquartered in Ghana, Africa is already laying the groundwork to take advantage of this new world order.

While Trump’s critics have valid concerns about the potential risks of his sweeping policy changes—particularly the hardship caused by the deportation of undocumented immigrants and disruptions in U.S. aid to Africa—it is also worth considering the potential long-term benefits of a restructured global economy.

The changes unfolding in global trade could open up unprecedented opportunities for Africa. If the continent plays its cards right, it could emerge as a major beneficiary of the ongoing shake-up. So, instead of viewing Trump’s policies solely through the lens of crisis, perhaps it is time to explore how Africa can leverage this moment to secure a more equitable role in the global economy.

A US based Nigerian Professor Ndubuisi Ekekwe describes Trump’s leadership as a “tsunami-earthquake-storm” approach, highlighting the unprecedented nature of shutting down USAID. According to him, this move signals a clear message to the world—that America has no obligation to fund or influence other nations through soft power. However, he suggests that this could actually be a positive development if African leaders step up and take responsibility.

He further explains how foreign aid often distorts markets and hinders sustainable development. For instance, an entrepreneur might develop a viable product in healthcare, education, or agriculture, only for an aid agency to introduce a similar product for free. This forces local businesses to shut down, and once the aid funds disappear after a few years, communities are left worse off, having lost both the external support and the local solutions that were once in place.

Rather than panicking over these funding cuts, Professor Ekekwe urges African governments to seize the opportunity by creating systems to identify and assist citizens in need. He argues that without external interference, local businesses can step in to fill market gaps, and governments can provide targeted support to those who truly require it. He points out that Africa has a long history of self-reliance and should return to indigenous solutions rather than depending on unpredictable foreign aid.

This perspective aligns with the arguments earlier made by economist Dr. Dambisa Moyo in her ground breaking book "Dead Aid", where she contends that Western aid has done more harm than good in Africa.

Considering Trump’s repeated assertion that his second term marks a “golden age” for America, it is possibly a golden age for Africa too as the continent could benefit—if it strategically positions itself to take advantage of the shifting global order being shaped by Trump’s policies.

Magnus Onyibe, a public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, (2003-2007) sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.