President Bola Tinubu and former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar met at the National Mosque in Abuja, on Friday.

According to Presidential spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, the duo who went head to head in last year’s election met at the wedding of Senator Danjuma Goje’s daughter.

“President Tinubu meets old friend Atiku Abubakar at the National Mosque. It was at the Jumat and wedding of the daughter of Senator Danjuma Goje. Photo Taiwo Okanlawon,” Onanuga tweeted with photos.

Atiku, who lost the election to Tinubu, has been very critical of the president.

In his last message on Twitter, he took a swipe at Tinubu while responding to a video posted by Daily Trust.

But both men set politics aside while exchanging pleasantries at the mosque.

 [DailyTrust]

Liverpool manager, Arne Slot, has confirmed striker Diogo Jota will not be fit for their Premier League trip to Arsenal this Sunday.

Jota suffered a rib injury, which he picked up during a tussle with Chelsea defender Tosin Adarabioyo last weekend.

He will not be fit for the game against the Gunners after missing the midweek win over RB Leipzig.

Slot will also likely be without Federico Chiesa and Conor Bradley again, while Harvey Elliott and Alisson are still on the injury table.

When asked about injuries, Slot told reporters on Friday: “I think they feel good but not when it comes to playing.

“Federico might train with us today or tomorrow but Diogo definitely not – and Conor, let’s see.”

[DailyPost]

On Wednesday, October 23, 2024, President Bola Tinubu sacked five Ministers in a major restructuring aimed at improving government operations.

The sack was disclosed in a statement by the presidency after the Federal Executive Council meeting on Wednesday.

Since the return to civilian rule in Nigeria in 1999, numerous Ministers have been dismissed from their positions across various administrations.

One notable aspect of this political theater has been the sudden dismissal of ministers across various administrations.

In some cases, ministers were effectively pressured to resign without formal announcements.

From Olusegun Obasanjo and Umaru Yar’Adua to Goodluck Jonathan, Muhammadu Buhari, and now Bola Tinubu, each administration has seen its share of ministerial departures.

While some ministers faced removal due to involvement in scandals, others simply became casualties of cabinet reshuffles.

These officials held diverse roles before their exits, contributing to the ever-changing dynamics of Nigerian politics.

Below is a comprehensive list of notable ministerial sackings since 1999 till date:

1. Barth Nnaji – Minister of Power, forced to resign in 2012 amid allegations regarding the bidding process for the sale of Afam Power Plant.

2. Michael Aondoakaa – Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, removed in 2010 under controversial circumstances by then-acting President Goodluck Jonathan.

3. Fabian Osuji – Minister of Education, dismissed in March 2005 due to corruption allegations involving bribery to the National Assembly.

4. Stella Oduah – Minister of Aviation, sacked in February 2014 over corruption scandals related to the purchase of luxury vehicles for her ministry.

5. Prof. Adenike Grange – Minister of Health, resigned amid a scandal involving a N300 million fraud case in 2008.

6. Sabo Nanono – Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, sacked on September 1, 2021, by President Muhammadu Buhari during a cabinet reshuffle.

7. Saleh Mamman – Minister of Power, dismissed alongside Nanono in September 2021 as part of a cabinet shake-up.

8. Caleb Olubolade – Minister of Police Affairs, removed in 2014 to allow him to pursue gubernatorial ambitions in Ekiti State.

9. Godsday Orubebe – Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, sacked in 2015 to enable his run for Delta State governorship.

10. Yerima Ngama – Minister of State for Finance, dismissed in 2014 after announcing his gubernatorial ambitions in Yobe State.

11. Shamsudeen Usman – Former Minister of National Planning, removed during a cabinet reshuffle in 2014.

12. Ruqayyatu Ahmed Rufai – Education Minister, sacked in 2013 after failing to resolve ongoing strikes by academic unions.

13. Amal Iyingiala Pepple – Minister of Housing, dismissed in September 2013 during a significant cabinet overhaul by President Jonathan.

14. Bukar Tijani – Sacked from his ministerial position in September 2013 after serving from July 2011.

15. Olusola Obada – Former Minister of State for Defence, removed during a major reshuffle in September 2013.

16. Zainab Ibrahim Kuchi – Served as Minister of State for Power and Niger Delta Affairs; inadvertently sacked during a cabinet meeting in September 2013.

17. Betta Edu – Embattled Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Betta Edu was suspended over alleged money laundering.

Edu was under heavy criticism after a memo surfaced where she directed the Accountant-General of the Federation, Oluwatoyin Madein, to transfer N585 million to a private account owned by one Oniyelu Bridget, who the ministry claimed currently serves as the Project Accountant, Grants for Vulnerable Groups.

The instructions for the payment are contained in a leaked memo dated December 20, 2023.

Edu didn’t deny paying N585m into a private account. In defence, the Minister claimed the payment followed due process.

18. Uju Kennedy – Recently served as Minister for Women Affairs under the regime of President Bola Ahemd Tinubu. She was dismissed in a major shakeup of the President’s cabinet on Wednesday, October 23.

19. Lola Ade-John – Recently served as Minister for Tourism. Was also dismissed in a major shakeup of the President’s cabinet on Wednesday, October 23.

20. Tahir Mamman – Recently served as Minister for Education.  Was also sacked in a major shakeup of the President’s cabinet, aimed at improving government operations on Wednesday, October 23.

21. Abdullahi Tijjani Gwarzo – Recently served as the Minister of State for Housing and Urban Development. Was also sacked in a major shakeup of the President’s cabinet on Wednesday, October 23.

22. Jamila Bio Ibrahim – Recenetly served as minister of youth development. Was also recently sacked in a major shakeup of the President’s cabinet on Wednesday, October 23.

[TheNation]

…Says it’s a Domestic Decision

…No Current Programme in Nigeria

…Urges Social Investment to Shield Vulnerable Groups

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) clarified that it was not behind Nigeria’s recent removal of fuel subsidies, a decision made independently by the Nigerian government.

The IMF has faced criticism for Nigeria’s recent fiscal reforms, which have led to rising inflation and increased hardship for many citizens.

Speaking at a press conference during the IMF and World Bank Annual Meetings in Washington DC, IMF’s African Region Director, Mr. Abebe Selassie, stated, “The decision was a domestic one. We don’t have programmes in Nigeria. Our role is limited to regular dialogue, as we have with other nations like Japan or the UK.”

Mr. Selassie acknowledged the IMF’s guidance on public resource management, noting that, while Nigeria needs substantial investment in infrastructure, healthcare, and education, the government’s choices regarding subsidy removal reflect its long-term strategy for sustainable economic growth. “Ultimately, these are profound domestic and political decisions that the government had to make,” he said, expressing that the IMF sees these choices as steps toward greater public resource efficiency.

Admitting the economic impact on Nigerians, Mr. Selassie encouraged the Nigerian government to roll out social investments to help vulnerable groups manage the transition. “We recognize the significant social costs involved,” he noted. “The government can mitigate these by expanding social protection for the most vulnerable.”

[Vanguard]

The Lagos State Traffic Management Authority (LASTMA) says it has arrested one Adewunmi Taiwo for allegedly impersonating its officer on Oshodi bridge.

Adebayo Taofiq, the LASTMA director of public affairs, said in a statement on Friday that the suspect confessed to making N15,000 to N25,000 daily from his illegal activities.

“Adewunmi Taiwo, age 45, operating a white Hiace Coaster Bus with the license plate KJA 724 YJ, utilized this guise to harass drivers in the area,” the statement reads.

“Upon a meticulous search of his vehicle, LASTMA Officers uncovered an official LASTMA uniform, including a branded raincoat, among his possessions, confirming his intentions to deceive.

“During interrogation, Mr. Taiwo, who claimed to hail from Ilesha in Osun State and is married with three children, confessed to misusing the uniform to extort unwitting motorists, targeting high-traffic routes along Ikorodu Road and the Oshodi to Mile 2 expressway.”

Olalekan Bakare-Oki, general manager of LASTMA, said the agency received multiple extortion reports prompting investigation and arrest of the suspect by its surveillance unit.

“I take this opportunity to issue a stern warning to individuals who exploit LASTMA’s identity for unlawful gains: any attempt to tarnish the agency’s reputation will be met with the full force of the law as the man will be charged accordingly,” he added.

[TheCable]

A recent article in The Guardian newspaper highlighted the growing challenges of rising living costs in Nigeria, using data from surveys on the daily expenses of an average Nigerian family. As of August, the estimated cost of a single meal for a family of four is N1,255, translating to a monthly food expense of N150,000. This is a troubling reality, especially when compared to the federal minimum wage of N70,000. The survey data shows that a family earning this amount cannot afford even a single meal per day, as the minimum wage is less than half of the monthly food cost required. In effect, a Nigerian family earning the minimum wage can only afford half a meal per day.

Given this context, the recent moves by Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu and Rivers State Governor Siminari Fubara to raise the minimum wage to N85,000 have been welcomed. Ondo State Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa has also increased the minimum wage in his state to N77,000. Meanwhile, outgoing Edo State Governor Godwin Obaseki took the lead by implementing a N70,000 minimum wage for workers in his state even before the federal government and its negotiating team, including the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) and Trade Union Congress (TUC), finalized their recommendations. While several other states have gone beyond the N70,000 mark, Lagos and Rivers States have set the highest standard with their N85,000 minimum wage. It remains to be seen whether the ongoing negotiations between the federal government and labor unions will result in a nationwide minimum wage increase to at least N100,000 per month.

As discussions around further wage increases continue, the government should also explore the possibility of shifting to bi-monthly salary payments instead of the current monthly system. In countries like the United States, bi-weekly payments are a standard practice.

Labor leaders in Nigeria should shift their focus from simply advocating for wage increases and start considering alternative approaches, such as adjusting salary payment cycles. While wage hikes remain a primary focus, the frequency of salary payments can also significantly impact workers’ financial well-being. Paying salaries bi-monthly could offer numerous advantages, both for employers and workers. Due to space constraints, I will focus primarily on the benefits to workers.

One of the key advantages of more frequent salary payments is that it enables workers to better manage unexpected expenses. A regular income stream reduces the stress of waiting an entire month for the next paycheck. This adjustment would also allow for more effective budgeting, aligning with bi-weekly expenses, and ultimately enhancing employee satisfaction. This boost in morale could reduce turnover rates among staff.

Transitioning to a bi-monthly wage payment system would be a significant change, and one I strongly advocate for in Nigeria. It could help mitigate the effects of the current rapid inflation, where the prices of goods frequently increase before the next purchase while salaries remain on a monthly payment cycle. This shift would move away from the traditional “30 days make a pay” approach and could better address the economic realities faced by workers.

Having made this seemingly simple yet crucial suggestion to reduce the salary payment interval from 30 days to 15 days, I sincerely hope that labor leaders and government officials consider adopting this practical approach as a means to support workers during these challenging times of high inflation.

Meanwhile, some critics have claimed that the Edo State governor’s decision to raise the minimum wage was politically motivated, aiming to secure votes for his preferred candidate in the governorship election on September 21. Similarly, accusations have been made against the Ondo State governor, suggesting that his N77,000 wage increase ahead of his re-election on November 16 was intended to win support from workers.

However, both governors have defended their actions, arguing that their motives are not politically driven but rather focused on the welfare of workers, which they see as a fundamental duty of their roles.

Regardless of the underlying motivations, the increase in the minimum wage—which has now doubled, with some governors adding even more—is ultimately beneficial for workers. Given that the cost of living has skyrocketed due to the significant devaluation of the naira and the removal of fuel subsidies, workers deserve this adjustment and more.

This situation has been made worse by the recent surge in fuel prices, which now range between N1,000 in Lagos and N1,400 in other parts of the country.

In light of this, Nigeria’s civil servants are in a difficult position, as the high fuel costs—a major driver of transportation expenses—have further escalated living costs, leading to widespread hardship among many Nigerians.

While the current spike in living expenses is undeniably daunting, Nigerians must strive to overcome the despair brought on by these challenges and reject a mindset of victimhood. Only by doing so can they achieve their full potential, which appears within reach and may be realized sooner than expected.

This outcome depends on maintaining the course of reform and enduring the sacrifices needed to secure a better future for everyone, rather than repeating the mistakes of the past—such as when General Ibrahim Babangida’s mid-1980s Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) was abandoned midway, leading to further setbacks for the nation and its economy.

To avoid a repeat of protests like the #EndBadGovernance riots, I urge the current administration, which has committed to achieving a national reset and renewal, to revisit the N70,000 minimum wage. Increasing this wage would help ensure that workers can better cope with rising living costs.

It is encouraging that key government officials—Minister of Information and National Orientation Mohammed Idris Malagi, Minister of State for Labor Nkiru Onyejeocha, and Finance/Coordinating Minister of the Economy Wale Edun—are reportedly in discussions with labor leaders to ensure a smooth and conflict-free adjustment to the minimum wage. This adjustment is essential to help mitigate the impact of the recent fuel price hike, which has worsened the cost of living.

Clearly, the previously agreed-upon minimum wage of N70,000 is no longer sufficient to support workers amid escalating living costs. These economic pressures have been intensified by the political and economic reset pursued by the current administration over the last 18 months, as highlighted in a recent survey by The Guardian.

In closing, it may be helpful to reflect on Jean-Paul Sartre’s view on hardship: “Life begins on the other side of despair.” This perspective suggests that if we view our challenges as opportunities for growth and preparation, we can better navigate the period following the removal of the petrol subsidy and other reforms.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.  

•FG differs as Clark, others allege lopsidedness, Tinubu seeks Senate confirmation

President Bola Tinubu’s cabinet reshuffle on Wednesday, which had Ogun State reportedly producing four ministers, the highest by a state in the cabinet, has sparked reactions across the country.

In a significant cabinet shakeup during the 19th Federal Executive Council meeting at the State House, Abuja, Tinubu approved the re-assignment of 10 ministers to new portfolios, discharged five others and nominated seven new ministerial appointees for onward transmission to the Senate for confirmation.

This came as the President renamed the Ministry of Nigeria Delta Development to the Ministry of Regional Development, scrapped the Ministry of Sports Development, and merged the Ministries of Tourism and Arts and Culture to become the Federal Ministry of Art, Culture, Tourism and the Creative Economy.

The seven new ministers, pending their confirmation by the Senate, are Dr Jumoke Oduwole (Ogun State) as Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment; Dr Nentawe Yilwatda (Plateau) as Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction; Muhammadu Dingyadi (Sokoto) as Minister of Labour & Employment; Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu (Imo) as Minister of State for Foreign Affairs; Idi Maiha (Kaduna) as Minister of Livestock Development; Yusuf Ata (Kano) as Minister of State, Housing and Urban Development and Dr Suwaiba Ahmad (Kano) as Minister of State for Education.

The incoming Dr Jumoke Oduwole joins Wale Edun (Minister of Finance), Dr Adekunle Salako, the new Minister of State for Health, who was previously Minister of State, Environment and Bosun Tijani (Minister of Communications and Digital Economy) as ministers of Ogun extraction.

Senate, SANs back FG

While the appointments of the four Ogun ministers raised eyebrows in some quarters, with some of the opinion that it fell short of the Federal Character criteria for appointments, Chairman, Senate Committee on Federal Character, Allwell Onyesoh (PDP, Rivers East), acknowledged that while the Federal Character was a constitutional matter, it wasn’t the sole criterion for selecting ministers and other high-level public office holders.

He said, “Yes, Federal Character is an important issue, and I am sure the President would not want to go against the Constitution. However, what the Constitution states is that one person per state, so, once that has been met, I am not sure there should be an issue.”

Senator Onyesoh added, “The Federal Character isn’t the only requirement; we need competent people. The Constitution also empowers the President to be proactive, which means he is allowed to bring efficient people on board to do their jobs.

“Why are people so critical of this administration? It wasn’t the same for the previous administration.”

The criticisms come as  Ministers vehicles reduced President Tinubu on Thursday restricted Ministers, Ministers of State, and Heads of Agencies of the Federal Government to a maximum of three vehicles in their official convoys.

“No additional vehicles will be assigned to them for movement,” the President affirmed in a statement he signed Thursday titled, ‘President Tinubu issues new directives on reduction in cost of governance.’

Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Mr Bayo Onanuga, who released the statement, said “The cost-cutting measure was announced today (Thursday) in a statement signed by the President.”

In January 2024, Tinubu issued a directive which the Presidency said was to reduce government expenditure.

The directive included reducing his entourage on foreign trips from 50 to 20 officials.

For local trips, he reduced it to 25 officials.

Similarly, he reduced the Vice President’s entourage to five officials on foreign trips and 15 for local trips.

In the directive, Tinubu also ordered all ministers, ministers of state, and heads of agencies to have at most five security personnel attached to them.

“The security team will comprise four police officers and one Department of State Services officer.

“No additional security personnel will be assigned, he ordered,” the statement read.

President Tinubu also instructed the National Security Adviser to engage with the Military, Paramilitary and Security Agencies to determine a suitable reduction in their vehicle and security personnel deployment.

The Presidency said “All affected officials are expected to comply with these new measures immediately, underscoring the urgency and seriousness of these changes.”

A former President of the Nigerian Bar Association, Dr Olisa Agbakoba (SAN), also said there was no law that stopped the Nigerian President from appointing more than one minister from a state.

Agbakoba said it was the President’s prerogative to appoint any number of persons from a state to serve as ministers.

Agbakoba, who spoke to one of our correspondents via the telephone on Thursday, stated that the only restriction was that the ministers must be appointed across all 36 states.

“That’s the only restriction,” he said. So, one may say why four? But nothing stops the President from appointing even 10.

“There’s no law that says he can’t appoint more than one. The only thing the law says is that he must appoint one person from each state on the principle of Federal Character, so that every state feels included. The point is, are all the 36 states not represented in the cabinet? The minimum requirement is that there has to be one minister from all 36 states.”

Another Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, explained that the constitution stipulated that in appointing ministers, each state of the federation must have representatives.

He added that even though there was no requirement for equality in the number of ministers, the situation where one state had four ministers and another had only one was not good enough.

“I think that the situation whereby one state has four ministers, and another state has only one, does not augur well for inclusivity, for equity, and for justice. And in this particular instance, the government is saying that we should run an economy that is new and budget-friendly.

“So, to then bloat the ministers list by picking four people from a particular state is to give the impression that there are no people from other states,” he said.

“This current government should not replicate the errors of the past. I believe that if somebody is elected from a particular region, he should carry other regions along, so that we can reduce the agitation for separatism, agitation for autonomy and agitation for secession as being advocated by other sections of the country that are marginalised,” he said.

In his response Niyi Akintola (SAN), said the position of Section 14 was very clear as the general rule was to give each state one minister.

He said, “The President is bound to work very hard to ensure that each state gets one minister. And there is no state legally that doesn’t have one minister. 

“The President has complied with the requirement of the law, the Constitution but, where you have discretion, you can use the discretion. Discretion is not mandatory but a duty is mandatory.

He further stated that the duty of the president was to ensure that no state should be without a minister.

“I am from Oyo state and we have only one minister and we are not complaining. Can you point out one state in Nigeria that doesn’t have a minister?  One minister from Plateau State resigned and he was replaced with another one.

“I don’t know why people make noise where there are no issues, we should look at if he breached the Constitution, to me these are not issues,” he said.

Another senior Advocate of Nigeria, Wolemi Esan, said there was no restriction against a state having more than one minister.

Esan cited Section 147(1) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) that states that the President must appoint at least one minister from each state, who must be an indigene of that state.

“The Constitution specifies a minimum number of ministers per state but does not set a maximum. “Therefore, strictly speaking, there is no restriction against a state having more than one minister. “However, section 14(3) of the Constitution emphasises that the composition of the Federal Government should reflect the Federal Character, ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few states in government,” he said.

However, Prof Mike Ozekhome (SAN) added that to appoint four ministers from Ogun, one of the smallest states in Nigeria, was against the provisions of the Constitution, particularly Section 141, Section 153 and Section 71 of the Third Schedule, Part One of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.

According to him, all these sections deal with the principles of Federal Character, and they emphasise that Nigeria shall be a state based on the principles of democracy and social justice.

“So, by appointing one minister to join the three old ones, making four from Ogun State, the President has breached Section 14(3) of the 1999 Constitution, because he has appointed four people from the same state, Ogun, and from the same ethnic group of Yoruba, which is against the Constitution.

“By the way, the question must be asked, whether, the team carrying the ministerial lists has actually done anything to change the status quo. I think not. What I’ve seen, what I saw, is against what Nigerians were expecting. We were expecting an earthquake of change in the cabinet, because many of the ministers have shown themselves to be indolent and to be non-performing.

“Now, what we saw, the only ministry I believe that the President did very well is the ministry of Niger Delta, because he tried to stop wastages by bringing the Niger Delta Development Commission, the Northeast Development Commission, the Southwest Development Commission, and the Southeast Development Commission.

“All of them brought under the Ministry of Regional Development. But I believe that the Niger Delta, Northeast Development, Southwest, they were drainpipes where money was being guzzled into.

“But by removing them and collapsing them under the Ministry of Regional Development, I believe that some money would be saved there. But I would think that it should have gone far.

“I also like what he did with the Ministry of Sports Development, by scrapping it and taking the function of it to the National Sports Commission,” he said.

He further stated that many of the present ministries were not functional.

“Why would you have a different ministry for agriculture than another one for water resources? Why not collapse some of these ministries and name it as Ministry of Agriculture, Water Resources and Rural Development? What is the difference between the Ministry of Environment and the Ministry of Blue Economy? Why don’t you collapse them? Blue Economy, where you are having fish, environment, where you also have fish and other things, why don’t you collapse them? Why would the President even introduce a new ministry of animal husbandry or cattle rearing? What is the meaning of that? Why don’t you just put that word quietly under the Ministry of Agriculture?

“So, I believe the President should go far, very far, in rejigging his cabinet, which for now is a drain pipe for the nation’s bigger resources.”

Niger Delta kicks

Tinubu’s new appointments were also met with scathing criticisms by a section of the polity with Second Republic Senator and leader of the Pan Niger Delta Forum, Chief Edwin Clark, accusing the President of behaving like his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, by making lopsided appointments.

The Ijaw leader on Wednesday called on Tinubu to rescind his decision in the scrapping of the Ministry of the Niger Delta Affairs in a swift response to the announcement.

On Thursday, the Ijaw leader, who spoke via telephone at the Special General Assembly of the Pan Niger Delta Forum in Port Harcourt with the theme, ‘Fostering Peace and Unity for Sustainable Development of the Niger Delta Region’, expressed sadness that despite public outcry about inequality and marginalisation in the country, Nigeria was still sharply divided along religious and ethnic lines.

He stated, “Nigeria is divided across the lines of ethnicity, along the lines of religion, hunger and everything that you can think of. Today Nigeria no longer has a middle class. The wealthy have carried away the wealth.

“They seize our oil wells. So we are nowhere. Can you imagine a man like me, two, three years ago, if I wanted anything from the oil companies, from the oil industry I have to travel to Daura (hometown of former President Mahammadu Buhari) to meet with Mr President who would then grant me?

“What type of country do we belong to, a country where we have no respect for one another? They think it is right. And this is still continuing.”

On the scrapping of the Ministry of Niger Delta, Clark added, “Today they declare us arrogant when we ask for our rights. Could you imagine that I was sleeping last night when I woke up to see that they had scrapped the Niger Delta Affairs Ministry?

“It didn’t come to me as a surprise because when they did it the first time they were hardly in office. Up till now they didn’t provide an investigation. They have provided nothing. So, scrapping it now means nothing to us.

“We (Niger Delta) must work together if we must survive in the country. Who owns this country more than yourselves, nobody. Every country has what God has given to that country to be a powerful country. We the people of the Niger Delta are Nigerians, we must fight for Nigeria.

“We should not allow anyone who cannot manage people’s diversity, who believe that once they are in power their people must take over, our people must be suppressed. Former President Muhammadu Buhari did it.

“He (Buhari) said the Fulanis are the only Nigerians. Every office was headed by a Fulani or Hausa. And today most of these things are being repeated by President Tinubu. In doing so he has followed the pattern of his predecessor in office. Where are we? We produce the oil, produce everything.”

Meanwhile, the Federal Government has said the Ministry of the Niger Delta Affairs was expanded and not scrapped as reported in some sections of the media.

The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Senator Heineken Lokpobiri, stated this at the PANDEF event.

He said, “It is very important to use this opportunity to explain that I was at the Federal Executive Council (meeting) when that decision was taken on the issue of Niger Delta Ministry.

“The Ministry was not scrapped at all. It was rather expanded to coordinate all regional development agencies. Apart from the NDDC there is nothing stopping the South-South Region from getting the South-South Development Commission.

“And I think something like that has already gotten to an advanced stage. So the Ministry for Regional Development will co-ordinate not just the NDDC it will also co-ordinate if there is any South-South Development Commission, it will coordinate that. It will coordinate North-East, it will coordinate South-East, it will coordinate all regional development under the leadership of your own son.

“Your own son is still the leader. We must understand that point, I want to use this medium to explain to you that we have nothing to lose at all. We are in fact losing nothing. Rather we may gain more if we have the South-South Regional Development Commission.”

He added, “Let me also say this to you that the Niger Delta till tomorrow is considered the most strategic region in the country and the President acknowledges that. Some of the very steps that we are taking today will benefit people of the Niger Delta more than others.

“Sometimes when you are making very bold decisions people may feel anxious. But that is the price we need to pay to get to the Promised Land.

“You recall that as of today there is more money for states and local governments and not to the federal government. It is also important to state here that my leaders don’t hold the federal government accountable alone. The time has come for every tier of government to pay its own share of the development of the Niger Delta.

“Last month the three tiers of government shared about N1.3tn. Some of our states got N50bn, N60bn. It is time for PANDEF not to look at what it can get from the Federal Government alone. But see how we can challenge our local government now that there is local government autonomy.

“Local Governments are also getting N600m, N800m. Yes local governments and I say some of these things we complain about could very well be done by local governments but because everybody is looking at the Federal Government, we have given people their honeymoon for too long. Let that honeymoon end now.”

Speaking, Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara said the Niger Delta region had a burden in its hands to advocate for stronger institutions in the federation.

Fubara, who was represented by his Commissioner for Budget and Economic Planning, Prof. Peter Medee, said, “Instead of stronger individuals,  we have produced stronger individuals from this region and from several regions yet the development of our region as well as to be able to plough back the benefit and the resources of our region to use it to produce and get the economy of our region to  develop has suffered.

“So as you gather here today in the  General  Assembly to be able to articulate and plan.  We will discuss further the need for unity, peace, and the development of our state.  I  call  on  all  of  you  to  use  the  unity  in  our  diversity to our  advantage.”

He added, “A  lot  of other regions are taking advantage of our disunity to divide us further.  The time has come,  especially now,  when the governors of our respective states have taken it as a point of sincere commitment and dedication to unite the region.  You,  as  leaders  of  the  region,  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  discuss and  come  up  with  issues  that  will  lead  to  our  regional  development.”

In his message, former Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Obong Victor Attah, expressed sadness over the scrapping of the Niger Delta Affairs Ministry.

 “I felt a bit offended if I can use that word, that the Ministry of Niger Delta that we fought so hard to have established alongside the Niger Delta Development Commission should be abolished without any notice to any of us. And nobody knows what really that means for our development,” Attah said.

“We are now going to come under a commission for regional development. Quite some time ago, I remarked that maybe the name NDDC was wrong because Niger Delta is a defined geographic area.

“Nobody doubts the boundaries of the Niger Delta. But suddenly NDDC was scheduling for Imo, Abia or everybody that had oil. So, I asked, ‘Why don’t we go back to OMPADEC (Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission)?’

“Bring just the oil-producing areas commission, rather than pretend that it is a commission for developing the Niger Delta. I think, as defined in the President’s address, as a treasure trove of this country, we should have a lot to say about what happens to the treasure of this country.”

[Punch]

Approaching the Enugu home of Professor Humphrey Nwosu, former czar of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), who died on 24 October 2024 at the age of 83 and who presided over the 12 June 1993 election that was annulled by the military president, Ibrahim Babaginda, one could not but be curious. It was the same anticipation exhibited by many young men when Nelson Mandela, the immediate past South African leader, was about to be released from the apartheid jail after 27 years. How would Mandela look? What a lot of young Africans were used to were photographs of the anti-apartheid fighter, with chubby cheeks, parted hair, infectious smile and the occasional cigarette dangling between his lips. It was a sharp contrast to the man who walked out of prison with a halo of grey.

Nwosu was, unlike Mandela, not in the slammer, but he kept himself out of public glare and rarely granted media interviews or delivered public speeches for years after the election he presided over was cancelled. How would the professor of political science look? Had he grown fatter or older? Had he jettisoned his penchant for theatrics, a usual feature on television where, as NEC Boss, he trenchantly explained his commission’s policies?

Mr Kunle Ajibade, Executive Editor, leader of our interview team had, a day earlier, booked an appointment with Nwosu and we were naturally excited at the opportunity to speak with the former NEC boss. As the the group alighted from their vehicle, a gardener materialized between the building’s black gate that was crying for a fresh coat of paint. That gate actually shielded the neatness, fine architecture and horticulture of Nwosu’s compound. Outside, a palm tree swayed over a row of flowers, a portion of carpet grass, a bough of an orange tree that rests from inside the fence and a metal plate warning intruders: “Danger! Wires Electrified.” The American barbed wires in their big spirals rested on the perimeter wall seemingly harmless but dangerous.

The gardener collected Ajibade’s complimentary card and disappeared inside. About three minutes later, the gate eased open and the man ushered in the team. The guests walked past a small roundabout where the roots of a mango tree had cracked the asphalted forecourt. In the distance is another palm tree, swaying over the sea of grass, an almost stunted orange tree and creepers. To the left is a bungalow with a surfeit of burnt brick decoration and an extended garage where a flat boot Mercedes car was parked. In the front of this small house, the first structure on the big compound built by Nwosu, there is a row of what looks like a car park with locked red metal doors. To the right is the big house where Nwosu holds court; a combination of four burnt brick-decorated structures, the chief of which is a semi circular architectural piece, with a red conical roof, facing the main (compound) road.

We were soon ushered into a large living room with three sets of sitting areas. The first was a set of grey settees-four single and one triple. On the low brown centre table was a pink synthetic flower and miniature porcelain images of angels, and the Virgin Mary. On the wall was an oil-on canvass portrait of a boy carrying a kid on his back. The second sitting arena was elevated and decorated with imported deep grey rococo furniture over which was a giant chandelier. A standing fan, a black television set, busts of historical figures and another wooden carving of a man whose hands are behind his back, complement this part of the big hall.

Ibrahim Babangida

Then a “cot-cot” sound approached from the staircase. A man dressed in green guinea brocade and a black Mahatma Gandhi cap walked past the dining area where a set of six rococo chairs was arranged beside a long table. “Who is Kunle Ajibade?” the man asked as he pumped the hands of his guests. With his average height, stature, deep accent and broad smile that could light up a dark tunnel, Professor Nwosu has not changed much over the years. “I attribute my youthfulness to the fact that I have a happy marriage, “Nwosu later told the journalists. He led his guest to the third sitting area, about three steps below the first, second and the dinning, separated with black metal works. It was here that Nwosu fielded questions on his tenure as NEC chairman and the elections he presided over, which culminated in the presidential one which was annulled by IBB.

Nwosu’s sack on 26 June 1993 was preceded by the annulment of the 12 June Presidential election of 1993, adjudged to be the fairest and freest conducted in the country. Aside this, one striking feature of that year’s election was that for the first time, a Yoruba, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, won the election. Abiola, with his running mate, Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, rode on the back of the then Social Democratic Party (SDP), to trounce Alhaji Bashir Tofa and Chief Sylvester Ugoh of the National Republic Convention (NRC). There were booby traps set by the military and their civilian collaborators to scuttle the transition programme. One of such groups was the infamous Association for Better Nigeria, ABN, led by the controversial Arthur Nzeribe, which had gone to court to stop the election from holding. Two days to the poll, precisely on 10 June, an Abuja High Court presided over by Justice Bassey Ikpeme, now deceased, granted interlocutory injunction to the ABN suit.

Nwosu disobeyed the injunction. He cited Section 19 (1) of Decree No 3 governing the presidential election for his action. The decree states: “Notwithstanding the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 17) as amended, or any other law, no interim or interlocutory order or ruling, judgement or decision made by any court or tribunal before or after the commencement of this decree….”

Though the election took place, almost mid-way through the announcement of results, another judge, Justice Mohammed Dahiru Saleh, granted a relief preventing NEC from announcing the remaining results and declaring the winner of the polls. This time, the former university teacher allegedly compromised, a development that fueled speculations that he was either heavily influenced or never believed in the tortuous course he was steering. Nwosu, however, fired back: “Absolute nonsense and lie. No one gave me anything. I challenge any person to come out with proof. There were dud cheques circulating and all that kind of nonsense. I never flirted with either of the contestants because it was an open, transparent election.”

Nigerians wanted explanations from the Ajali-born politician but it did not come until Saturday 4 July, almost a month after the poll. Nwosu appeared on NTA to justify his continued silence and absence from public glare. He denied being detained and attributed his absence to “my preoccupation with other matters”. Not many Nigerians would believe him, especially in the face of a strong rumor that IBB’s goons beat him up and detained him for days. A day after his NTA appearance, Nwosu delivered an unusually brief valedictory speech to his former staff. And since that day, nobody heard about Nwosu until 2001 when he dragged a kinsman to an Abuja court for libel. He had alleged, that his former student, Dr. Fidelis Okoli in a pamphlet entitled, “What do you know about Akpu and Ajali in Orumba South and North Local Government Area respectively of Anambra State of Nigeria, “accused him of influencing the sitting of Orumba North Council headquarters in Ajali, his home town.” Before his appearance in court, Nwosu was at the burial of his former teacher and predecessor at NEC, Professor Eme Awa in Amaekpu-Ohafia in Abia State.

These visiting journalists began firing their questions. They were eager to know those behind the annulment of 12 June 1993 election. But Nwosu kept saying “Wait for my book,”… which will be launched … at the Ladi Kwali Conference Centre, Abuja Sheraton Hotel and Towers.

To reach a compromise, they asked Nwosu to reveal the names of the “annullers” even if he did not say in specific terms what they did. He clammed up, again urging TheNEWS to wait for his book. Then Ajibade adopted another approach. Could Nwosu give us a copy of the book before the launch date? No dice. The interview drifted on, with Nwosu evading questions, scratching over the head of others while going full blast on those that touched on how well he performed as NEC chairman. He even admitted that the late Chief M.K.O Abiola won the election.

As the interview wound to a close, Nwosu asked the journalists whether they read what Dr. Reuben Abati wrote about him in The Guardian recently. At that point, Nwosu remembered that he had not invited the columnist to the book launch. He promised to give the journalists some invitation cards for Abati and other top journalists in Lagos.

Nwosu later excused himself and disappeared into one of his inner rooms. He returned with his chamberlain in tow, who carried two trays containing four glass cups, six cans of Star lager beer, two bottles of fruit juice, a bottle of brandy and a bottle of Coca-Cola. Tension in the room, thereafter, dissolved in gulped beer and soft drinks…

“Ajibade, how did you get my phone number?” Nwosu asked. He was apparently enjoying the drink or the new, tension-free drift of the conversation. Ajibade, with his penetrating look and ringing voice, replied: “I won’t tell you if you don’t reveal those who were responsible for the annulment of June 12 election.” Nwosu, with drink in hand, threw his head back and exploded with guffaw.

Interview completed, the guests rose to leave. As they waited outside, surveying the compound which Nwosu acquired when he was Commissioner for Agriculture and later, Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs in the old Anambra State in the 1980s, the professor again excused himself to bring the invitation cards for Dr. Reuben Abati and his friends. When Nwosu returned, Ajibade called Abati on phone to speak with Nwosu. The two men spoke with the latter asking the columnist to attend his book launch by all means.

However, the invitation cards which Nwosu handed over contained some information which unsettled the visiting journalists. Curiously, those who worked against June 12, especially Babaginda, the annuler-in-chief and the unsurper, Chief Ernest Shonekan, head of the interim National Government, were invited. In fact, while Shonekan would chair the occasion, Babaginda was to be the guest of honour.

Nwosu is expected to be fearless and honest in his revelations on the June 12 crisis. But the old scholar avoided inviting intellectuals who could shred his book. Col. Abubakar Umar (retd), one of Babangida’s boys, will be the reviewer! The question is: why not an Odia Ofeimun? These, as the journalists reasoned, pointed to two possibilities. One, it could be that Nwosu wanted to demonstrate broad-mindedness that is an essential ingredient to lasting reconciliation. Nwosu showed this when he referred his guests to the 1 March 1993 edition of TheNews with the cover story titled Dirty Humphrey. The report narrated a contract scandal to which the former NEC boss was linked. “There was actually a contract like that, but you people got many facts wrong in that story. But if I have not forgotten the past, I would not have granted this interview,” he quipped. But the speed with which he accepted the interview proposal, as Nwosu admitted, was to help promote his book.

On the other hand, there is another strong feeling about why Nwosu invited anti-democratic elements to launch his pro-democracy book. Will the much-expected publication exonerate Nwosu’s principal, IBB and blame the annulment on those who pushed the dictator out of power? It is also curious that Nwosu invited Shonekan.

If the book turns out so, the political science professor should expect flaks from the media, civil society, the academic community and the general public. If it is otherwise, then Nwosu might have contributed his quota in setting the records straight and charting a course for the future.

Born in 1941, Nwosu attended Saint Michael’s Primary School, Enugu and later Presbyterian School, Abakaliki for his primary education. He proceded to Macgregor College, Afikpo, and was later admitted to the University of Nigeria, Nuskka, to study Political Science.

He graduated in 1966 with a first class honours and later, he obtained a Doctor of Philosophy degree in the same discipline from the University of California, Berkeley, USA. Thereafter, he returned to his alma mater and in 1979, was made Associate Dean, Faculty of Political Science. Four years later, he was appointed Professor of Political Science at the age of 41.

Before he got the NEC job on 7 March 1989, Nwosu had, at various times, served as Commissioner for Local Government and chieftaincy Affairs of Old Anambra State; Chairman, Technical committee on the Application of Local Government Services in 1987 and member of the Local Government Review Committee in Nigeria in 1988.

• Originally entitled “Echoes From The Past,” this Preface to Cover” (Nwosu’s cover interview) was published in the 16 June 2008 edition of TheNEW.