OTHERS' VIEWS
SUNDAY 1-DEC
Hearn confirms Joshua’s 2025 return date
https://reubenabati.com.ng/sports/hearn-confirms-joshua-s-2025-return-date
Why Nigeria Needs Tax Reform – Oyedele
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/why-nigeria-needs-tax-reform-oyedele
Okpebholo, APC Jittery Over Exposure Of Systemic Rigging In Edo, Lies To Cover Fraud – Obaseki
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/okpebholo-apc-jittery-over-exposure-of-systemic-rigging-in-edo-lies-to-cover-fraud-obaseki
CBN tells Nigerians to report cash withdrawal issues from December 1, banks to face penalties
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/cbn-tells-nigerians-to-report-cash-withdrawal-issues-from-december-1-banks-to-face-penalties
Local Government Autonomy….Concerns Mount Over Non-execution Of Supreme Court Ruling
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/local-government-autonomy-concerns-mount-over-non-execution-of-supreme-court-ruling
Tinubu Tax: North’s anger grows as youths attack Deputy Senate President
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/tinubu-tax-north-s-anger-grows-as-youths-attack-deputy-senate-president
OAuGF report reveals huge financial infractions in NNPCL, NUPRC, NMDPRA
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/oaugf-report-reveals-huge-financial-infractions-in-nnpcl-nuprc-nmdpra
Rivers: N27bn IGR behind Fubara, Wike rift, INEC now APC member – Adeyanju
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/rivers-n27bn-igr-behind-fubara-wike-rift-inec-now-apc-member-adeyanju
‘I Am Against Tax Reform Bills, It Gives Some States More Advantage’ – Ningi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/i-am-against-tax-reform-bills-it-gives-some-states-more-advantage-ningi
[STATE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Congratulates New NUJ President And Executive Team
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/state-house-press-release-president-tinubu-congratulates-new-nuj-president-and-executive-team
[PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Approves Funds for UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Institute in Nigeria
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/press-release-president-tinubu-approves-funds-for-unesco-media-and-information-literacy-institute-in-nigeria
Trump threatens 100% tariff on BRICS countries over currency plans
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/trump-threatens-100-tariff-on-brics-countries-over-currency-plans
‘From Secular To Sacred’ - Filmmaker, Mike Bamiloye Reflects On Transformation To Gospel Drama
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/from-secular-to-sacred-filmmaker-mike-bamiloye-reflects-on-transformation-to-gospel-drama
Darey Art Alade and wife Desola mark 18th wedding anniversary
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/dare-art-alade-s-wife-deola-celebrate-18th-wedding-anniversary
Sokoto NLC Suspends Planned Strike Over ₦70,000 Minimum Wage
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/sokoto-nlc-suspends-planned-strike-over-70-000-minimum-wage
Nigeria needs collaborative leaders for national progress - Peter Obi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/nigeria-needs-collaborative-leaders-for-national-progress-peter-obi
How Tinubu’s fiery critics became spokespersons, loyalists
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/how-tinubu-s-fiery-critics-became-spokespersons-loyalists
2027: Atiku, Obi deny joint presidential bid after reunion
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/2027-atiku-obi-deny-joint-presidential-bid-after-reunion
Tax Reform Bill: Atiku Calls For Transparency, Inclusivity In Debate
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/tax-reform-bill-atiku-calls-for-transparency-inclusivity-in-debate
[COMMENTS AND ISSUES] Rigged elections and the moral burden of illegitimacy - Hope O'Rukevbe Eghagha
AdminAdamu: A man who rigs his way to power carries a moral burden!
Orezime: A moral what?
Adamu: You heard me, didn’t you?
Orezime: I’m not sure I heard you right. Moral what you said?
Adamu: A moral burden, I said!
Orezime: Hahahahahahaha! You make me laugh! Are you from the moon?
Gani: Or Mars?
Emeka: In which country? In Nigeria? That principle does not apply in Nigeria! There is no moral burden on anybody in this country! The election which produced Bubu in 2015 was rigged. Where are the two million voters from Kano State who voted in 2015? Was an INEC official not burnt alive after that election? The one which brought Obj to power was also rigged by the forces which wanted him to ease the tension of the Abiola tragedy on the Yoruba people. Yet those men had the temerity to preach against corruption!
Orezime: The international community winked at the whole exercise.
Gani: Yes! That’s why those two could only preach; they couldn’t really act decisively. A moral burden? Thye spoke from both sides of their mouths on the issue of corruption. Late President Yar Adua confessed that the election which produced him was compromised. An honest man, he didn’t live long enough to right the wrong of the period!
Orezime: That’s why I laughed when Adamu talked about a moral burden arising from rigged elections.
Bankole: In the ideal world, any power that is stolen and acquired through a dubious means imposes a moral burden on the power holder. No matter what the person does, that power remains stained.
Orezime: What does that amount to in our country? Even the brigands who shot their way to power in the notorious days of military misadventure in Nigeria soon became legitimate.
Emeka: You are going too far in our history. See what happened in Lagos State in the governorship elections of March 18. Ethnic jingoists went about preaching hatred against Igbo people and warned them against coming out to exercise their constitutional rights. Security officials looked the other way when ballot boxes were snatched in broad daylight in places where the opposition was leading.
Gani: A serving state governor personally went about snatching ballot boxes and threatened to shoot whoever got in his way. The same governor declared somebody wanted without recourse to the Inspector General of Police! He worked against the party on which platform he won the seat to spite the party hierarchy!
Adamu: And to think that this is the President-elect’s state. He kept mute through the horrendous attacks on Igbo people in Lagos State just the way the incumbent president has looked the other way when herdsmen went on the loose!
Bankole: Rigged elections are so familiar yet notorious in our land. It was the main trigger to the crisis in the Western Region in the First Republic because the people reacted when they saw a rape of their rights and wishes! It soon snowballed into a conflagration that consumed the nation in the late 1960s. Already, the youths are talking about a protest in the ENDSARSNOW# manner. I hope it doesn’t result in disaster. We have lost too many lives already!
Orezime: What I fear is the rise of ethnic profiling in a supposedly democratic society. To be sure, Governor Sanwo-Olu and the party hierarchy did not single out any ethnic group for verbal attacks. They even courted them. Yet they didn’t caution their followers to stop the degeneration into ethnic hatred. It is a dangerous curve what is happening in Lagos. I don’t subscribe to the Lagos is no man’s land nonsense which some misguided fellows are spewing, but threatening anybody not to vote their candidate is a new low! Can a Sanwo-Olu victory be said to be legitimate if a significant percentage of the electorate is disenfranchised?
Emeka: Good question. They did not stop there. They rolled out the culturally dreaded Oro rituals on election night. Come on! Who is fooling who? The Oro festival was designed to drive fear into non-Yoruba in Lagos. In the 21st Century?
Gani: I am sure the reports from election observers will be damning.
Bankole: I don’t care about those biased observers.
Adamu: Where are we headed in this country?
Orezime: We are on the road to Kigali!
Bankole: May we not travel that route!
Orezime: It’s a good prayer. But what are we doing to avoid the descent into anarchy? Nothing. Those monkeys are simply interested in acquiring power.
Gani: The Obedient Movement seems to have lost steam once it was misbranded as an ethnic agenda to grab power at the national level. Peter Obi needs to tread carefully so he doesn’t become another June 12! Some people are egging him on to challenge INEC through protests.
Orezime: If he decides to lead a protest, it would be within his constitutional right to do so, especially as INEC is stalling on the issue of inspecting elections materials despite an order from the courts. Peaceful protests are guaranteed by the Constitution.
Adamu: No one can be sure whether a peaceful protest will remain peaceful after it starts. That’s the experience the ENDSARS people had.
Gani: It’s not enough to stop people from taking to the streets. Protests are fundamental to democracy.
Adamu: We do not want dead heroes! Mark my words.
Bankole: That’s ominous!
Emeka: It means nothing. Nigeria must change. We cannot go on like this forever! Things are just going down. No cash. No fuel. No power supply. No security. No nothing. Peter Obi gave a glimmer of hope. Now that has been dashed to the ground.
Adamu: Rigging will remain a moral burden each time our President-elect travels outside the country, each time he meets foreign observers, especially those ones who have a dossier on him. History will also judge him and assess how he came to power. This applies to all the states as well where some politicians have turned themselves into demigods and have compromised poor INEC officials with mouthwatering sums. This is not how to build a democracy. The votes must be counted and must count. Seventeen people have their lives during the governorship and House of Assembly elections. We are supposed to count ballot papers, not bodies. Sad!
Bankole: The moral burden of rigged elections is on all of us. Without our connivance there would be no rigging. We can only hope that this will end some day!
Emeka: Tough luck!
THE International Criminal Court, ICC, on March 17, 2023 added a comic dimension to the tragic war in Ukraine by issuing warrants of arrest for Russian President Vladimir Putin and Commissioner for Children’s Rights, Maria Lvova-Belova. The ICC, a body notorious for the persecution of people in the bad books of the European Union, EU, and its allies, is accusing Putin of “unlawful deportation of population…from occupied areas of Ukraine to the Russian Federation”.
It claims that: “There are reasonable grounds to believe that Mr. Putin bears individual criminal responsibility for the aforementioned crimes (and) for his failure to exercise control properly over civilian and military subordinates who committed the acts, or allowed for their commission…”. The ‘court’ is also accusing 39-year-old Ms Lvova-Belova of the same alleged crimes. The ICC also said “there are reasonable grounds to believe that each suspect bears responsibility for the war crime of unlawful deportation of population…from occupied areas of Ukraine to the Russian Federation, in prejudice of Ukrainian children”.
The ICC warrants do not disclose what it means by deportation of population. Does it refer to the Prisoners of War or the hordes of mercenaries Russia captured and moved to its territories? Or is it populations of Russian-speaking Ukrainians who were evacuated from war zones just like those moved or evacuated from Ukraine to neigbouring countries like Poland? Can Ukrainian President Zelensky be accused of deportation of populations to other European countries?
These are in the realms of speculation, but what is not speculative is that asking countries around the world to arrest the Russian President is a sick joke. Any country that tries it can be annihilated; it would be the same as arresting a sitting United States President. These countries are not superpowers for nothing. So, the ICC’s quixotic moves can only be in the service of its EU owners.
I must, however, say that this is a new low for the ICC whose speciality is the arrest and persecution of African leaders who refuse to toe the path set for them by the West. The war in Ukraine is one that pitches Russia against the EU and the latter owns the ICC. Since its 2002 establishment, the EU has been responsible for 63 per cent of all ICC funds. In 2009, for instance, just five members of the EU: Spain, Germany, France, Italy and the United Kingdom, UK, paid 44 per cent of the ICC budget. In 2020, the main funders of the ICC were Germany, France, Japan, and the United Kingdom.
So the ICC jumps when the EU asks it to do so; the only question it would ask is: ‘How high boss?’ Therefore, the ICC has neither independence nor self-esteem, and certainly does not command the respect even of its owners. Let me give an example. When the ICC in 2021 strayed into investigating Israel for its on-going genocide against the Palestinian people, its sustained murder of civilians, including children, and the continuous theft of Palestinian land, then UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson firmly told the ICC to back off as it was exceeding its bounds. Although the ICC probe also covered rockets fired by Hamas and other Palestinian groups into Israel, the British Prime Minister in a letter declared that: “This investigation gives the impression of being a partial and prejudicial attack on a friend and ally of the UK.”
Apart from the EU and some of its allies like Japan, plus the horde of African countries pressured by the EU to join the ICC, no self-respecting country has joined; not China, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Iraq, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt, Iran, Israel, Russia, Sudan, Syria; not even the US whose allies built the contraption. In fact, the US which has gone to war almost non-stop for two centuries and has most military bases in the world, would not allow even murderous American mercenaries like those of Blackwater, to be tried outside its own courts.
The same 2002 the ICC was born, the US Congress in warning it against investigating its war crimes across the globe, including places like Afghanistan and Iraq, passed the American Service-Members’ Protection Act. The Act banned financial assistance to any member country of the ICC which may want to hand over US personnel. The law also authorised the US to use force to free any American that may be held by the ICC. The Americans went on to force dozens of countries to sign bilateral agreements not to handover over any American to the ICC. To counter the ICC’s joke, the Russia Investigative Committee countered with its own symbolic investigation of the ICC prosecutor and judges who issued the warrants of arrest. It said neither Putin nor Lova-Belova were criminally liable and that Heads of State in the world enjoy absolute immunity under a 1973 UN Convention.
Almost all cases brought to the ICC concern Africans and their then-sitting Presidents like Omar al-Bashir of Sudan, Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya and his then Vice President (now President) William Ruto, and Laurent Gbagbo of Cote d’ Ivoire. President Gbagbo’s case is illustrative of the way the ICC functions. There was an electoral dispute between Gbagbo and opposition leader Alhassan Quatara with each claiming to have won the elections. The latter’s rebel army with the backing of French and United Nations troops, marched on the Presidential Palace on April 11, 2011 and captured Gbagbo who became a Prisoner of War. But he was not treated as such neither was he accorded his right to be tried in his country. Rather, the foreign troops contrary to UN protocols on a President’s diplomatic immunity, bundled Gbagbo out of his country and deposited him in an ICC jail for five years without trial while his rival was installed as the country’s President. He was subsequently subjected to a charade in the guise of judicial trial and after another three years, declared innocent.
The ICC was simply used by the EU to remove an uncooperative African president, and after incarcerating him for eight years, set him free while his rival was in power in Cote d’ Ivoire doing the wishes of the Europeans, including subverting Africa’s move for a common West Africa currency. Even after he was declared innocent, the Europeans still prevented Gbagbo from returning home until their stooge was ready to cage him. The African Union, AU, realising that the ICC is primarily an instrument of neo-colonialism, on January 31, 2017 asked the 34 African countries who signed up to the ICC to make a collective withdrawal. Lives are being needlessly lost in Ukraine, what the world needs is a negotiated peace settlement not a clownish performance by an howling lapdog.
Nigeria is a frail, imperfect patchwork of disparate nations that is perpetually on the brink of implosion on account of political and identitarian stressors. The past presidential election dramatizes the abiding fragility of Nigeria and the imperative to tweak our democratic practices in response to this fact.
When most people vote, they don’t vote as individuals. They don’t even vote as people. They often vote as members of a collective identity. I am not saying that this is the case for every voter. There are certainly exceptions. But it is the case that voting behaviors are often patterned along notions of the interests of collective identities.
This isn’t, by any means, unique to Nigeria. It’s a feature of all modern representative democracies, including in the United States, which sees itself, and is seen by others, as the patron saint of democracy.
Here in the United States, political parties have devolved into more or less inflexible tribal groupings where merit is the last thing people consider when voting for political candidates. Identity is the most salient consideration in voting decisions.
In states where Republicans dominate, as I pointed out last week, literal dogs that run as Republicans have 100 percent higher chances of being elected to political positions than the smartest Democratic candidates. The reverse is also true of states dominated by Democrats. Exceptions can be found in so-called battle-ground states where Democratic and Republican candidates have equal chances of winning statewide electoral contests. Such states are just a handful of America’s 50 states, typically no more than 10 in a generation.
In Nigeria, the embeddedness of identity in electoral politics is complicated by the fact that our political divisions are formed around invariable attributes such as ethnicity and near invariable categories such as religion. A Democrat can change to a Republican, but an Ijaw man, for example, can’t change to a Berom man. Even if he does culturally, linguistically, and by reason of geographic presence, he will always be reminded of his “outsider” ancestral origins by people who consider themselves “indigenes.” We have seen examples of that this year even in ethnically homogenous states, particularly in the South where ethnic identity tends to be stronger than religious identity.
This fixity of our identity categories makes political rivalries built around them intensely emotional and prone to rhetorical and physical violence. In democracy, sadly, the end justifies the means. The end is to win elections and the means is often to mobilize the sentiments of collective identities in a certain direction.
Bola Ahmed Tinubu chose a northern Muslim running mate even though he is also a Muslim not because he hates Christians (his wife is a pastor, and all his children are Christians) but because it was the surest means to actualize his end. He had a choice between doing the “right” thing and “losing” and doing the “wrong” thing and “winning.” Like all politicians, he chose the option that came with “winning.”
In the Southwest, moreover, he galvanized the support of people, irrespective of religious affiliation, by appealing to the common ethnic origins he shares with the people there. Meanwhile, among northern Muslims, he played up his Muslim identity to achieve identification with that voting bloc.
Atiku Abubakar tried to blunt Tinubu’s northern Muslim appeal by calling attention to the common ethnic and regional identity he shares with northern voters. His electoral battle cry in the North was “naka sai naka,” which translates as “yours is yours.” That’s a direct challenge to Tinubu who, although a Muslim, isn’t a northerner. This is in spite of Atiku’s reputation as a tolerant, broadminded, cosmopolitan politician who isn’t beholden to narrow ethnic, regional, and religious loyalties.
In the South, meanwhile, Atiku sought to appeal to the emotions of the people of the Southeast by saying he has always been an unwavering friend of theirs and that he is the surest and shortest path to an Igbo presidency. Every single running mate he has had since he started running for president, he pointed out, has been an Igbo man, even if his latest running mate, Ifeanyichukwu Okowa, is a Midwestern Igbo whose people have historically disavowed affiliation with Southeastern Igbos.
Peter Obi, for his part, cashed in on the Muslim identities of Tinubu and Atiku to rally Nigerian Christians to vote for him. In perceptual terms, he started off as an Igbo candidate who took advantage of the justified sentiment that an Igbo person has never been elected president. He later expanded his electoral base to become the southern Christian candidate. He ultimately emerged and campaigned as the all-Nigerian Christian candidate and abandoned attempts to transcend this confine because he knew he didn’t stand a chance against Tinubu and Atiku outside this.
Right from the demographic profiles of the people who constituted his presidential campaign council to his hopping from church to church in search of votes (even going so far as to say to Taraba Christian leaders, “Please church, wake up, take back your country”), to isolating Christian communities in predominantly Muslim Northern states for targeted campaigns and even making his post-election legal team an all-Christian and mostly Igbo affair, he has left no one in doubt that he is riding on the crest of the wave of Christian resentment against the two major political parties, on one of whose platforms he was a running mate in 2019 and a short-lived presidential contender in 2022, for fielding Muslims as their candidates.
Yet, Obi may well be a secular person who isn’t wedded to religion, but he needed to mobilize the Christian vote because it was his only way to have a fighting chance.
This sort of divisiveness isn’t healthy or sustainable for a fractious, fissiparous country like Nigeria. That is why we need to constitutionalize power rotation between regions. We need to avoid a repeat of what happened this year where collective identities squared off against each other and raised the national emotional temperature to fever pitch. Its cost to national cohesion isn’t worth the trouble.
Given our peculiarities, systematizing power rotation between the regions at national, state, and local levels is the way to go. I know this will be resisted by politicians who will see this suggestion as the indefinite deferment of their political aspirations, but it’s the best way to ensure tranquil co-existence.
The constitution should draw up a schedule of power rotation so that every region and subregion of the country will have a chance to be president, vice president, governor, deputy governor, member of the House of Representatives, senator, house of assembly member, and local government chairman. All registered political parties should be required to nominate their candidates (and running mates in the case of presidential and governorship elections) from one region for eight years after which another region will have a shot.
This will eliminate ethnoreligious tension and promote merit in leadership selection. If all the presidential contenders in 2023 were, by law, from the Southeast and their running mates were from the Northeast, for instance, appeals to religious and ethnic solidarity would be pointless. Voters would focus on the pedigree and programs of candidates, and only the best from the regions that are scheduled to produce candidates would emerge since no one can mobilize the emotions of collective identities to win elections.
Abia State is one of the few in Nigeria whose contradictions are quite self-evident. It is an oil producing State. Aba, its big city is not only the commercial nerve centre of the east but a potentially huge money spinner in revenue terms. Mineral resources like gas, kaolin lead, limestone etc. abound in commercial quantities in different parts of the state. It also has huge fertile land resources. Above all, it has a high concentration of entrepreneurs, skilled and semi-skilled human resources.
Abia State has all the potentials to be a developed and model state in the country, yet the reverse is rather the case. Aba its commercial city is rated as the least developed city in Nigeria. Umuahia the state capital is often referred to as a glorified village on account of absence of basic infrastructure in the place. Most of its rural areas are characterised by dilapidated infrastructure.
The state ranks least in several development indices. The reason for such an ugly state of affairs is because Abia State government policy formulation and implementation have most often been characterised by a great deal of arbitrariness, inefficiency, lack of transparency, accountability and outright failure.
Abians themselves are quite aware of their peculiar predicament and the most conscientious of their political elite has always struggled against it.
Abians often make a joke of the negative forces that have held their state down including the electoral malpractices that have always militated against their democratic choices by derisively referring to them as “Abia Demons”
The quest to defeat the ‘Abia demons’ have a long history. Some trace the origin to the quest by Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe’s “Otu Onu Movement” that sprouted during the 2003 gubernatorial elections while some others refer the origin of a change movement to the quest by Chief Onyema Ugochukwu during the governorship election of 2007.
However, there is a near consensus amongst the intellectual class, that the quest to defeat the Abia demons got a real boost when in 2014, one of its brilliant minds, Dr. Alex Otti, a first-class economist resigned his very lucrative job as the managing Director of Diamond Bank to lead the charge.
He had then reorganised the moribund state chapter of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) into a real fighting force. Otti, parading incredible academic and public sector credentials plus very high level of personal integrity did not have much difficulty convincing most Abians about his messianic message of liberating them from the iron grip of the ‘Abia demons’ that had over the years held them hostage.
Even though Abians voted massively for Otti’s APGA in the governorship election that held on Saturday 11th April 2015, some magic humongous figures suddenly sprouted up in three local government of Obingwa, Isiala Ngwa North and Isiala Ngwa South which were areas that both international and local observers held in their reports that elections did not hold.
On the basis of such reports, the returning officer for the election cancelled the magic results and was about declaring Otti as the winner when he was ordered to return the magic figures thereby enabling a PDP Win.
The matter became a subject of intense litigation and dragged up to Supreme Court where the learned Justices held that the card reader, which was the basis of the election was not backed by law. Otti ever so determined tried his luck again in 2019 and the magic figures from the same local governments were yet his undoing in that 2019 gubernatorial election.
The ‘Abia Demons’ were still not done yet. Meanwhile as the demonic forces of electoral malpractices were on full ascent in the elections, which prevented the democratic choices from accessing political power, Abians watched helplessly as their state regressed in all indices of development.
They watched in consternation as their state became the object of rudicle amongst south easterners. They became bemused as the state debt profile, which ballooned in 2015 and kept piling up to the extent that it is estimated to be in the region of N150 billion as at date.
They watched helplessly at the mismanagement of the N27 billion world bank loan, secured to take care of the road and flood problems around Uratta road, Obohia road Porth Harcourt road, Ngwa road etc. Abians watched helplessly as the public sector workers went months after months without any prospect of having their emolument paid to them. The same was also the situation with the pensioners.
The situation was compounded with the first rains that came which saw the major cities of Aba and Umuahia being submerged by floods. These were the factors that induced a more determined quest by Abians led by Otti and his Labour Party to decisively defeat the “Abia Demons” this time around.
The situation was helped by the emergence of Peter Obi as the leader of the change agents in Nigeria
It also has to be noted that Otti with his Labour Party Partisans campaigned very hard in all the nooks and crannies of Abia State to the extent that his acceptability and prospect of winning the election was not in doubt
However, the “Abia Demons” as it relates to electoral malpractices were not yet done and were rather prepared for an overkill just like it happened in 2015 and 2019. The magic figures from Obingwa local Government again surfaced on Saturday march 18th gubernatorial elections, which was intended to cancel majority of the votes cast by Abians. As has been proven now, a figure of 9962 was fraudulently changed to 108,000 and with the help of thugs and other armed groups, the figure was successful uploaded into the INEC IREV Server. This must be the most scandalous malpractices ever recorded in the 2023 gubernatorial election. The ‘Abia Demons’ clearly wanted an overkill.
The orgy of wild celebrations witnessed in all the nook and crannies of Abia following the declaration of Otti as the winner of the Saturday 18th march 2023 governorship election goes to demonstrate the relief which the citizens felt over the defeat of the ‘Abia Demons’ as it relates to electoral malpractices.
It has to be noted though that only one part of the “Abia Demons”, the part dealing with electoral malpractices has been defeated. The other part which might even prove more resilient, which has to do with the maladministration and under development of the state, is still waiting and rearing for a fight.
Abians has over the years queued behind Otti’s Messianic message of liberation from the iron grip of the “Abia Demons” because of their conviction that he has the strength of character, brilliance and exposure to liberate them. So much has been given to him in his quest, so much will be expected of him. He cannot afford to fail. In this quest for good governance, he should be aware of the major albatross of his predecessors and that he is the company of all manner of scoundrels, sycophants and jobbers, the yes men.
The bad governance structure in the state has over the years produced large numbers of such people as an industry.
It is also good to note the congratulatory messages and pledges of not challenging the electoral outcome in court. It is a good omen for the state. Otti clearly needs all the good will he could garner in other to enable his government to take off well. Otti is clearly deserving of all the congratulatory messages he is receiving.
Nnanna, former Chairman,Arochukwu LGA is a Member of Otti Campaign Council
I shall reproduce in good measure something that was said here two years ago under the above title. The same thing was reemphasized in different words on the 5th day of March, 2019, thus: “A time comes in the life of a people when a conspiracy of circumstances heralds a new era. This usually happens when no one is expecting it; and also, when all principal actors are occupied with their private schemes. So did it happen in Obodo Mmehie, after decades of suffering and failed promises by various factions of the confiscators of the commonwealth. The suffering of the people and the total disregard for the principles of natural justice, equity and good conscience led to the coming of Ejindu, the Young Man of Valour.
Until Ejindu’s emergence, the people looked up to the self-recycling leadership elite for a radical transformation of their lives. They did not know that conflicts between the various factions of the consumption-driven leaders were always about power and privileges, rather than service. Watch them fight over portfolio allocation after electoral victories and you will be reminded of vampires scrambling over which of them would get the juicier bodies to suck blood from.”
The article in question continued thus: “The deafness of our leaders may yet cost them everything. Yes, everything! Ejindu will come upon any land where genuine morality has left and where the supposed custodians of the law are making cheerful displays of unlawful plunder. It is natural that an Ejindu visitation should dawn on any land that routinely condoned aggravated misconduct and undermined the people’s sense of the sacred. It is natural that there should be a comprehensive redemptive intervention when the high priests, leaders and titled men who are supposed to be the guardians of all sublime values of the community put their imprimatur on profanity everywhere – and with impunity.
The dawn of the new era in Obodo Mmehie began one day with an innocuous incident in the Village Square during a New Yam Festival. A gangling old man who had witnessed the decay in the land muttered to himself in disgust: “Should decent people always step back just because the depraved are without compunction? Apparently there is no young man in this village who can say ‘Eji ndu eme gini’ and put an end to this nonsense.
Beside him was a tall young man, named Eji Ndu Eme Gini, who turned to stare at the old man in surprise. But the latter took no notice of him at all, as he got up and found his way out of the Village Square. Perplexed, the young man later narrated his strange encounter in the Village Square to his grandfather and asked the old man the meaning and implication of his name.
His grandfather replied: “The words in your name cannot be easily explained, translated or interpreted, my son. Your name actually asks the question: ‘Of what value is one’s life if it is not spent in the service of what is good? This name is for people who easily act out of conviction and concern for truth and justice, because they want what is right. Such people will always find it difficult to live for nothing, or keep quiet while the land rots.
“How could things be made right again in this village?” was the only thought in Ejindu’s head afterwards.He recalled how the elders used to be the living symbols of the tradition, law, values and pristine wisdom of the land. But he could now see that these Standard Bearers of right and wrong for the community had embraced the profane. The women and the maidens who once embodied flawless grace and womanly dignity had become something for which he could not yet find a name. The young men and the children who were once very diligent and industrious had become the victims of an older generation that glorified distribution and consumption. Neighbouring villages no longer admired and respected their village. The fertile lands and lush vegetation were still there, but the human beings in Obodo Mmehie had made the community bad.
But no one seemed to know, or was willing to admit, the source of the problem plaguing the now-sick land. The young ones blamed the elders, while the elders blamed the titled men. The titled men, in turn, said it was the fault of the kingmakers who made a wrong choice. Not to be outdone, the kingmakers declared that it was the fault of the King, who would not listen to anyone. So misery, despondency and weariness of the spirit soaked the land through and through. It was horrible, because people who could not lead, advise, nor admonish, anyone were in charge everywhere.
Desire for cheap and immediate material rewards was the focus. The few good ones among them lost their voice after repeated unsuccessful attempts to show the way. Others had their voices strangulated by the favours they had received, and continued to receive, from various quarters. Thus did the leaders cease to be the Standard Bearers for right and wrong for the people in Obodo Nmehie.
Ejindu was angry at first. Then his anger changed into the desire to eliminate everything that stood in the way to a better society. That led him to develop a plan by means of which he would disrupt the alliance of a questionable elite that was the root of all the problems. So, he sought out other like-minded people. Behold the Handmade of Providence had come!
Ejindu planned, held meetings, consulted and created a small team with a strong moral backbone. All the while he was also sharpening his Obejili, with calm dignity. Finally, he decided that it was time to strike. The precipitating circumstance was the selection of new members for the Council of Elders, shortly before a New Yam Festival. Ejindu came to the Village Square with his Obejili and struck one telling blow.
And what a blow it was! There was a mythical story in the village about Ejindu’s Obejili: that if he struck the air with his machete, the air on both sides of the dreaded Obejili would stand still for minutes before coming together again! What a machete! What a swordsman!
Many false priests, servants of fake oracles, elders without pedigree, reprobate leaders and their collaborators were sort out wherever they were and struck. Obodo Mmehie witnessed a great cleansing, after which Ejindu summoned the people.
As he stood before them, he remembered a story his father once told him about a great seer who once warned a new king of their village thus: “Your new position was given to you so that you would grow into it with the help of many gifted people in this village. You are not to be guided by only your own ideas, because the people are to learn and grow with you to a new form of responsible leadership that uses diversity to strengthen itself. That is why you are their King today.” The same seer also said to the people: “The gods have given all heads of households the duty to protect legacies and guide the unwary. Responsible farmers and householders do not eat, or ruin, the seed yams meant for the next planting season. Elders and leaders who mislead the people are like householders who are eating the seed yams of the next planting season. They are like springs bringing out dirty water and progressively poisoning the entire community. The gods would want such leaders to change – or be visited with their wrath.”
With this at the back of his mind, Ejindu began to address every segment of the community. First, he spoke to the women and pointed out how they could have been more effective as custodians of value. He asked them whether any man would continuously bring home stolen goods, if his wife constantly raised the necessary queries. He even blamed them for allowing their husbands to travel so far on the wrong road that turning back became difficult, and even impossible, for many of them. He then turned to the men and showed them how most of them had become incapable of clear thinking, because they only kept bad company; and had become too stiff-necked to take the genuine concerns of some of the women seriously.
He did not spare the elders, leaders and priest of various shrines and proprietors of oracular pronouncements who survived the cleansing. To them he said: “Most of you now look cheap and ridiculous because your kind betrayed the people entrusted to them and wrongly humoured evil. You failed to stand up for truth, natural justice, equity and good conscience. Look at you today. Would anyone in your position have died of hunger or thirst if you did not get any of the gifts and favours that cheapened and scandalized you before the people? The misfortunes of many of you are only just beginning, because you are primarily responsible for the evil in the land today.
Not quite done with them, Ejindu thundered further: “Have you asked yourselves why many people can now look the elders, leaders, priests and titled men in the face and say: “Do not push us around, after all several of you were drunk yesterday and the day before.” Can you still guide, control, frighten or rebuke anyone by asking, ‘Do you want the custodians of value to hear about your behaviour?’
Then Ejindu paused. Looking into the far distance, but at nothing in particular, he continued: “Should I be the one to tell you that it takes maturity, a broad and free spirit to lead others? Should a sensible cassava farmer not know that a cassava tuber that was harvested prematurely and left in the village stream to ferment would lose its sap in the water and become a tasteless pulp, after losing its essence? Chaff would be left of the cassava and those waiting to eat from it would go hungry; making the cassava and the people joint losers. Do we not all know that the Ijele, that great embodiment of the highest of all that is noble and royal, doe not dance for money; or lend itself to cheap approbation in narrow and recondite neighbourhoods? Should leadership be defined by reprobate self-presentation? Should ignorance be granted a faculty building and declared a School of Thought in a citadel of learning? Mbanu! No!
Coming back to the present, after the last elections and before the one taking place today, we must realise that there’s an ongoing national political education and maturation process. An awakening about informed decision-making is afoot. The owners of Nigeria, the people, will matter henceforth. The unmitigated myopia and selfishness of a misguided elite will be its may soon stand forth as the undoing. The wrongs to be righted by the religious, traditional and political leaders are still being papered over. Ejindu will be a symbol. A symbol of the new, the vaues of rebirth, the values of sustainable nationhood and of humanity. The Ejindu principle will find anchorage individuals – but most especially in an increasing number of people who opt for new values.
A veteran Nollywood actor, Kenneth Chinwetalu, popularly known as Aguba, who created a scene when he demanded for a virgin girl from Israel as his wife, has returned to his hometown in Enugu State.
This was disclosed in a post via the verified Facebook page of the Omega Power Ministry, OPM.
Aguba, according to the Facebook post, returned to Enugu on Thursday because he desired to be in his hometown.
Recall that he was found homeless and brought to Port Harcourt, where the general overseer of the OPM, apostle Chibuzor Chinenye gave him a home and had him medically evaluated and treated.
The cleric had gotten him an apartment and a caregiver who was placed on monthly allowance.
Today, 22nd March 2023 the veteran Nollywood actor Kenneth Chinwetalu popularly known as AGUBA returns to his hometown Enugu State.
This is after some months since the general overseer of OPM found him homeless and brought him to Port Harcourt, gave him a home, cared for him, had him medically evaluated and treated him properly.
The post read, Now he returns to his hometown, Enugu, where the man of God has gotten him an apartment, a caregiver who Apostle chibuzor placed on monthly allowance and currently looking for a good shop to establish a business for him because Enugu is where he said he desires to be, his hometown
Last week, it was widely reported that the President Muhammadu Buhari assented to 16 new bills sent to him by the National Assembly, most of which relate to the amendment of the Constitution. This has been in the pipeline for a long time, being a ritual with every legislative regime in Nigeria. It is taken as job for the boys, to enable certain privileged legislators go around the country in the name of gathering the views of the people for constitutional amendment, at the end of which we were usually fed with stories of lack of cooperation by the State Houses of Assembly and then it will end up as another case of money down the drain. So much money was spent on this project, so much time went into it and sufficient resources was amassed such that it would have been a great disservice to our dear country should these efforts be rendered futile.
For this and other reasons, the National Assembly deserves commendation and the President himself has earned his place in history for making these tireless efforts to have achieved some form of federalism, no matter the manner it was done. However, it would seem that the ruling party was very frugal in the consideration of the real issues that require amendment in the Constitution, given the time and resources that went into this exercise. No other body could have achieved constitutional amendment apart from the National Assembly.
Deliberately and without mincing words, the framers of the Constitution in section 4 thereof established the legislature as the first arm of government, because law is needed to define all other aspects of human existence. It is thus expected that through its additional powers of approval and oversight functions, the legislature will work to curb the excesses of the executive arm of government, especially in situations where retired military men have hijacked the democratic process, having in their prime usurped power through the ignoble strategy of coup d’etat, only to turn around in retirement to transform themselves into democratic dictators. Let us now consider the tokens delivered so far, at least from the news reports, by way of constitutional amendment.
The President was said to have signed into law 16 bills seeking to amend various portions of the 1999 Constitution. According to the information from the Office of the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Ahmed Wase, who is the co-chairman of the Committee, the bills assented to by the President included those devolving powers from the Federal Government to the States as some items were moved from the Exclusive Legislative List to the Concurrent List in the Constitution.
The power devolution bills that passed legislative requirements include those on power, railway, airports and prisons as well as biometric and criminal records. While the President signed the Bills seeking to grant state legislature and judiciary autonomy, the majority of the state Houses of Assembly opposed independence for local governments. The National Assembly in January transmitted 35 Constitution Alteration Bills passed by the state Houses of Assembly, out of the 44 bills sent to the states. To amend a clause in the Constitution (two-thirds or four-fifths) majority of each of the Senate and the House need to approve the amendment after which it will be transmitted to the state Houses of Assembly, where two-thirds or 24 out of the 36 of them have to concur. Out of the 36 states, 27 Houses of Assembly – Abia, Adamawa, Akwa Ibom, Anambra, Bauchi, Bayelsa, Benue, Borno, Cross River, Delta, Ebonyi, Edo, Ekiti, Enugu, Imo, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kogi, Lagos, Nasarawa, Niger, Ogun, Ondo, Osun Rivers and Yobe – forwarded their resolutions on the bills. Let us look at the Bills assented to by the President, in detail.
Independence for the State Houses of Assembly and State Judiciary
This is christened as the bill to provide for the financial independence of state Houses of Assembly and state Judiciary; and for related matters. This has been a major project for the present administration, spearheaded by the President himself. To the credit of the federal government, most legal practitioners prefer the federal bench largely because of the seeming independence and the welfare packages. A good example is the case of a highly-respected couple who both retired from the bench. The husband was immediately paid his pension and gratuity by the federal government whilst the wife was subjected to harrowing lamentations by a State that could afford to pay the salary of all judges in Nigeria put together. It is the same story for the legislature as the National Assembly enjoys greater independence in its operations and even in its funding, than the State Assemblies, which are run more as appendages of the executives.
Power Generation/Electricity
This is titled as the bill to allow States generate, transmit and distribute electricity in areas covered by the national grid; and for related matters. I was virtually jumping up in my spirit, to read of this final liberation from the powers of darkness and backwardness. By all means, not only States but also local governments, property developers, institutions and corporate entities that have the capacity to do so should be able to generate and distribute power for themselves and also for the use of those in their various localities. That is the only way to galvanize the industrial revolution that our nation needs desperately. Going round my neighbourhood recently, I discovered that almost every home has a generator and this will be the same for companies, schools, religious centres, institutions and all places of human existence. The amount of money spent on the procurement of generators, on petrol and diesel to power them and then on maintenance of generators are enough to bail us out of our economic quagmire. The task before the States is to urgently take steps through detailed legislation to in turn devolve power on electricity generation to the local governments and the corporate entities in order to achieve mass involvement. The economy of Nigeria is just waiting for the full implementation of this law to kick start our growth and development. Businesses have collapsed due to the rising cost of production, the most basic of which is power supply.
The Cabinet
This is titled as the Bill to require the President and Governors to submit the names of persons nominated as ministers or commissioners within 60 days of taking the oath of office for confirmation by the Senate or state House of Assembly; and for related matters. I have been at the forefront of this struggle to get the executive moving. This was necessitated by the delay by the President to constitute his cabinet well over six months after he took the oath of office in 2015. A suit was filed in Court in which locus standi became the focal point of judicial intervention. It is indeed gratifying that the legislators have risen to the occasion.
The Missing Links
The centralization of education by the Constitution has no place in a federation, whereby the federal government will determine the mode of admission of students into a university established and funded by a State. There can be no basis under our present circumstance, for sustaining the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, which destroys merit as the basis of seeking and acquiring knowledge, by cooking up figures for admission into tertiary institutions in the name of cut off marks. This is one of the frustrating factors for our youths, who are daily exiting Nigeria to other climes for greener pastures. Then of course is the issue of resource control. The ninth Assembly should not have missed the opportunity to make a statement for the existence of true federalism, unity and equity. People should be allowed to take their destiny into their hands and to determine what to do with the resources that God has endowed them with.
It is difficult to imagine that governors of the states still oppose autonomy for the local governments, which are the agents of development closest to the people. Money cannot be the root of this retrogression, given the monumental losses that our people have been subjected to over the years. Yes, it has been touted in the past that the issue of joint account between the states and local governments has been the bane of development and autonomy for the latter. Presently, the local governments only exist on paper, as no activity of any meaningful description is going on in those locations.
The duties assigned to the local governments under the Constitution, such as the control of markets, cemeteries, billboards, radio and television licences, environmental sanitation, waste disposal, road construction, etc have all been taken over by the states. This has in turn crippled the local governments such that most of them cannot pay the salaries of their workers. I appeal to the governments to please review their position on the issue of local government autonomy in order to place this third tier of government in the best position to discharge their responsibilities under the Constitution. In all, what we have in the name of constitutional amendment falls short of our expectations and indeed the promises made by the ruling party in its own manifesto. There is still time to do the needful, before handing over.
Adegboruwa, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), writes from Lagos
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In retrospect, one should have expected that the ethnic attacks that blow up in Lagos State around election seasons would be intense this time round. First, this election was the first time since 1999 that another party came close to blowing the lid off the All Progressives Congress’ much-vaunted “structure.” From the traditional rulers to thugs, the Lagos ruling class went all out to protect their sources of privilege. Second, it could not have been hard to recruit foot soldiers for this cause. People have been so ethically and systematically diminished by the dysfunctionality of the present regime that punching down on their neighbours could not but give some meaning to their emptied lives.
United States President Lyndon B. Johnson once observed, “If you can convince the lowest white man he’s better than the best coloured man, he won’t notice you’re picking his pocket. Hell, give him somebody to look down on, and he’ll empty his pockets for you.” Nigerians are no different in this respect. Just set Igbo and Yoruba—or Muslims and Christians—against each other, and people will fight to protect the leaders who eat their children’s destiny.
While the bitter exchanges raged, one barely heard from our leaders who should have used their moral authority to douse the tensions. So, it was surprising that Lagos governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s victory speech condemned the “hateful and hurtful ethnic profiling,” and claimed such was “totally out of place for us as Lagosians, the proud residents of West Africa’s pre-eminent melting pot.” If Sanwo-Olu truly believed that, he should have demonstrated it by condemning the ethnic baiting and profiling before his victory, not after he profited from its proceeds.
Where was he when some traditional rulers decided to stage Oro to intimidate people? Why did he not ask them to defer their rites until after the election since their intentions were suspect? Where was he when thugs made the people bold enough to go to the polls declare whether they were Yoruba or not just so they could be allowed to vote in their own country? How many of the aides that publicly participated in the hate campaign have Sanwo-Olu (or the APC) publicly cautioned? Have they disengaged their services? At the end of the day, some thugs will be arrested and paraded as Sanwo-Olu promised, but the hands that rock the cradle of fear and hate will stay on to launch the same campaign in 2027 (and possibly 2031).
Sanwo-Olu is probably a good guy at heart, but he is also a practical politician. To speak up on the issues of ethnic tension that roiled Lagos at the moment it raged was to risk attenuating the enthusiasm of his supporters who imagined they were fighting in service of some higher Yoruba nationalist cause. Now that the victory is safely in his hands, Sanwo-Olu thinks ethnic profiling is condemnable.
For those who still miss the point, here is it: the issues that went down in Lagos are not simply about whether people of a certain ethnic stock—whether Yoruba or Igbo or any other tribe—were going to vote like a herd for their respective choice candidates. Virtually any election anywhere ultimately boils down to the politics of identity. What was at stake in the case of Lagos—and yes, add every other location where violence erupted—was that some commandeered official power and bureaucratic resources to deny others the similar privilege of choosing their own candidate too. Every other thing that followed—from the ethnic slurring, the bitter exchanges on social media, to the physical violence their thugs visited on some people—was an inevitable consequence of the machinations of our leaders. If the leadership had acted differently, it would have gone a long way in changing the texture of relations during the elections.
Let me also point out that, Sanwo-Olu’s belated condemnation of what transpired on his behalf is no different from the man elected president, Bola Tinubu. On Tuesday, he also issued a statement that said, “I am particularly pained by cases of ethnic slurs, which are capable of creating needless mis-characterisation reported in some locations. My appeal is for us to rise above our differences, which, in reality, are fewer than the valued strings that bind us together as a people irrespective of the circumstances of our births.” There are some other finely-stated sentiments in Tinubu’s press release if you can stomach reading it. But words are cheap, especially when they are written by a salaried speech writer.
If there was anyone who should have intervened in the campaign of bigotry that characterised the Lagos election, it was Tinubu himself. He could have used himself as a personal example of a Nigerian possibility: that people can be leaders in any part of the country irrespective of their origin. Though not a Lagos indigene, he has held the state by the jugular for 23 unbroken years. Even his wife, Remi, served as a senator in Lagos for 12 years. This woman, who did not even qualify to be a Lagos senator either by state of origin or marriage, went as far as announcing that she would choose her successor. You would think the couple who enjoyed such munificence would want it for others, but hardly. They watched as their errand boys and various media propaganda outlets dished out some terrible vitriol to stir people’s worst impulses against each other.
Until even the US government had to issue a statement condemning the bigotry that attended the Lagos election, these people did not react. They let the hounds they had unleashed on the city run their course satisfactorily. Now, over the smoldering ashes of a war fought for his sake, Tinubu reads a prepared speech that says, “We must champion the healing process…” If he needs healing, he should consider tuning in to the NSPPD tomorrow morning. What God cannot do does not exist.
No thanks to the wiles of the leaders and alleged elders who want to milk the gains of the state’s population diversity without sharing the means to access those resources, primordial politics have become standard fare for Lagos politicians. The people who typify the cosmopolitanism of Lagos and who have managed to calibrate many differences to live together every day suddenly started saying the worst things to each other. Those who share business and personal relationships, whose lungs endure the fumes of the many pollutants that waft through the city’s air, who jointly agonise through the derelict infrastructure of the place, and who—despite all the shortcomings—give the city its throbbing essence, buried rational judgment and resorted to venomous attacks.
Even though you have not heard any Igbo person (of consequence, at least) declare Lagos as “no man’s land,” in recallable memory, some Yoruba are stuck on that narrative like the last song the deaf heard before losing the use of their auditory nerves. People keep dredging up the statement just to justify needless antagonism. Ask them for evidence of anyone still insisting that Lagos is a no man’s land, and they have no definitive answer. There should be a better way to convince yourself that the people who have been eating you out of house and home for the past 23 years will also be the ones to protect you from those you have branded as rampaging invaders.
Going forward, Sanwo-Olu should ask himself what the diversity of Lagos truly means to him. Does he see the people as mere numbers to exploit for economic and political gains or as a composition of living breathing humans whose dignity must be assured? Hopefully, it is not too late for him to rise above the murky ethos inaugurated by the political bandits and the jagudas who made him what he is today.
[OPINION] Senators Orji Uzor Kalu to pull out all the stops for the 10th Senate Leadership - Ojo Emmanuel Ademola
AdminGiven the ongoing intense lobbying for the topmost position of the leadership of the 10th National Assembly among critical contenders, a periscopic incursion into the inner mind of the president-elect, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT) – at this time – will provide ample insights into whoever clinches/emerges the President of Senate between the duo of Senators Orji Uzor Kalu and Godswill Obot Akpabio. This is essentially so because the leadership quotient of the Senate (cum the National Assembly) is intricately tied to the overall performance (or otherwise) of the executive arm of government. Put in plain language: the Senate President must share/imbibe the mind, aspirations, vision, intents, goals, struggles, hope, aspirations, and desires of the Country’s president, and invariably, the such aspirant must possess distinct qualities that resonate with that of the executive president himself. Recall that in our earlier piece, we had narrowed the race for the Senate presidency between Senator Orji Uzor Kalu from the South Eastern (SE) zone, and Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio from the South-South zone based on the rotational guiding principles of the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). Our prognoses had affirmed Senator Orji Uzor Kalu as the most favoured of the duo premised on several predetermined considerations and centrally considered variables. But are the stated leadership propositions in tandem with those of the president-elect? In other words, can we infer that the quality highlights of the prospective candidate (Senator Orji Uzor Kalu) tally with the inner recess of BAT to see through his projected ‘2023 Renewed Hope Agenda’?
For one, Asiwaju Tinubu is a great mind, an exemplary visionary leader, one with a deep-rooted passion for a progressive, prosperous and united Country, and it follows that whoever must drive the leadership of the National Assembly should key into such belief. From all intents and purposes, the visionary’s quest readily throws up Senator Orji Uzor Kalu (OUK), representing the Abia North Senatorial District of Abia State under the platform of APC, as the most qualified, among other prospective contenders for the coveted seat. Remember that both aspirants are astute and consummate democrats of high capacities among their exceptionalities. Nonetheless, viewed from the prisms of the need to maintain the balance of political power, and ensure a sense of inclusion among the ethnic groups in the Country, the choice of Senator Orji Uzor Kalu would seem a perfect fit for many reasons. Oozing from the political barometer of Nigeria’s temperature, the stakeholders from the five (5) States of South East zone have been obviously in a state of flux, anxiety, and despondency sharing in the Country, and their concerns need to be addressed with a view to enhancing further democratic deepen of Nigeria’s growth and development. The incoming administration of Asiwaju BAT, against the need to correct the perceived anomalies in the marginalisation of ethnic entities in the polity, it’s apt to streamline the power-zoning of the critical positions of the ruling party to address injustice, unfairness and inequality. And in consideration of this proposition, the South East zone, like the other afflicted ones, deserves the slot of the Senate President as a compensation balancing trophy. Ensuring my hand on my heart, visionary leadership will naturally resolve the nagging issue of national balancing before advancing into other critical areas of governance to fulfil the balancing stand of progressive governance body of knowledge for robust service delivery and delivery of dividends of democracy to all Nigerians. It’s reasoned that once the Eastern-necessity propositions are imbibed by the cross sections of political players (North and South), the search for the most qualified, experienced, resourceful, devoted and committed team player from the zone becomes easier to accomplish, and it’s within this context that the candidature of Senator Orji Uzor Kalu for the Senate Presidency is x-rayed and positioned.
Two, the president-elect is known for assembling a quality Team, and weighting the variable in support of the most qualified and best possible choice for the coveted position of Senate President of the coming dispensation, distinguished Senator Kalu stands taller above others as the most qualified of his peers. His progression from current Senate Chief Whip makes it logical as the 4th highest ranking Senator from the South East, and has served as a two-term tenure Executive Governor of Abia State from May 29, 1999, to May 29, 2007 (the same period that the president-elect served at the State level) gives him added advantage to appreciate the dynamism involved in leading a vibrant and complimentary National Assembly. A seasoned private sector guru, it is equally important to take into account his successful first term as the Senate Chief Whip of the 9th National Assembly, which earned him the respect of his peers, most notably the Senate President, Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan, who considered him “the most influential Chief Whip in the history of the Nigerian Senate”. Hence, Senator Orji Uzor Kalu is definitely the most qualified and best possible choice.
Three, the coming Administration would need to hit the road running in terms of a series of tasks of governance, and such requires support from the legislative arm with sterling leadership qualities. Achieving success of tasks before an assemblage of distinguished legislators with varied idiosyncrasies dwells more on the character of exemplary leadership which must have been acquired for service. Throughout his political career, Senator Kalu has led by example, articulated his vision (and realised it), demonstrated integrity, made hard decisions, communicated effectively with his fellow lawmakers, empowered his subordinates and constituents, and been a source of inspiration and motivation for those around him. He has also displayed tremendous leadership and has always backed up his words with action. Senator Orji Uzor Kalu’s achievements in public office over the years speak volumes and his unwavering commitment to good governance and a better Nigeria is irrefutable. These are attributes that would ensure his success in this role.
Four, political pedigree is yet another major determinant variable for consideration in pitching a tent over a sensitive position of a would-be Senate President. The BAT’s Team understands that the position of Senate leadership requires a personality with demonstrable political sagacity, capable of navigating the rough waters of Nigerian sociopolitical and cultural diversities. As mentioned earlier, there aren’t many politicians and public office holders with the pedigree and vast array of accomplishments of Senator Orji Uzor Kalu in this regard. The position of the 10th Senate President requires a politician with considerable experience in governance and lawmaking. All of these qualities he possesses in spades along with the fundamental tools to thrive in the role.
Five, the senatorial experience required for the tasks ahead is a major factor that the president-elect would be considering in pitching his tent with any candidate for the position of Senate leadership. The distinguished Senator Kalu has made giant strides in the legislative practice to affirm his first-among-equal status for the position. During his first Senatorial term which began on June 11, 2019, he remarkably sponsored 51 bills and 28 motions, making him the highest-rated among lawmakers from Abia state. Similarly one of the best performing and most highly regarded Senators in the country. As a further step towards crowning his senatorial gains, the foremost aspirant for the Senate president position has ensured the democratic dividends in his District by way of infrastructural development. Senator Kalu’s immense contribution to the infrastructural development of his Senatorial district, Abia North during his first four years in office, cannot be invalidated. He has undertaken several projects in that region such as the construction of roads, and the renovation of schools and hospitals. Other projects include the installation of street lights, sinking boreholes, supply of equipment to local farmers, and processing machines for local farm produce. The aspiring Senator continues to empower people in his constituency, particularly the youth and remains committed to more developmental projects in his second term.
Five, leadership comes with its concomitant price of being courageous, bold, and reliable at the critical time of reckoning. Asiwaju Tinubu understands these variables very well because they resonate with his personality. For Senator Orji Uzor Kalu, these qualities are most obvious through his unwavering support for Tinubu’s campaign immediately the APC declared Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu the party’s Presidential Aspirant for the 2023 Elections. Senator Kalu has been the most prominent and consistent voice of support for Asiwaju Tinubu, especially in the South East. This support has been even in the face of public scrutiny, ridicule, and backlash from the media, and opposition from rival parties as well as within his party. Rather than buckle under immense pressure, he remained brave and steadfast in backing the President-elect. It’s the pay-back time in terms of Asiwaju machinery’s support for Kalu’s ambition. And understanding the leadership personality of BAT, Senator Kalu can be assured of being an ally in the president-elect for his senatorial strive.
Six aside from the earlier variables of prognoses listed, a contender for the outstanding position of the Senate President (like the President of the Nation) must necessarily come to the field with nationalist and detribalized credentials. In becoming the president-elect, BAT has demonstrated exemplary winning traits in progressive governance and far-exceeding Apt, and nothing less is expected of the would-be President of the Senate. Senator Orji Kalu is known for his detribalized mindset. His name has a high degree of National appeal from all geopolitical zones, and he has repeatedly displayed a willingness to work with all Nigerians. And being the nationalist, he would also prove most beneficial in stabilising and unifying all Senators regardless of their respective ethnic backgrounds, states/regions of origin, and party differences.
Seven, just like the president-elect, being resourceful and pragmatic are sine-qua-non to holding forth the realms of affairs at the Senate, and by purposes and intents, the aspirant possesses the qualities. Orji Uzor Kalu is the chairman of SLOK Holding, a successful business endeavour. Pragmatism and resourcefulness qualities are among his greatest strengths. He is a man with the Midas touch, a captain of industry who has investments in many areas including the media – he owns the Sun and the Telegraph newspapers. I dare say that, a tested and trusted vessel like Senator Kalu fits the bill for a presumably marginalized geographic zone of our vibrant compatriots from the eastern front. Similarly, his experience in the private sector will help sustain a workable national development plan for Nigeria.
Conclusively, the prognosis of guessing the president-elect’s choice of a Senate leadership revolves around, among other propositions, a cerebral personality who can play the balancing act in a delicate political environment like Nigeria at this critical time; a personality with patriotic zeal for unifying the diverse nation; a team player who gets tasks achieved with minimal delay, and an experienced legislative player who is never a rookie. All these attributes are found in Senator Kalu, a ready-made tool needed to deepen democratic experimentation as Senate President for the convocation of the 10th National Assembly. For certainty, Senator Kalu is amendable, dependable, reliable, and dogmatic not to rock the boat of governance for the Asiwaju Tinubu/Shettima Administration.
Sometimes it feels like we have been childhood friends. That we have known each other forever. For over 30 years since our paths crossed, I can’t remember how many times I’ve called him “Louis,” much less “Louis Osaretin Odion.”
Even now, it feels awkward to write it. I call him by the name that the closest circle of his friends has come to know and call him for nearly three decades: “Capacity!”
And that’s what he calls me too, even though he retains the proprietary right to the moniker. He earned it from the odysseys of a life of sailing against the wind when many of his mates walked a road paved with comfort and relative safety.
His struggles through early school life in Ikare Akoko, Ondo State (where his parents stayed after leaving Edo, then Bendel State), his decision to set forth early to fend for himself and make his own luck by accepting and applying himself even in lowly jobs, and his abiding faith in a future that rewards hard work and diligence all combined to toughen his resilience.
These experiences have done at least two things for him. One, they have given him wisdom beyond his years. It sometimes feels like he was 50 long ago. And two, his experiences have not only benefited him, they have also strengthened his shoulder for many who would lean on him along life’s journey.
I’ve been one of them. Even though Capacity started out first as a stenographer in Concord newspapers in the early 1990s, we didn’t know each other well until he began to make editorial contributions to the Op-ed pages and later, the back page of what was then one of Nigeria’s most prestigious newspapers.
It was a matter of sheer serendipity and generosity of heart that Tunji Bello, the Group Political Editor of Concord at the time spotted Capacity, encouraged him to get a university degree and later redeployed him from secretarial duties to the editorial department of Concord. But I still didn’t know Capacity well enough at the time.
We began to bond more closely around 1995 when he moved to ThisDay, after the closure of Concord and following General Sani Abacha’s assault on the press, and particularly on MKO Abiola who was detained unto death after he won the 1993 presidential election.
At ThisDay, Capacity started a weekly column, “Bottomline”, which soon became a national must-read. Week after week, he brought to bear on his commentary a rare quality of insight and fearlessness which kept his growing fan base locked in and the political elite on edge.
Capacity was a columnist that other columnists had to read, especially on politics and current affairs. One particular article in 2002 bears recalling. Entitled, “Before the Babangida candidacy”, Capacity had taken on a faceless writer whose article was published in ThisDay, promoting the candidacy of military president Ibrahim Babangida.
After claiming he had stepped aside, Babangida was obviously still toying with the idea of running for the presidency exactly 10 years after he annulled the June 12, 1993 election and was forced out by General Sani Abacha.
In his usual bang-on-the-nail style, Capacity hammered the hack writer saying that even if the devil had tempted Babangida and he couldn’t summon the will to say no, he ought to have borrowed the sense of shame to resist it.
Two prominent pro-Babangida acolytes and public intellectuals descended on Capacity in a co-authored rejoinder. They attacked his motive, insisting that Babangida was exactly what a broken, wounded country needed. Then the fireworks began. The June 12 faithful-in-residence at ThisDay led by Bello, Kayode Komolafe, Sam Omatseye and Waziri Adio, launched a counterattack.
For me as Editor of Saturday PUNCH at the time, and a columnist too, it was riveting punditry and entertainment. I recall Bello accusing the two pro-Babangida public intellectuals who were in their fifties at the time, of “ganging up to silence a ‘small boy’!”
I was later informed that ThisDay Chairman and Publisher, Nduka Obaigbena, was obliged to call a truce, which also effectively signalled the end of the editorial road for the pro-Babangida merchants hoping to deploy the newspaper in the service of their principal.
This fearless quality of attacking injustice or hubris which he showed early in his career remains the hallmark of his journalism. We sometimes joke that it is a carry-over from his unfinished career as an amateur boxer. Anyone who knows Capacity knows he doesn’t choose his battles carelessly. He is a fighter you would rather have in your corner.
My interest in his work and our bond deepened after he left ThisDay as Deputy Editor and joined SUN in 2002 as the first Editor of its Sunday title. To be a title editor in SUN on the watch of the exceptional Mike Awoyinfa and Dimgba Igwe, ex-Concord staff members and SUN top guns who made Weekend Concord a soar away brand, was quite a task.
As Editor of a weekend newspaper myself, I watched Sunday SUN initially struggle to define its identity – a cross between a wannabe red top and something a bit more serious. And then, as Capacity grew into the job, the brand slowly pulled away to become one of the most authoritative newspapers for political interviews and consequential stories. It forced me to reset Saturday PUNCH. I think my friend and Sunday PUNCH Editor at the time, Remi Ibitola, also did the same.
But it was not until after Capacity’s tour of duty at SUN and later, National Life (where he was Managing Director/Editor-In-Chief), that we became really close.
As MD/Editor-In-Chief, he was now straddling the delicate and often potentially hazardous line between business and editorial survival of the new title. It’s not what you find in journalism textbooks. Well-funded newspaper companies abroad are protected from such miseries, too. Their editorial departments are walled off from the business side of the operations.
In a typical newspaper organisation in Nigeria, however, the MD/Editor-In-Chief is – or has to be – an expert at everything from circulation to advertising and from editorial content to digital marketing, if he or she really wants the business to survive.
As Controller at the time, I was also involved in the business aspects of newspaper operations at PUNCH. It was while Capacity was trying to find his footing not as an editorial man, this time, but also as a business manager, that he began to knock on my door more often, to compare notes.
Later, we worked together on a few entrepreneurial ventures, one or two of which we got our fingers burnt, but all of which only further deepened our bond of friendship.
When he accepted to work as Commissioner of Information in his home state, Edo, under Governor Adams Oshiomhole, he did so with great reluctance for some reasons. Capacity has no patience for bureaucracy, the worst kind of which is the mainstay of public service in Nigeria. Even though his job as a journalist has forced him into the public eye, he remains an intensely private man.
Above everything else, accepting the job meant dividing his time and attention between Lagos and Benin, perhaps for eight straight years? He was concerned about the effect of the job on his mother whom he remains deeply fond of, and also his young family.
Yet never one for half measures, once he took the job, he took it, at a great personal cost. He brought to his office extraordinary goodwill, professionalism and competence, for which he earned great respect and admiration.
I used to tease him that he is one of the few public officers who drove around without a police orderly, even though he had one, and quite often spent his own money to run the office.
Outsiders who didn’t understand his misery hardly flinched from pressing their demands, mostly financial, on the “Honourable Commissioner” to “do something.” He tried but when he had had enough, he resigned voluntarily mid-way into Oshiomhole’s second term in 2015 in spite of pressure to stay on.
His appointment in August 2019 as Senior Technical Assistant on Media to the President (under the office of the Vice President), is well known. But positions have never been what binds us. At the core, we share a deep, filial bond for family, profession, faith and justice.
Capacity has an extraordinary network of friends and contacts across age, tribal and occupational lines whose loyalty and friendship he covets. Still, he maintains that space, which Germans call lebensraum, that allows him to enjoy the respect, loyalty and confidence of friends, and yet keep his privacy.
If as Andrew Marr says, every editor needs an editor, Capacity is mine. He has been for as long as I can remember. He is often among my last “gatekeepers,” adding insight, challenging arguments and re-drafting awkward sentences.
And the owl that he is, I’ve sent my articles to him week after week for the last over 20 years, and have gone to bed only to wake up to his feedback in the morning. This is one of the very few editions I won’t share with him before press. I can’t be grateful enough for his labours of friendship in good times and in bad.
Since he insists that he is just 50, I’ll have to accept. But by my reckoning, which of course is not just a number, he has gifts far, far beyond his years!
Mallam Mamma Daura is easily one of the most powerful Nigerians today. Not only because he occupies the amorphous ‘Office of the First Nephew’ as the supreme commander of ‘Aso Rock Cabal’ but also because he knows how to play the power game. Daura is hardly ever seen in public neither does he court media limelight, despite his professional accomplishments. So, when a man who prefers anonymity decides to speak publicly, especially on such a hot potato issue as zoning, people are bound to pay attention. That was precisely what happened three years ago. In a rare interview with BBC Hausa Service in July 2020, Daura was quoted to have said that the 2023 presidential election in Nigeria should be based on competence rather than on zoning.
Such was the uproar generated by the interview that the presidency had to dissociate itself from Daura’s position. “It is important that we state from the onset that as mentioned by the interviewee, the views expressed were personal to him and did not, in any way, reflect that of either the President or his administration,” presidential spokesman, Garba Shehu, wrote in a statement. “At age 80 and having served as editor and managing director of one of this country’s most influential newspapers, the New Nigerian, certainly, Malam Mamman qualifies as an elder statesman with a national duty to hold perspectives and disseminate them as guaranteed under our constitution and laws of the land. He does not need the permission or clearance of anyone to exercise this right.”
Not surprisingly, fierce criticisms of Daura’s position came from several quarters. But I paid more attention to the views canvassed by Southeast politicians. The kernel of their argument was that the idea of ‘merit’ was being floated by Daura to deny the Igbo people what was generally considered their turn at the presidency. Based on my reading of the situation at the time, I believed an elite consensus could indeed be forged on the issue in the interest of equity in diversity. I decided to intervene with a piece titled, ‘Thoughts on Igbo Presidency’. As I reasoned, the Ndigbo had more claim to the presidency in a nation where citizens had long been conditioned to a tripodal (WaZoBia) political arrangement. But I also argued that it would be more productive to stake the Igbo claim within the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) than in the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).
I rested my thesis on the fact that the Southeast people had been loyal to the PDP from inception so could easily negotiate for the party’s ticket. Besides, I could recall a conversation I had with the Katsina State Governor, Aminu Bello Masari in 2016 while writing my book, ‘Against the Run of Play: How an incumbent president was defeated in Nigeria’. Masari had told me then (seven years ago) that after President Muhammadu Buhari, it would be the turn of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu to pick the APC ticket and that many of his colleagues in the north were already committed to working for that outcome.
As I often do when I write on sensitive issues, especially when they border on ethnicity or religion, I shared the draft with a few respected friends for counsel. The consensus was that even though I made a compelling argument for ‘Igbo presidency’, the draft could still be misconstrued by those who already believed at the time that Buhari was planning to hand over power to someone from the Southeast on the platform of APC. By my own assessment, PDP was a more realistic route to power for the Southeast. At the end, I decided to err on the side of caution by not publishing the draft.
While the content of my unpublished column may have been overtaken by recent events in the polity, let me share some of the views that prefaced the intervention. In July (2020), former Governor of Anambra State, Dr Chukwuemeka Ezeife, warned that not allowing an Igbo man to succeed President Buhari in 2023 would not be in the national interest. “My view is the general view. We are talking of equity, we are talking about fairness, and we are talking of justice. All these considerations require that power should move to the South and within the South, it should go to the Southeast. Unless some people are not interested in what happens to Nigeria then they can deny the Southeast,” Ezeife reasoned.
Same week, former PDP National Chairman (and erstwhile Enugu State Governor), Dr Okwesilieze Nwodo, said: “the Igbo, 50 years after the war, have been so marginalised as if the civil war was still on. To heal that wound and to put that war behind us, I think if the country reaches out to the Igbo (for the presidency), it will be the masterstroke to heal the wounds.” The then President General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Chief Nnia Nwodo, who spoke through his Media Aide, Emeka Attamah, also insisted that it was the turn of the Southeast: “Daura’s comment is self-serving. He should have said this before the 2019 elections. They ganged up against former President Jonathan because they believed it was the turn of the North to produce the President. Having benefited from his nephew as President, he now wants the principle of rotation jettisoned…Now that it is the turn of the South, precisely Southeast, Daura is mouthing qualification and competence. Equity is a constant flagship for peace and good governance. Without it, there will be continued agitations and crisis. At his age, Daura should stand for equity and fairness.”
The foregoing subtext provided the background to the primaries of the political parties last year. In the PDP, Mr Peter Obi was easily the most prominent Southeast politician bidding for the party’s ticket. But when it became obvious that some power brokers within the party had other ideas about where the ticket should go, Obi left to become the flagbearer of the Labour Party. By accident or design, he had also become the toast of young Nigerians on social media. Meanwhile, shortly before the APC primaries last June, Tinubu was in Abeokuta to meet with the Ogun State delegates. Speaking in an angry note at a period his aspiration for the APC ticket appeared to be floundering, he reminded his audience of the role he played in theemergence of Buhari in 2015. He ended with the famous line, “Emilokan”.
Although Tinubu spoke against the background of whatever agreement he and Buhari may have struck in putting together the political special purpose vehicle called APC, it was not lost on many politicians from the Southeast that a Tinubu presidency would be at the expense of their legitimate group aspiration.When ‘awalokan’ (it is our turn) jams ‘emilokan’ (it is my turn), it is no surprise that we have this crisis between the Yoruba and Ndigbo. It may be unspoken but in the words of a writer I once referenced, the most dangerous part of an iceberg is not the part you see; it’s usually the part beneath the water surface.
However, having had a Yoruba man (President Olusegun Obasanjo) who spent eight years in office with another eight years by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, there is no group aspiration in the Southwest for the Number One job in the country. But the fact that Tinubu is a Yoruba man is a problem even if he plotted his way to power by forging alliances that have paid off for him. Meanwhile, the challenge of the moment has been compounded by theoutcome of the presidential election on 25th February in Lagos followed by recourse to violence, ethnic baiting and unbridled brigandage during the gubernatorial election last Saturday.
I am going to unpack that election and all the associated issues but that is not for today. We have two immediate challenges on our hands. One is about the distribution of political opportunities in a way that excludes a significant section of the country. The second is on inter-ethnic relations, harmonious living and the danger that comes with profiling. In a plural society such as ours, profiling not only creates and perpetuates a poisonous social environment, but it also makes peaceful co-existence very difficult. I derive no satisfaction in saying that I saw this problem coming but it is on record that I warned about it. In my column, ‘At the End, Only One Will Win’ published just two days before the presidential election, I illustrated my point with the story of how in 1825 a new Russian Czar, Nicholas I, cancelled the pardon granted dissident, Kondraty Ryleyev because of what he said after miraculously surviving hanging.
I concluded the column with the following words: “…many Nigerian politicians and their supporters have refused to learn: That words spoken or written in moments of anger or sometimes for fun, have consequences. Beneath the sabre-rattling we have witnessed in recent weeks is a certain mentality of politics as warfare. However, my concern is not the damage their words can do to themselves but rather to the peace of our country and national security, especially after the votes are in. With the presidential election just hours away, it is important that the leading candidates and their supporters watch what they say, regardless of whether they win or lose. Given how the BATified, ATIKUlate and OBIdients have gone overboard during this campaign, especially on social media, one cannot rule out gloating or even ethnic baiting by members of the victorious side at the end of the process. Yet, one insensitive tweet or a reckless Tiktok video post could trigger violence in a contest that unwittingly stands on Nigeria’s ancient tripod…”
Whether we want to admit it or not, Nigeria now has a problem that the political elite must confront. With the current arrangement based on north-south oscillation of power, a psychological exclusion of an important ethnic group for a long time cannot help the development of our country. As we therefore seek to navigate this tricky period in our history, those “whose palm kernels were cracked for them by a benevolent spirit should not forget to be humble,” to borrow from the wisdom of the late literary icon, Prof Chinua Achebe.
It is to the eternal credit of the late Professor Akinwunmi Isola that in writing the script of the movie, ‘Magun’ (Thunderbolt), he chose to make the Yoruba character the villain. So, it is easy to recommend it at a time like this. Incidentally, I first deployed the message embedded in the movie in August 2013 in my column, ‘Yoruba, Igbo and Media Warriors’ where I wrote that the “Igbo this, Yoruba that” argument that dominated the period “detracts from what should be the focus of our attention…It is time we put an end to the on-going nonsensical debate between some Igbo and Yoruba commentators and face the real issues of poverty, development and national unity.”
The cast included seasoned professionals like Adebayo Faleti (now also of blessed memory), Bukky Ajayi, Uche Obi-Osotule (one of Nigeria’s most adored actresses of my generation), Lanre Balogun, Wale Macauley, Ngozi Nwosu and the late Dr Larinde Akinleye. The story is woven around Ngozi (Uche) and Yinka (Balogun) who met and fell in love at the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) orientation camp. Feeling insecure, the Yoruba husband laced his Igbo wife with ‘Magun’, the mysterious chastity control which instantly terminates the life of any man who dares to ‘climb’. Efforts to break the spell on the faithful Igbo wife provided the entertainment and drama of existence in the movie. In the final analysis, Ngozi’s redemption came from the family of her irresponsible Yoruba husband, the Yoruba native doctors, her local Yoruba guardian and finally the love-struck Yoruba medical doctor who offered himself as a guinea pig to test the efficacy of ‘Magun’ on the altar of a five-minute enjoyment!
Twice on this page, I have used the Yoruba/Ndigbo online war that has been going on for almost two decades to illustrate the danger of blaming the conduct of one person on an entire group. That happens to be the central message in ‘Magun’ which, as I also wrote in 2017, “speaks to a time like this in our nation when some Yoruba and Igbo irredentists are promoting hate speech in the name of a meaningless superiority war that glorifies some distorted accounts of the past.” In ‘Magun’ (produced by Tunde Kelani’s Mainframe), when the tribulation of Ngozi was over and she was confronted with the prospect of another Yoruba suitor, she was hesitant. But her father, who started out as a Yoruba antagonist, saved the day by giving us that memorable line: “A man is a man; and a race is a race”.
At this point, let me state that no side is innocent in this never-ending ‘supremacy battle’ between Yoruba and Igbo, fuelled mostly by those in the Diaspora. Because of it, I have on several occasions suffered unprovoked online insults and abuse which I usually ignore. While social media platforms amplify voices of the fool and the wise alike, the consequences are always more dire when those in responsible positions engage in toxic and hateful speech. That sadly was lost on Mr Bayo Onanuga, a respected senior colleague who was at the frontline in the struggle against the Sani Abacha dictatorship in Nigeria. By the position he holds in the APC campaign, Onanuga’s words carry the imprimatur of authority. And because of that, he cannot say certain things.
It is true that some Igbo irredentists in Lagos have needlessly been making provocative statements because I also get a lot of their posts on WhatsApp. But there is a huge difference between some random guy on TikTok saying Igbos have conquered Lagos, and the official spokesman for the president-elect saying Igbos are not allowed to participate in the civic life of the state they reside and in which many were born. He may claim to be speaking in his private capacity, and Tinubu’s call for healing shows they do not share the same view on the issue, but the toxic tweet is nonetheless still dangerous to the health of our society.
It is therefore important that Onanuga be compelled to retract and apologize. The damage is done, but there will at least be the symbolic acknowledgement that there are certain lines we must not cross, even in the pursuit of power.
Ikpeazu’s Commendable Gesture
When on Monday someone told me that the Labour Party (LP) gubernatorial candidate in Abia State, Dr Alex Otti, had been declared winner, I quickly made a call to congratulate him. Otti, former Managing Director of Diamond Bank, was until recently a member of THISDAY editorial board. He sounded so buoyant on the phone that I didn’t suspect anything was amiss. I was therefore surprised when on Tuesday afternoon, Otti called that he had arrived Abuja for a press conference, asking me to join him. That was when I learnt that the result of the election had not been declared because the incumbent Governor Okezie Ikpeazu was plotting to tinker with the result from Obingwa local government to upturn his victory, the same way it happened in 2019. Ikpeazu had been plotting to have his former Chief of Staff and PDP candidate in the state, succeed him.
Although I couldn’t join Otti on Tuesday, I followed all the drama until the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) finally released the result yesterday. By the account of Otti, it was the use of technology, particularly the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) that eventually saved the day. But the moment the result was announced yesterday, Ikpeazu released a statement that I find quite commendable.
Here is what Ikpeazu said: “Since we have come to the logical end of this battle, it is appropriate to congratulate the winner, Dr Alex Otti on his hard-fought victory. In every battle, there will always be a winner and in the spirit of sportsmanship and love for our state, the Governor-elect must see his victory as a higher call to service to the people of Abia State. Having myself spent about three and half years in different courts and having experienced first hand, the distraction such cases can cause a leader, I appeal to every candidate in this election not to distract the incoming administration with court cases, so that they will settle down and deal with the very demanding business of governance. Let us break this negative trend of subjecting our Governors to endless litigations and allow them to concentrate on providing good governance”.
I congratulate Otti on his victory at the poll and I commend Ikpeazu for his decency.