Tuesday, 25 February 2025 17:11

[OPINION] Beyond Babangida’s Abuja crowd - Jide Oluwajuyitan

The make-up of Babangida’s Abuja crowd during the public presentation of his autobiography- ‘A Journey in Service ‘last week was in character with a leader who like ‘Maradona’ takes delight in devious scheming. On hand to give him solidarity were five of his fellow former military Heads of State who see manipulation of the governed as great asset. They all believe that government doesn’t need to ask what the governed want. Why are they leaders if they cannot dream for their people?

 The second group is made up of former products of Babangida’s school of democracy; he personally christened them ‘new breed’ politicians. They were from the onset forbidden from making contact with neither the past nor their corrupt leaders. Today, some are in the private sector while others have become part of our current governing class. The military is their role model and for them, government is about sharing spoils of war. They didn’t have problem raising N17billion towards the building a presidential library for their godfather, ex-President Babangida, accused by detractors of institutionalising corruption in Nigeria.

Babangida, the self-styled evil genius, often obsessed with self-preservation, loves none but self. He is as selfish as he is self-centred. He is a leader with no abiding faith. Babangida was the leader who carried out a palace coup against his principal he accused of not carrying people along in decision making only for him to take IMF loan roundly rejected by Nigerians as shown by the result of a national survey he commissioned. Despite experts’ advice and general rejection of the Structural Adjustment Programme, it was embraced by Babangida even as the result was the turning of our country into a dumping ground for foreign manufactured goods from all over the world. And finally, the evil genius, thinking he knew what we want, took a multi-cultural and multi-religion nation like Nigeria into OIC without consulting Nigerians.

This is why I think his last week act of contrition over his role in the June 12 1993 fiasco during the public presentation of his autobiography- ‘A Journey in Service’ was an assault on sensibilities of thousands of Nigerians beaten by and detained by the police or killed by soldiers while demonstrating in Lagos and across Nigeria against Babangida’s coup against the nation.

 For anyone who is familiar with the style of the ‘Maradona’ who dribbled the academia, the media that made him, and the traditional institutions that bestowed on him honours without end across Nigeria including the (Opu Omu Alabo), the chief war leader of Rivers, the Oka ome Eme (a man of his words of Enugu) and the Comforter of the Igbos), it is not difficult to dismiss his last week act of contrition over his June 12 1993 coup against Nigeria an assault on sensibilities of Nigerians

And if one may ask, what is the Maradona apologizing for after blaming everyone else for the coup except self? As if the evil genius thinks he is still the Commander-in-Chief 32 years after Nigerians angrily chased him out office, he is identifying those Nigerians should hold responsible for the 1993 coup many believe he masterminded but executed by his friends. He has identified, Arthur Nzeribe, the Association to Better Nigeria (ABN), he admitted was his friend as the one who secured an illegal midnight judgment that threatened the conduct of the election; he named his Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Clement Akpamgbo who in clear violation of Decree 13, which barred any court from interfering with INEC’s conduct or scheduling of the elections, he said misadvised government and  Akpamgbo’s godson, Justice Ikpeme, whose Abuja High Court granted the ABN an injunction stopping NEC from conducting the June 12 elections.in the dead of night. Babangida also wants Nduka Irabor sanctioned. According to him the June 12 elections “was annulled on June 23, 1993 through “a terse, poorly worded statement from a scrap of paper, which bore neither the presidential seal nor the official letterhead of the government, read out by Nduka Irabor”.

Unfortunately, Babangida forgot that in spite his current denials and buck passing, he validated, all the above decisions he now says were not approved through a public broadcast and press conference where he also laid out plan for his Interim National Government contraption.

 Sadly, Babangida, a common trickster thinks no one sees though his subterfuge. The other five perfidious generals who were out with him last week suffer from the same affliction

But how did we get here?

We are an endowed nation. At independence, Nigeria was seen as the hope of the black race. The East was rated as having the highest growing economy in the world, The West had television ahead of Belgium and Germany and was through welfarist policies including free education and free health services, was on the verge of creating an egalitarian society. Our dreams and hopes came into an abrupt end when ethnic irredentists turned the Nigerian Army into an army of balance of terror in 1966.

It is precisely because Babangida style is not different from those of other Nigerian former generals that ruled us like conquered people that I want us to look beyond his Abuja crowd and interrogate how total disrespect for Nigerians by our successive military leaders from Aguiyi Ironsi to Abdulsalami Abubakar has brought the nation to her knees.

First let us take a journey through memory to see how we got here.'

There was a military insurrection in January 1966. Ironsi who emerged as the new leader of the country in a moment of madness promulgated Decree 34 of 1966 that overnight turned a multi-cultural Federal Republic of Nigeria into a unitary state. Unitarism was a social system long canvassed by the Igbo ethnic group.

The response of the north to unification was the July 1966 vengeance coup that led to the killing of many Igbo military officers, massacre of Igbo people in the north and eventual civil war.

Gowon played the ethnic card by allowing himself to be railroaded into power in breach of espirit de corps of the military which favoured Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe, then the most senior surviving military officer as Head of State. Of course, there wouldn’t have been any civil war but for Gowon’s refusal to abide by the terms of the Aburi Accord.

Obasanjo also betrayed the country when he, as an umpire in the 1979 election, chose to support Shehu Shagari. The rest of the country viewed Obasanjo’s action as a form of payback to the northern hegemonic power that allowed him to succeed assassinated Murtala Mohammed in 1976.

Buhari actually believed he could rule Nigeria without Nigerians’ consent.  In 1984, he treated northern politicians with kid gloves while he sent their southern counterparts who, as government, officially cornered contract commissions to build universities and health facilities for the mass of their people in Edo, Ondo, Ogun and Lagos to prison years ranging from 100 to 200.

Besides stealing the country blind, Abacha, the maximum dictator ruled the country on his own terms. He waged war against Abiola and his Yoruba people while preparing himself for self-perpetuation

Abdulsalami, besides imposing the 1999 Constitution regarded by many as Decree 24 as it was never discussed by Nigerians, believed he and other northern military officers that brought Obasanjo  out of prison, and imposed him as Yoruba preferred candidate and went on to work for his victory, have neither patience or respect for the sensibilities of the Yoruba people.

The net effect of this on the nation was that at the birth of the fourth republic in 1999, there were no politicians with experience in parliamentary democracy or even or even the party system. What we had were military-baked new breed politicians that saw only the outgoing soldiers as role models.

This was why Ayo Opadokun, a former NADECO chieftain, speaking on the legacies of Ayo Adebanjo and Pa Edwin Clark who died after lifelong struggle on Channels Television last week said he holds exception to being told our current political class are politicians. To him as well as to many other Nigerians, they are military apologists who since 1999 could not even guarantee the status of citizenship Nigerians enjoyed under colonialism especially in terms of constitutional engineering.

As a way forward, Opadokun says President Tinubu who understands and has been part of the struggle for nation-building should engage the leaders of ethnic nationalities, the owners of Nigeria.

I think it is time to stop playing the ostrich and let those who claim they don’t know the meaning of restructuring that it is a quest to return our country to a federal arrangement which most multi-cultural societies in the world believe guarantees unity in diversity.

 

 



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