Happy new year, everyone! As 2025 was rolling in, we were escorted into the New Year by cries of discrimination, attempted marginalisation and emasculation from some politicians who claim to be speaking for the “North”.

Apparently there is a coordinated effort to ensure that the proposed tax reform bills sent to the National Assembly (NASS) by the Tinubu government is stillborn. A section of the northern elite have planted their members around the various media to canvas that the bill be strangled. Their grouse? The legislation is “anti-North”!

Blackmail

Usually, when people disagree with a section of a bill, they submit their protest and suggestions to the National Assembly and proffer rational arguments to convince the legislators that their objection is logically defensible and socially desirable. But the politicians against the bill are not interested in making suggestions to tweak the provisions of the bill. They simply want it killed. They are also threatening to ensure that Tinubu does not win a second term in 2027 if he does not bend to their will.

Part of the reason I enjoy watching politicians playing their game is because one way or the other it provides entertainment. Politicians are the only set of people on the surface of God’s earth who believe that their motives are so well disguised as to fool the rest of humanity. The hawk glides with arrogance in the sky unmindful that the people on the ground are watching its manoeuvres.

When TV anchors ask the anti-tax-reform gladiators to pinpoint the exact clauses they find objectionable in the tax bill, they revert to their habitual circumlocution and complain that there wasn’t enough consultations before the bill was crafted. When told that the public hearing to be conducted by the legislature is meant to ensure that all shades of opinion are heard before a final decision is taken, they say that the bill does not deserve a public hearing and should be scrapped completely.

The anti-tax-reform lobby is all too predictable and presumptuous. When they say “the North”, they mean their family and hangers-on. Take the case of Senator Ali Ndume who railed against the transfer of a department of the Central Bank from Abuja to Lagos as an anti-North move. Hearing his intemperate lingo, you would think that Lagos was not part of Nigeria. It turned out that his daughter was a staff of the CBN and the senator was only trying to prevent the transfer of his daughter from the federal capital to the former capital. The logic of the claim was that whatever affected the good senator also affected the North!

Inclusivity

From the political wilderness came the voice of the former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir el Rufai, condemning what he sees as Tinubu’s nepotism. In a cryptic message of his X platform where he reacted to Farouk Kperogi’s article, “Tinubu’s Buharisation of the NNPC”, el Rufai wrote: “Two wrongs do not make a right. Sensible inclusion always trumps arrogant exclusion.”

Diehard Tinubuphiliacs have sworn that at the appropriate time, they will ask el-Rufai to elucidate on his theory of “arrogant exclusion”. Many of them pointed out that el-Rufai was the least qualified politician to talk about arrogant exclusion.

It was because of the former governor’s bad record in matters of inclusivity that his political rival, Senator Shehu Sani, argued that el-Rufai had no moral authority to criticise Tinubu. Sani accused el-Rufai of turning Kaduna into an apartheid state during his tenure.

According to him, “There were people who were silent when Buhari was filling political offices with his kinsmen and have now found their voice when the equation doesn’t favour them. Let’s not make reference to the nepotism that marginalised Southern Kaduna for eight years. Kaduna was an apartheid state for eight years.”

So, when next you hear politicians like el-Rufai claiming that the North is marginalised or that the Tinubu government is unduly favouring Lagos with its plan to participate in the provision of rail infrastructure in the former capital, you may want to seek further clarification. Pray, if Nigeria under Buhari’s leadership could fund a railway line to Maradi in Niger Republic, why can’t the country under Tinubu invest in its former capital?

My own theory of a common wealth is that every section of the country should be helped to thrive and flourish. A poor North will negatively affect Nigeria. That is why it is important to carry the region along with many productive schemes such as the newly established Ministry of Livestock Development. But the days of the feeding bottle are over.

Mercifully, the North is rich in mineral resources. All that is left is to develop the human resources. Instead of fighting to share in the Value Added Tax (VAT) generated by other states from the consumption of alcohol, the northern states should embark on a massive basic education and skill acquisition drive. Such a move will rid the highways of the street urchins known as almajiri and at the same time provide the needed manpower to translate the vast mineral resources to wealth.

But let no one delude himself that time has stood still in any part of Nigeria since Independence. It will be delusional to categorically talk of the North as one monolith as if we were in 1959. If a plebiscite was taken today, it is likely that we shall find that different sections of the country have different concerns. So, when a political gambler threatens that he would ensure that “the North” does not vote for Tinubu in 2027, you may want to ask, “Which North?”

Tax Bill

There is no ambiguity in the intentions of the tax bill. According to the presidential committee saddled with the task, the reform seeks the discontinuation of all consumption taxes other than VAT. Its explanation is as follows:

Basis of distribution – the current formula for sharing VAT among states is based on 20 percent derivation, 50 percent equality and 30 percent population. The tax reform proposes a different model of derivation which will attribute VAT to the place of supply and consumption rather than the current model which attributes VAT to the state where it is remitted thereby favouring states with companies’ headquarters. Further, derivation under the new model will account for 60 percent of VAT distribution for better equity and to discourage any state from seeking to administer VAT as a state tax, which will not only result in much lower revenue for all tiers of government but will impose a higher burden on businesses… The 5 percent to be ceded by the federal government can be set aside for equalisation transfers to cater for any shortfall to a state under the new model. This ensures that no state is worse off in the short-term while significantly enhancing economic activities and revenue for all states in the medium to long-term.

If the above is true, I honestly don’t see why any section of the country would be crying foul. A more positive reaction would be to do the math, gather your papers and raise your objections at the National Assembly hearing. That is the democratic imperative, not blackmail.

Happy New Year

I welcome you to 2025 with the words of the contemporary Turkish playwright, Mehmet Murat ildan: “In the New Year, never forget to thank your past years because they enabled you to reach today! Without the stairs of the past, you cannot arrive at the future!”

Many people think – though erroneously – that Man or Woman of the Year, Person or Personality of the Year is given only to saints; even devils have a right to it, and have many times been so “rewarded” in the past! The award is usually a recognition of who impacted lives the most, globally or within a geographical location, for good or for bad within the period under review. Who did the most extraordinary things – whether to the people’s acclamation/applause or derision/opprobrium? Who was the most enigmatic, the most controversial and talked-about, again, for good or for bad? Who surprised people the most – in their speeches, actions, and the successes recorded; whose sound bites travelled farther than those of any other person, thus etching a permanent impression on people’s mind and psyche? Emilokan! Make America Great Again! Whose presence/personality, policies (imagined or anticipated) and actions (threatened or real) have impacted or moved people to action more than at any other time in recent history? These are some of the qualities that determine who is so crowned – for better or for worse. Now, think of any Nigerian other than President Bola Ahmed Tinubu whom the cap fits! Had the Dangote refinery not dashed Nigerians’ hope of a substantial reduction in the price of fuel, Aliko Dangote would have been the undisputed Man of the Year 2024. But as things are, Tinubu is, in many respects, the Nigerian version of the United States’ Donald Trump, its former (45th) president as well as incoming (47th) president, a few days from now.

Many in the US were gutted when TIME magazine announced Trump as its “Person of the Year 2024”, perhaps more so than when Trump won the November 5, 2024 US presidential election by a landslide, winning both the popular vote and the electoral college, and leaving no one in doubt that he was the choice of the vast majority of the American electorate. Expect here a similar backlash to Tinubu being Personality of the Year. Maybe we should first take a look at how TIME arrived at its choice of Trump because the similarities between the personality and politics of Trump and Tinubu are striking in many respects.

“ For 97 years, the editors of TIME have been picking the Person of the Year: the individual who, for better or for worse, did the most to shape the world and the headlines over the past 12 months. In many years, that choice was a difficult one. In 2024, it was not.

“Since he began running for President in 2015, perhaps no single individual has played a larger role in changing the course of politics and history than Trump. He shocked many by winning the White House in 2016, then led the U.S. through a chaotic term that included the first year of a pandemic as well as a period of nationwide protest, and that ended with his losing the election by 7 million votes and provoking the violent attack on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. The smart money wagered that we had witnessed the end of Trump.

“If that moment marked Trump’s nadir, today we are witnessing his apotheosis. On the cusp of his second presidency, all of us—from his most fanatical supporters to his most fervent critics—are living in the Age of Trump. He dispatched his Republican rivals in near record time. For weeks, he campaigned largely from the New York courtroom where he would be convicted on 34 felony counts. His sole debate with President Joe Biden in June led to his opponent’s eventual exit from the race. Sixteen days later, he survived an assassination attempt at a campaign rally. In the sprint that followed, he outlasted Vice President Kamala Harris, sweeping all seven swing states and emerging from the election at the height of his popularity. “Look what happened,” Trump told his supporters in his election-night victory speech. “Isn’t this crazy?” He almost couldn’t believe it himself.

“Now we watch as members of Congress, international institutions, and global leaders once again align themselves with his whims. The carousel of Trumpworld characters spins anew. This time, we think we know what to expect. Supporters cheer even his promises to take revenge on his enemies and dismantle the government. In a matter of weeks, Trump will be returning to the Oval Office with his intentions clear: tariff imports, deport millions, and threaten the press. Put RFK Jr. in charge of vaccines. Chance war with Iran. “Anything can happen,” he told us.

“Sitting with TIME three weeks after the election, Trump was more subdued than when we visited him at Mar-a-Lago in March. He is happiest to be in a fight, and now that he has won, he sounded almost wistful, recognizing that he had run for office for the final time. “It’s sad in a way. It will never happen again,” Trump told us. And while he is thinking about how that chapter has ended, for Americans and for the world, it is also the beginning of a new one. Trump is once again at the center of the world, and in as strong a position as he has ever been.

“Over time, we’ve seen the Person of the Year franchise shift: from Man of the Year to its current designation; from the period between the world wars, defined by leaders like Mohandas Gandhi and Wallis Simpson, to the first quarter of the 21st century, an era marked by the tremendous changes ushered in by a technological revolution. Although the American presidency has evolved across these eras, its influence has not diminished. Today, we are witnessing a resurgence of populism, a widening mistrust in the institutions that defined the last century, and an eroding faith that liberal values will lead to better lives for most people. Trump is both agent and beneficiary of it all.

If it was not difficult for TIME to choose its Person of the Year 2024, it should be no less for us here in Nigeria. Tinubu has been an influential recurring decimal in Nigeria’s political scene since he was elected as senator in 1992. He was a leading figure in the pro-democracy activism that fought military dictatorship to a standstill before becoming a two-term governor of the country’s most important state of Lagos (1999 – 2007), where he shone like a million stars. From there, he became a godfather, snatching the political leadership of the South-west from his erstwhile political godfathers. By playing a pivotal role in cobbling together the All Progressives Congress alliance to snatch power from a sitting president, he helped to engineer what had not happened before in Nigeria’s political history. He rode on the crest of that momentum to contest and win the presidential election in 2023.

Like it was thought of Trump after he lost his 2019 re-election bid to Joe Biden, everyone thought the end had come to Tinubu’s political career when his own party, the APC, gave him the cold shoulder from 2015 to 2023. Who ever thought the Asiwaju of Yorubaland and Jagaban Borgu would win the APC presidential ticket, not to talk of going ahead to win the presidential election of 2023? But he did, surprising even himself! Despite the barricades erected by party cabals, and the betrayals he suffered, even from some of his most trusted lieutenants! The Muhammadu Buhari he helped to make president was indifferent, even adversarial, to his own presidential ambition. To quote Anthony in William Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, the buffeting Tinubu endured from some of his supposedly die-hard godsons qualified as “the unkindest cut of all”. Just like some of the closest associates of Trump who showed up in court to testify against him!

TIME says Trump virtually shuttled between the courtrooms (answering to sundry allegations and criminal charges) and the campaign ground, so also did Tinubu face a barrage of allegations and accusations bordering on his name/identity, age, schools attended/certificates, state of origin/paternity, health status, corruption charges, name it! Like Trump, he survived them all, including erstwhile CBN governor, Godwin Emefiele’s currency change in the rundown to the presidential election that was widely interpreted as targeted at derailing Tinubu’s campaign strategy.

Unlike Trump who still has a few more days to wait before taking over and rolling out his stated policies which have not only Americans but the entire world catching cold already, Tinubu has been in the saddle for a little over one-and-half years and has exploded from his first day in office with policies that have thrown the entire Nigerian system into a tailspin, so to say. His twin policy of “subsidy is gone” and floating of the Naira has become the defining moments of his presidency. At no time in this country’s recent history has any government or its policies affected – nay, afflicted – Nigerians as these two-some, which critics have aptly described as Tinubu-Pain but which the Tinubu government itself optimistically sees as Temporary-Pain necessary to prevent the total collapse of the economy while restoring it to good health again over time.

Like Trump, Tinubu is audacious. They both share the same never-say-die spirit. The stubborn streak in both men steeled them to plunge into storms head-on like an eagle, daring to be different and seeing victory where everyone else sees defeat. Marching gallantly where even angels fear to tread must be one of the qualities that qualify them for Man or Person of the Year. The decisive steps on state police, local government autonomy, revamping of the comatose refineries, and the proposed tax reforms all indicate that Tinubu is not one to fear stepping on powerful toes.  If Trump’s comeback was of “historic proportions” as TIME says, Tinubu’s ascendancy to the Nigerian presidency was no less. Who would have thought that the former governor of Lagos, with all the baggage hewn on him, would succeed where the trio of the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo; Chief Olu Falae, and Basorun MKO Abiola failed?

Congratulations, Mr. President, but rather than rejoice or go to sleep, be reasonably advised to wear this accolade with fear and trembling (Phillipians 2: 12) because “better is the end of a thing than the beginning thereof” (Ecclesiastes 7: 8). The renewed hope that you canvassed; the light at the end of the tunnel that you promised; the T-Pain that you said is temporary; the better days ahead for all Nigerians that you said in your New Year speech are around the corner – all these must materialise if the joy of today is not to turn to ashes in your mouth.

Do you know that Jigawa can become the richest state in Nigeria? Don’t laugh at me and say “this guy has started again”. I will explain myself, but my central point remains that we have a mental block when it comes to understanding the wealth of a state. We have limited it to mineral resources and the sharing of the contents of the federation account by the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). We downplay many potential sources of revenue staring us in the face every day of the week and devote our energies to the allocation sharing formula. This wouldn’t be much of a problem if not that it always raises the temperature of the nationhood discourse. Who will save us?

In my previous article, ‘Let’s Be Kind to Nigeria, Please’, I analysed the malignant negativism that has afflicted many Nigerians. Only bad news about Nigeria excites them. Anything positive depresses them. Even in a silver cloud, all they want to see is a dark lining. If Boko Haram terrorists kill one soldier, they will amplify it. If soldiers eliminate 100 terrorists, they will look away. Their definition of “speaking the truth” is saying “Nigeria is finished patapata”. Those who say “there is hope for Nigeria” are ridiculed as “PR consultants” and cowed into silence. Thus, positive Nigerians keep quiet to avoid being “dragged”. I said you can hate your president and still love your country. It is legal.

Malignant negativism aside, another mental block eating us up is in the area of revenue allocation. The proposed VAT sharing formula has set another fire to our delicate fabric as an aspiring nation. The north is pitted against the south (yet again) over revenue sharing. The current VAT formula allocates 15 percent to the federal government, 50 percent to states, and 35 percent to LGAs. States share their slice on a ratio of 50:30:20 — equality, population, derivation. The new proposal is 10 percent for federal government, 55 percent for states and 35 percent for LGAs. States will use a ratio of 20:20:60 — equality, population, derivation — for their own share if the amendment is passed.

The point of friction is the 60 percent portion for derivation. Many northerners are arguing that the derivation is designed to marginalise “the north”. To the best of my knowledge, revenue is not shared region by region or zone by zone. Rather, it is state by state. Kwara does not collect its allocation and share it with Kogi just because they are both northern states. Borno does not pay the salaries of Bauchi workers. Kaduna doesn’t build roads in Kebbi. The loans taken by Niger are not repaid by Nasarawa. All states share and spend revenues individually. Why then do some people purport to speak on behalf of the entire north on matters that affect every state differently? It is all politics.

Well, there is nothing wrong with playing politics. My problem is when politics stifles alternative thinking and creativity. Agora Policy has done a simulation of VAT distributions for November 2024 based on 55 percent allocation to states and 60 percent of that for derivation. Agora used location of consumption to calculate derivation (instead of the headquarters of remitting companies, which heavily favours Lagos). The simulation shows that 10 of the 19 northern states would be net gainers. How then does that amount to marginalising the entire north? The north-east is most affected, but the North East Development Commission (NEDC) already gets 3 percent of VAT. Let’s apply reason.

But here is my point. Rather than resort to our typical mindset about Nigeria — the fixation with our comfort zone called “federation allocation” — how about going a step further by baking a much bigger cake? I am not suggesting that those to be affected negatively by the proposed derivation formula should stop talking. However, aside the protests, what policies, programmes and projects can Nigerian states design to boost their local economies so that we can end up with a win-win? That, to me, will be more beneficial in the long run. I insist that we have every ingredient to make Nigeria prosper, but we must apply our brains positively to take full advantage of our endowments.

In this essay, I intend to discuss some practical ways of defusing this revenue sharing warfare. There are two assumptions underlining my proposals. One, I assume that a state truly wants to start reducing dependency on the federation account. (By the way, federation account is not a gift from the federal government. The revenue is only being collected on their behalf by the federal government. It is their right, not a favour.) Two, I assume that a state is genuinely interested in raising more revenues and not just talking a good game. Let me add a third assumption: that a state is sincerely open to ideas and there is a political will and vision to address the revenue challenges.

Spoiler alert: I am not proposing anything new. I am simply repackaging what has been tried by some states and which, in my evaluation, worked and can be refined and replicated on a broader scale. The first of my three proposals is that states can part-own profitable private ventures, profitable being the key word. The good thing is that they would not be running the businesses. It is their investments that would do the work and make returns. The funds some states have been spending on building unprofitable airports (I guess the motive is to allow chartered flights and private jets land directly in their backyards) could have been invested in businesses that would yield handsome dividends.

Here is an example. When Nigeria launched its telecoms revolution in 2001, three states — Akwa Ibom, Delta and Lagos — invested millions of dollars in what was then known as Econet (now Airtel), one of the three GSM licensees. The share value doubled within five years. Given what we later got to know, the investments would have generated — and still be generating — millions of dollars in returns to the states. That would have bolstered their non-FAAC revenue. For reasons that were never made public, they divested. Else, they would still be earning dividends. I have my suspicion on what went down. That is why I often try to distinguish between genuine and personal interests.

Another example. When Dangote Cement acquired Benue Cement Company (BCC), the Benue state government (its original owners) got a percentage of the shares as part of the political settlement of the opposition to the sale. The state was getting dividends, which regularly supplemented its income from the federation account. Ahead of the 2015 general election, the state government woke up one day and said it was selling its remaining stake in Dangote Cement. It got $122 million. If you ask me where the money went, who am I going to ask? But imagine the value of the shares today with the weight Dangote Cement carries in the market — and the dividends Benue would still be earning.

What’s more, states can invest in firms operating in profitable fields such as oil, solid minerals and ICT in order to supplement — and even surpass — their federation allocations. For instance, we have somehow reduced the entire petroleum sector to who owns the oil and who doesn’t — but there is no law that says states cannot buy stakes in companies operating in exploration and marketing and earn dividends for life. Absolutely no restriction. We like to blame the 1999 Constitution and lack of “true” federalism for every problem in Nigeria. Of course, it is all politics. Our mental block makes us ignore more opportunities and possibilities because of the fixation with Utopia and comfort zones.

I said Jigawa could be the richest state for illustrative purposes only. But wait for this. The state recently decided to buy privately owned Khadija University for N11 billion. I kid you not. ELEVEN BILLION NAIRA. Already, there are three universities in Jigawa, including the state-owned Sule Lamido University. If N11 billion was invested in a fintech company, imagine the returns. With intelligent investment in profitable ventures, losing N500 million monthly in VAT revenue would be insignificant and should not be a reason to set the polity on fire, but this is the way we have structured public debate. Until we deal with this mental block, we will keep insulting one another.

Let me now move to my second proposal. That is, states can directly set up companies in competitive areas of the economy. But there is a big BUT — the businesses should not be run by the states. Many states have enterprises but they are run like civil service. An option is a joint venture to be managed by the partners. I like the Nigeria LNG model. It is jointly owned by the federation (49 percent) and the oil majors (51 percent). However, it is managed by the oil majors. It is a huge success. Hand it over to the ministry of petroleum and it will become a disaster. Another option is for a state to fully own a company and lease out the management so that it can be run like a proper enterprise.   

My third proposal is for states to create the right environment for the growth of their local economies. They can benefit more from tax revenues. These would include personal income tax from jobs created and VAT derivation from consumption. Unfortunately, this involves critical thinking and heavy lifting which would make them sound attractive. Some states hurt businesses: they are only interested in how to suck them dry rather than how to water the field for them to flourish. There is no part of Nigeria that is not endowed with natural and human resources, even if not equally. However, because of our mental block over revenue sharing, many states cannot think of earning.

In sum, it is obvious that Nigeria can be far better than this. We are just scratching the surface. If we get our act together, we will be flying. But Nigeria cannot change until Nigerians change. We have to deal with the mental blocks afflicting the leadership and the intelligentsia — and being aggressively passed on to the streets. We must deal with the malignant negativism and mischievous politicking. All countries that have exited underdevelopment saw opportunities and possibilities, not doom and gloom. The countries we call advanced today evolved through a nation-building process, including internal battles with strife and scepticism. But you know what? Every problem has a solution.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

REFINERIES’ REVIVAL

The Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited promised to revive our refineries. After much delay, the Port Harcourt and Warri refineries are back on stream, even if not fully. Many Nigerians are understandably sceptical about the news. For decades, we were told the refineries would work but they never did — after billions of dollars had gone down the drain. Nigerians have every right to take the latest news with a pinch of salt. In response, the NNPC has been inviting Doubting Thomases to come and take a tour and see things for themselves. My suggestion: those refineries must now be privatised, else the latter end will be worse than the former. Forewarned.

HEALTH AND CARE

Mr Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 general election, has advised President Bola Tinubu to visit federal government hospitals in the new year and consider doing his medicals in the country. This, he said, will let him assess the state of medical facilities “to make informed decisions on how to upgrade and make them efficient”. This is a beautiful suggestion, if you ask me. The only thing I would add is that governors should also do the same, since health is on the concurrent list. If I were to advise our leaders, I would say they and their cabinet members should regularly pay unscheduled visits to public hospitals and schools as well as to slums. Practical.

Despite the negative vibes being spread about Nigeria across the world, it was good to see so many A-list foreign celebrities celebrate the festive season in the country. Chloe Bailey, the American popstar, was the first in the news. American rappers Saweetie and Gunna were soon spotted at parties. Tyla, the South African star, was over the moon, describing December in Nigeria as “too much”. What about the “I Just Got Back” gang? Detty December is now a major tourist attraction in Lagos, like the Calabar Carnival in Cross River, and that means a lot to the local economies, at least on a seasonal level. I know this saddens the “Najia sceptics” but what can we do? Delightful.

NO COMMENT

In a major setback for the campaign against rape, the appeal court sitting in Lagos nullified the conviction of Dr Femi Olaleye, managing director of Optimal Cancer Care Foundation, but the Lagos state government has now appealed. The life imprisonment sentence by the high court was quashed by the appellate court on the grounds that the wife’s evidence was “tainted” and “unreliable”, that she was motivated by the desire to take over the appellant’s assets upon his incarceration, and that the lower court relied on “hearsay evidence” of the other witnesses on the age of the alleged survivor because — wait for this — none of them was present when she was born. Wonderful.

President Bola Tinubu has made a firm commitment that his administration will complete the Eastern Rail line connecting Port Harcourt to Maiduguri.

President Tinubu gave the assurance during an interactive session with South East leaders during his official visit to Enugu State on Saturday.

The President also pledged that his administration would support the development of the Anambra Basin as a significant energy reserve.

The basin is estimated to hold up to 1 billion barrels of oil and 30 billion cubic feet of gas.

During the meeting, the President was attentive to the requests made by former Minister of Power Professor Chinedu Nebo and Enugu State indigene Chris Ugoh and responded with a commitment to address their concerns.

While applauding the Tinubu administration for completing the Port Harcourt to Aba section of the Eastern rail line, Nebo appealed to the President to prioritise the completion of the remaining portions of the rail link.

He emphasised the rail link's potential to boost Nigeria's non-oil exports and economic growth.

Ugoh noted that the Anambra Basin has the potential to support power generation and industrial feedstocks.

He appealed to the Federal Government to develop this resource to benefit the southeast and other regions of the country, including the Middle Belt and the North.

Onyemauche Nnamani, the National Commissioner representing the South East in the Police Service Commission, urged the Federal Government to implement modern security strategies in the region, akin to the statewide CCTV system and patrol cars with surveillance cameras in Enugu State.

Nnamani called on the federal government to de-emphasise the mounting of checkpoints and roadblocks in the region, saying, "It is inefficient and exposes our security personnel to attacks by non-state actors."

Responding to the request for the rail line, President Tinubu reassured the audience, saying, "It is a work in progress. I inherited some of these critical problems and am committed to solving them."

"On the support of the gas infrastructure. Sure, gas is an alternative to petrol. There is no wasting of time than to invest more in it. We will do it together, and I am lucky I have good governors. ''

Acknowledging the presence of various dignitaries, including governors, traditional rulers, captains of industry and serving and former presiding officers of the National Officer from the South East, President Tinubu praised former Senate President Ken Nnamani for saving Nigeria's democracy from those who wanted to derail it with the Third Term project.

Earlier at the meeting, President Tinubu praised Governor Peter Mbah for his development model and philosophy after inaugurating several projects executed by the state government.

He pledged that the federal government would continue to support Enugu and other states in their development efforts.

Among the projects inaugurated by the President are the GTC Smart Green School, New Haven/Bisalla Road, the International Conference Center, the Command-and-Control Center, and 150 patrol vehicles equipped with surveillance cameras.

The President also performed the virtual commissioning of other notable projects from the Enugu State Government House.

At the inauguration of the Command-and-Control Center, the President said investment in security will bring rapid development.

"This is a profound demonstration of what we can do together. It reassures me that more revenue going to the sub-nationals and local government is not a waste. It is for development.

"We have committed leaders like Peter Mbah taking Enugu on the path of 21st-century development, taking Enugu to greater heights, and building our tomorrow today.

"I cannot forget the sight of those children I just met at the Smart Green School.

"I have seen the gadgets and vehicles with 21st-century technology. Yes, you are indeed working for today, tomorrow and the future.

"My good friend Peter, we can go places together to build Nigeria and build the future.

"It is audacious to have this home filled with technology, and they are ready for use. To promote investment, I know you are a private sector person, and we must encourage more private sector people to come into politics.

"When you are sure of security and development and give value for money, investors will be your friend," he said.

President Tinubu further lauded the governor, a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP, for demonstrating an irrevocable commitment to human development.

"I don't care which party you come from; you are my friend. Alex Otti of Abia State is also doing very well. It is not about the differences in languages and place of birth.

"No one of us has control of the mother tongue. God created us, and you can find yourself in Enugu, Onitsha or Lagos. We are all members of one huge family called Nigeria, but we live in different rooms in the same house.

"We must build this house to satisfy our immediate and future needs," he said.

At the interactive session, Governor Mbah described President Tinubu as a true federalist.

He commended the Tinubu administration for establishing the South East Development Commission and liberalising the electricity sector through the Electricity Act (Amendment).

He congratulated the President on being named ThisDay Man of the Year and acknowledged his efforts to revitalise Nigeria's growth and economic resilience.

"Your Excellency, your credential as a true federalist stands out brightly, and the legacies thereof will long earn you resounding accolades.

"In signing the Electricity Act (Amendment) Bill, you liberalised electricity generation, transmission, and distribution. That singular act will consistently rank as an enduring legacy.

"It is noteworthy that Enugu State was the first sub-national to which the NERC ceded regulatory oversight of the local electricity market. That reflects how swiftly we are pursuing our goals," he said.

According to the governor, the South East Development Commission will address infrastructure and ecological challenges in the region while complementing the many development strides unfolding across the state.

Governor Mbah reiterated his vision to grow Enugu's economy from $4.4 billion to $30 billion within 4 years, aiming to position the state among Nigeria's top three states in terms of GDP.

He said this grand dream can be achieved when security is guaranteed, quality education thrives, and citizens can access affordable healthcare.

The governor outlined the bold steps taken to enhance public safety in the state, including ending the illegal sit-at-home order imposed across the Southeast by a criminal gang and non-state actors.

''We no longer observe sit-at-home in Enugu. Our people go to work every day of the week, and we no longer take orders from non-state actors," he said.

The governor told the President that some of the Smart Green Schools commissioned during the state visit were part of the modern schools introduced by his administration across 260 wards to equip students with 21st-century skills.

The governor explained that his administration has focused on primary healthcare, upgrading all 260 primary healthcare centres to maintain consistent quality, even in remote areas.

"All these infrastructural developments are mainly possible because of your bold initiatives.

"The courageous pronouncements you made to free up funds for development: the removal of fuel subsidy, the unification of the foreign exchange, and several social interventions that your government continues to provide for the people of this country.

"We are now essentially, with those funds freed, able to fully complete these projects. And it's not just physical infrastructure; social and digital infrastructure are going on," Governor Mbah said.

Bayo Onanuga

Special Adviser to the President

(Information & Strategy)

From left: Deputy Speaker, Benjamin Kalu; Minister of Works, Dave Umahi; National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu; President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Enugu State Governor, Peter Ndubuisi Mbah during the commissioning of International Conference Center, Government House Command and Control Center and Security Vehicles in Enugu on Saturday.

Former world number one Naomi Osaka reached her first final since 2022 on Saturday as she swept aside unseeded American Alycia Parks at the Auckland Classic.

The four-time Grand Slam champion from Japan won 6-4, 6-2 in another confidence boost ahead of the Australian Open starting on January 12 in Melbourne.

Osaka was contesting her first semi-final since 2022, having taken a break from tennis and becoming a mother in 2023. She returned to the sport a year ago.

The 27-year-old showed no sign of the nerves that had marked her first three wins in Auckland, producing a clinical performance to set up a final on Sunday against Clara Tauson of Denmark.

“Of course I’m really happy to get to the final here, I’ve actually never got to a final a week before Melbourne so this is like a career first for me,” said Osaka, a two-time Australian Open champion now ranked 57th.

“In my head I’m really happy. But there’s always constantly things to improve to get better, no matter how old you are.”

Osaka’s power and precision proved too much for the 78th-ranked Parks.

The American faded in what was her second match of the day, having had her quarter-final pushed back by rain on Friday.

Osaka’s four wins this week have come against opponents ranked below her at a tournament lacking a strong field.

That will change in the final against 50th-ranked Tauson, who beat unseeded American Robin Montgomery 6-4, 6-3 in the other semi-final.

Earlier in the day, Tauson toppled American top seed Madison Keys 6-4, 7-6 (9/7) in a quarter-final that was interrupted by rain on Friday night.

Police accidentally shoots woman dead in EkitiDrama as Burna Boy, Cubana Chief Priest trade words

INEC chair risks jail term for failing to go after electoral offenders, as SERAP files contempt suit.

The Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) notifies the public that due to the Federal Capital Development Agency's (FCDA) road dualization project along the Apo axis, eight number 132kV and 33kV towers will be relocated along the Kukwaba/Apo 132kV line (Outer Southern Expressway route).

This relocation work will necessitate a planned power outage from Monday, 6th January to Monday, 20th January 2025 from 9am to 4pm daily, which is the estimated duration for the dismantling and construction of the towers as well as restringing of the power cables that would enable resumption of bulk power supply to the Apo Transmission Substation from Gwagwalada Substation. 

Consequently, there will be a rationing of electricity supply for AEDC's customers in Kubwa, Karu,Maraba, Nyanya,Masaka,Keffi, Kukwaba, and Apo Mechanic. This will also affect parts of Lugbe, Trademore Estate, Pyakasa, Sabon Lugbe Chika Alaita axis. 

While the relocation of the transmission towers is a necessity for the road completion project, TCN apologizes for the inconvenience this planned power outage will cause and assures that power supply will be restored as soon as the towers relocation and cable stringing are completed.

Ndidi Mbah

GM, Public Affairs

Let us start the new year on this column by looking at the mining sector and some matters arising therein. This is particularly important because of the much-talked-about need for alternative streams of largescale income for the nation. About two weeks ago the ban on solid minerals exploration and exploitation in Zamfara state was lifted by the federal Government. This was coming after more than five years of a “no fly and no go” zone imposed on the state’s miners, mining sites and environs, in 2019 by the Buhari government, due to serious security and humanitarian concerns.

Zamfara State and its home of large-scale gold mining, known as Bukuyum, is a place I have visited in the past. The grinding poverty and visible misery in that mineral-rich community presents a frightening contrast to the billions the land yields up on a regular basis to both legal and illegal miners. The long table of food times laid out at the local government headquarters during the visit was raided by half-clad, desperately hungry and partly bewildered looking children and youths. Some of those who helped to lay the table and place the food and plates joined in the free for plunder of the meal table. It was a pitiful sight to behold.

The expectation at the time the Federal Government imposed a ban on mining activities in Zamfara State, under President Buhari, was that the activities of bandits, and other security concerns, would abate in the wake of the ban. Many observers justifiably considered it a short-term emergency measure, especially given the perceived linkages between banditry and illegal mining activities in the area. But the expected gains did not materialize. Meanwhile, the ban was not lifted.

The decision to lift the ban last year was based on the current government’s perception, as announced by the Minister for Solid Minerals Development, Dr. Dele Alake, of “significant improvements in the security situation” across Zamfara state. It would appear that this development arose from new, intelligence-driven, and better-coordinated, security operations that led to the progressive and visible elimination of major leaders of criminal gangs and leaders of bandit groups.

The observable reduction in incidents of insecurity, as well the elimination or capture of some of the most wanted bandit commanders, like Halilu Sububu, in open and covert operation gave fillip to the recent decision to resume mining activities in Zamfara. But the essential point for me in all of this is the fact that the nation stands to gain much by the revitalization of mining activities in the Zamfara axis. Of course, with the necessary security, regulatory and other logistical entablements in place to guarantee sustainability.

While the ban lasted, the miners who were officially and formally granted lease by the mining cadastral office to carry out mining activities had to hands off, and stay off, the area. While these duly recognized miners were held in abeyance by the ban and the law, the space they left unmanned was taken over by non-state actors like bandits and illegal miners. The proceeds of these questionable mining activities were going into the pockets of individuals, especially bandits. Sundry marauders and other socially disruptive stakeholders were also the beneficiaries.

The massive quantities of gold, lithium, copper and other associated minerals in the state were thus being mined during the period of the ban, but not in the interest of the nation or its treasury. The positive security mileage that would have come from the ban, as well as the good intentions behind it, were nowhere to be see. Instead, the ban unintentionally opened the space for unlawful activities that worsened the security problems in the area.

If the as much as 200 kilogrammes of gold could be found in the camp of the now-neutralized bandit leader, Sububu, can you imagine what has been going on with many bandit leaders like him in the last five years?

Yes, the ban has been lifted, as announced by the minister, but the illegal miners are still there. Yes, there was the Presidential Artisanal Gold Miners Initiative (PAGMI), under president Buhari, which was designed to bring the unlicensed fringe actors in the sector within a regulated umbrella. It was designed to ensure that the government and the nation block a revenue and resource leakage, in the interest of the national treasury.

But let us not forget that the whole point of renaming illegal miners and creating a presidential initiative for their “domestication” is for them to be quickly brought within the Standard regulatory Environment (SRE) established for the sector. That is why PAGMI should perhaps be reviewed in such a way that a timeline for integration and better streamlined mining sector determined.  Its relevance to the Solid Minerals Development Fund is understandable, but the ministry must decide now whether PAGMI should be retained in perpetuity.

As mining activities are now set resume in Zamfara, the minister must also consider the predicament of many companies whose facilities and machinery were vandalized and even taken over and badly damaged by illegal miners in the five years that the ban lasted. Yes, banditry is now “degraded” in Zamfara, but it is still there. The ruined communities still have many existential problems to deal with.

It is good that part of what the minster has put in place is a security tax force, known as the Mine Police, also now called Mining Marshal Police by some, to combat illegal mining and smuggling. But we must also worry about their capacities and military firepower, vis-a-vis, the bandits they have to contend with; especially bearing in mind the military grade training of some bandits. The Mining Act guarantees protection for all licensed miners, but it does not guarantee the quality, or dependability, of that protection.

Yet the good news remains. This is what the Minister had to say about the lifting of the ban: “The existential threat to lives and properties that led to the 2019 ban has abated. The security operatives’ giant strides have led to a notable reduction in the level of insecurity, and with the ban on exploration lifted, Zamfara’s mining sector can gradually begin contributing to the nation’s revenue pool”.

One thing is clear, namely, that the lifting of the ban will improve government regulation of mining activities in the state, especially after the “five years eaten by locusts”. It will also improve government revenue and give the mining sector an improved regulatory framework for effective intelligence gathering to combat illegal mining and ensure the nation benefits maximally from the state’s rich mineral resources.

As for the recent controversy surrounding the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) Nigeria signed with France, there is no question of Nigeria relinquishing control of its mineral resources to, or entering into any military pact with, France. Not at this point in our national history. So far, available information suggests that the core of the MOU is on training and capacity building for mining professionals. Yes, we need further technical and financial capacity development and support in the sector and some of that can be provided by the French, but not at the expense of our national sovereignty.

Ours is a nation endowed with substantial solid, liquid and gaseous mineral deposits, for which extant internal capacities are not enough. We have such rare endowments as columbite, tantalite, beryl, aquamarine, lithium and tourmaline, besides gold, coal, tin, lead, zinc, limestone, granite, laterite, barite, gypsum, kaolin, marble, iron ore and wolframite. We need to bridge the gap between our natural endowments and our capacity for their exploitation. It is only through clear-eyed technical partnerships, technological support, security of the operating environment and reforms and guaranteed regulatory compliance that the sector can be taken to greater heights.

This ministry must be supported in its efforts to live up to its mandate of helping the nation to maximize the expected benefits of the solid minerals sub-sector. This sector is one sure route to economic diversification and the expansion of revenue streams for the nation.  It is only with well thought out policies, regulatory guidelines, fiscal incentives and effective partnerships that the minister can administer all aspects of mining and mineral exploitation, such as issuance of permits, licenses, leases, collection of rents, fees and royalties, prospecting, quarrying, mining, handling, sale and consumption of solid minerals. And all of this on templates that are guided by global best practices.

In addition to the aforementioned minerals, our lithium, graphite and nickel, which are vital for the global energy transition of today places Nigeria in the spotlight, because of growing interest by global investors and rising global demand for these minerals. The unique opportunity to stan d forth as a key supplier in this emerging market is here with us.

What needs to happen, in addition to the good works being done so far are: (1) Availability and accessibility of high-quality geological data. (2) Popularization of the National Integrated Mineral Exploration Project (NIMEP). (3) Improvements in critical infrastructure, like roads, rail, and power supply. (4) The leveraging of public-private partnerships (PPPs) to fund and develop such infrastructural support services. (5) The review of the existing incentives framework for mining, to determine whether it is sufficiently attractive to investors in the sector. (6) Disaggregating and evaluating fiscal and non-fiscal incentives to ascertain to what extent they are competitive and aligned with investor expectations and global industry practices.

Finally, the ministry and the minister need to keep The Nigeria Mining Week in the front row of their enlightenment and public visibility programmes. It serves as a good forum for networking in the mining sector. The connections made, the opportunities, the conferences and technical sessions from each edition offer great opportunities. Stakeholders are enriched with knowledge, stronger industry connections, and a renewed sense of optimism for the sector’s growth. The minster’s surmising, that Nigeria Mining Week has evolved into more than a gathering of industry experts and is now “a powerful forum where we refine our shared vision, aligning our goals to create a robust, self-reliant mining sector in which Nigeria’s mineral wealth serves as the backbone of economic diversification, job creation, and community development, advancing our national interest for the benefit of every Nigerian” is easy to understand.

Last week’s column on what I called the “relentless Yorubacentric take-over of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC)” based on information I was given by a Yoruba supporter of Tinubu who is close to the circuits of power in the Tinubu presidency drew far more attention than I had anticipated.

Northern politicians like former Kaduna State governor Nasir El-Rufai who had defended, or at least had no problems with, Muhammadu Buhari’s never-before-seen provincialism (and who probably hated me for calling it out at the time) used my column as a crutch to get even with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu who threw him under the bus after his full-throated support for his election. Well, such opportunistic pivots are part of Nigeria’s political theater.

However, anyone who follows my public interventions knows that I have no allegiance to any set of narrow, predetermined interests and that my public commentaries are animated by my well-considered estimation of what constitutes Nigerian society’s collective good.

 That’s why I have a revolving door of critics and admirers—praised by one group under one administration, scorned by the same group under another. My principles remain constant, even if public sentiment does not.

 Several of the people who applaud my critiques of a southern president revile and slander me when a northerner is president, and several of the people who are bent out of shape because of my critical columns on Tinubu praised my “bravery” and “truth to power” when I wrote similar columns under Buhari.

This isn’t the reason, of course, for revisiting my column (which I rarely do) because self-interested commendations and condemnations of the expression of critical opinions are natural to the territory of public intellection.

 I am returning to the issue because I felt compelled to clarify an important aspect of last week’s piece. 

A trusted older friend pointed out that Bayo Ojulari, who is rumored to be Tinubu’s pick to succeed Mele Kyari as head of the NNPC, is not merely a Yoruba man but a Yoruba northerner from southern Kwara State. This distinction fundamentally alters the narrative.

Had I known this earlier, I would not have written the column as I did. I have no desire to perpetuate the regressive, ethnocentric narratives that gained prominence during Olusegun Obasanjo’s presidency where the North was invidiously dichotomized into a “core” and a “periphery.” 

Northern identity, as historically defined, transcends ethnicity, religion, or geography within the former Northern Region. It is a shared geo-political and cultural construct. 

A northerner is anyone from the former Northern Region irrespective of ethnicity, religion, or location within the region. Being a northerner requires nobody’s approval and isn’t invalidated by anybody’s disapproval.

 As the late Sunday Awoniyi used to say, when Frederick Lugard delineated the North and included his people into it, his ancestors were not consulted; he just found himself a northerner and embraced it because it has defined him since his birth. (The only prominent Yagba people from Kogi State I know who say they are not Yoruba are Professor Etannibi Alemika and prominent journalist Tunde Asaju).

The North isn’t an ethnic group; it’s constructed geo-cultural and political identity that encompasses a diversity of ethnicities. It’s Nigeria’s most complex, ecumenical identity.

 As I pointed out in previous columns, a real, Ahmadu Bello-type northerner would regard Yoruba people from Kwara and Kogi states, or even Igbo people in Ado, Oju, Obi and Okpoku local government areas of Benue State, as integral “regional kin” deserving of every privilege that is accruable to a northerner. 

To argue that certain individuals cannot represent the North based on their ethnicity invites uncomfortable questions about the region’s cultural and political boundaries.

 If Bayo Bashir Ojulari, an Ahmadu Bello University-trained engineer who identifies as a northerner by origin, cannot lead the NNPC because of his Yoruba heritage, then the resentment of Yoruba people in Kwara and Kogi seeking affiliation with the Southwest becomes understandable. 

It becomes intolerably churlish to talk about “outsiders” “dividing” the North, as we like to do when fissiparous tendencies emerge within the region. Either we accept all as northerners, or we fracture the identity entirely.

This clarification is necessary because I do not want to be on record as having opposed Ojulari’s ascension to the headship of the NNPC on account of his ethnicity, especially after realizing that he is a northerner who just happens to share the same ethnicity as the president. 

Ultimately, it’s up to the president to navigate this complex identitarian landmine, but as someone who researches and is writing a book on collective identity construction, it would be remiss of me not to point out that Ojulari’s northern identity is as valid as Kyari’s— or any other northerner from any part of the region.

This admission does not, in any way, take away from my broader point about the Yorubacentric—or more specifically Lagoscentric—provincialism of Tinubu’s government.

The NNPC’s official response to my column, which asserted that merit alone determines staffing decisions, is a load of unvarnished drivel. In a plural society like Nigeria, meritocracy is never the sole determinant of appointments; symbolic representation and political expediency often play decisive roles.

Moreover, the NNPC is far from a paragon of merit-driven excellence. Its inefficiency and dysfunction are legendary. A truly meritocratic organization would not consistently deliver the subpar performance for which the NNPC is infamous.

There are, of course, agencies of government in Nigeria that have distinguished themselves because of the quality of people who head or headed them. 

Given the well-known, inherent weakness of institutions in Nigeria, government agencies habitually assume the character, temperaments, and expertise of their heads. For example, NAFDAC used to be vibrant, visible, and virile because of the vivaciousness and vitality of Dora Akunyili. 

Through her bold leadership, counterfeit drug syndicates were exposed, and public confidence in the agency soared. Tragically, in the years since she left the agency, it has receded into near oblivion. Few now rely on its assurances, which is a far cry from its former prominence. 

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) became a household name and a reference point for fighting corruption in Nigeria because of the vigor, sincerity, and incorruptibility that Nuhu Ribadu brought to his work as its head. 

He famously rejected a $15 million bribe from a politician, an unprecedented act that inspired my paternal uncle to name his son Ribadu. (After letting my uncle know that Ribadu is the name of a town in Adamawa State and not a given name, we still chuckle about the oddity of a Ribadu Kperogi whenever the topic comes up!) Today, the EFCC struggles to maintain even a fraction of the credibility it once had.

The late Hamman Tukur’s fearlessness and forthrightness gave visibility and verve to the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC). Now no one hears about the commission anymore.

 Yemi Kale’s tenure at the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) similarly transformed what was once a lackluster agency into a cornerstone of policy and economic analysis. His analytical rigor and commitment to transparency made the NBS a respected institution in Nigeria’s socio-economic landscape. 

Today, however, the NBS struggles to maintain its once-sterling reputation. It has succumbed to the fate of NAFDAC, EFCC, and RMAFC. 

So, I recognize the importance of merit in the choice of leadership.

However, the NNPC isn’t amenable to the merit-driven transformational leadership we saw in NAFDAC, EFCC, RMAFC, and NBS. 

It’s a conduit for patronage and the dispensation of favors to cronies. Choice of its headship is therefore necessarily political. That means people are justified to refract the choice of its leadership from the lenses of Nigerian identitarian politics. 

The President of the Alumni Association of the National Institute (AANI), Ambassador EO Okafor mni, on behalf of the National Executive Committee and the entire AANI family joyfully conveys our heartfelt birthday wishes to a distinguished elder statesman, accomplished law enforcement officer and illustrious member, AIG (Chief) John Olatunji Akanni Alapini (rtd) mni NPM MSc psc (+), SEC 29, 2007, as he marks his 73rd birthday today

AANI is celebrating this outstanding member for his commitment to AANI and immense contribution to national development, peace and security. Chief Alapini’s life story is one of dedication, brilliance, and impactful service to humanity and the nation. Born on January 3, 1952, to the late Chief Antonio Bolaji Alapini and Mrs. Fabiana Atinuke Alapini (née Vera Cruz), Chief Alapini exemplifies excellence and integrity. His educational pursuits, which began at Holy Cross Catholic School in Lagos, St. Gregory’s College, Obalende, Lagos, and St. Peter’s College, Abeokuta, culminated in a Master’s Degree in Criminology from the University College Cardiff, now the University of Wales.

Chief Alapini mni’s illustrious 35-year career in the Nigeria Police Force earned him national and international acclaim. As the Force Public Relations Officer, he showcased the highest ideals of professionalism, enhancing the public image of the Nigeria Police Force. His exemplary service culminated in his retirement as an Assistant Inspector General of Police in 2009.

Beyond his impressive career, Chief Alapini mni is celebrated for his commitment to community development and peacebuilding. His numerous traditional titles—Bobadara of Egbaland, Maiyegun of Owu Kingdom, Aare Agbonfinro of Iperu, Agú Néché Mba (The Lion that protects the Community) of Mbato Ofeme Autonomous Community, Abia State and Otun Oluwo Adimula of Ile-Ife, among others bears eloquent testimony to his selfless service and the high regard in which he is held across diverse communities in our great nation.

His dedication to family values is equally inspiring. For over 40 years, he has shared a loving marriage with his wife, Ibipo, a retired permanent secretary. Together, they are blessed with three accomplished sons and eight grandchildren, reflecting a wonderful legacy of love, discipline, and hard work.

A strong believer in the power of integrity and the importance of a good name, the celebrant embodies the ideals of AANI through his enduring commitment to national development, peace, and security. His unique ability to foster meaningful relationships across social, cultural, and geopolitical divides underscores his exemplary leadership and humanity.

Therefore, on this auspicious occasion of his 73rd birthday celebration, AANI salutes this great man AIG (Chief) John Olatunji Akanni Alapini (rtd) mni for his unparalleled contributions to our nation and our Association. Sir, we celebrate your unwavering dedication to building a better society and wish you continued good health, God’s abundant blessings, and many more years of impactful service.

Happy Birthday, Sir!

Brigadier General SK Usman (rtd) mni

AANI National Publicity Secretary

Under the Privatisation and Commercialisation Act, the Vice President is the chairman of the National Council on Privatisation (NCP), a body that is charged with overseeing the privatisation and commercialisation of public enterprises. 

In utter breach of the Act, President Olusegun Obasanjo sidelined Vice President Atiku Abubakar and took over the privatisation of a number of public enterprises. 

On May 17, 2007, President Obasanjo sold a 51% stake in the Port Harcourt refinery to Bluestar Oil for US$561 million. In another transaction that took place on May 28, 2007, President Obasanjo sold 51% shares in Kaduna Refinery to Bluestar Oil for $160 million. 

Bluestar Oil was a consortium of three domestic companies, including Dangote Oil, Zenon Oil, and Transcop. Before the deal, President Obasanjo had acquired large shares in Transcorp through "blind trust." Many interest groups in the country questioned the legal validity and moral propriety of the sales as they were consummated in the last days of the Obasanjo Administration. 

The two powerful trade unions in the oil industry —the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) and the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) kicked against the privatisation of the two refineries on grounds of conflict of interest and lack of due process.

They also alleged that the nation had been shortchanged as the shares acquired in the Port Harcourt refinery for $516 million were worth US$5 billion. 

Convinced that the deals were not in the national interest, both unions proceeded on a 4-day strike that almost paralysed the Nigerian economy in June 2007. 

The strike was called off based on the assurance of the federal government to the effect that the deals would be fully investigated.

Upon the conclusion of the investigation by the federal government, the purported privatisation of the Port Harcout and Kaduna refineries was cancelled by President Umaru Yar’adua. It is on record that the cancellation of the privatisation was not challenged in any court as it was carried out contrary to the letter and spirit of the Privatisation and Commercialisation Act. 

The Alliance on Surviving Covid and Beyond (ASCAB) hereby calls on NUPENG and PENGASSAN to intensify their historical struggle aimed at as a counterpoise to the renewed campaign for the privatisation of the nation’s refineries.  

Those who are awaiting the privatisation of the refineries in a manner at variance with the national interest should be advised to set up their own refineries like the Dangote Group.  

Femi Falana SAN,

The Chair,

Alliance on Surviving 

Covid 19 and Beyond 

(ASCAB).