It is beyond debate that Professor Humphrey Nwosu, whose remains will be buried on Friday, was an eminently unsung hero in the June 12 story.

Nwosu’s funeral will take place at his residence,  Ogbili Otti Palace, Ajalli in the Orumba North Local Government Area of Anambra State.

Amidst  the preparations for the  funeral of the political scientist, there have been reasoned  voices in favour of  a national recognition of  the historical role played by Nwosu in making  the June 12, 1993 presidential election possible, in the first place.

The election was expected to be the culmination of the circuitous transition programme of the regime of President Ibrahim Babangida. It was an epic contest between Bashorun Moshood Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Alhaji Bashir Tofa of  the National Republican Convention (NRC).

As President Ibrahim Babangida, the author of the elaborate  transtion programe, now states unequivocally in his memoirs, Abiola resoundinly won the election.

As an accomplished theorist of politics, Nwosu found a veritable laboratory to test his hypothesis when Babangida appointed the scholar to the post of the  chairman  of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), the body regulating elections in Nigeria in those days. Nwosu performed that national assignment creditably from 1989 to 1993, the year the debacle began. 

Incidentally, Nwosu took over from his former teacher, another icon of the political science disciplne, Professor Eme Awa. Nwosu accepted to do the job with all his energy and commitment to a national purpose. Such was Nwosu’s enthusiasm as the umpire  that his characteristic gesticulation on television while explaining the process were dismissed  as a spectacle by skeptics of the transition programme.  Indeed, with courage and clarity of purpose,  the political scientist performed not a few experiments, the result of which might be of great interest to  future historians  and psephologists (experts in the study  of elections).

It is hardly mentioned in many versions of the June 12 story that the electoral body headed by Nwosu had successfully conducted elections for councillors, local government chairmen,  state governors and members of the National Assembly (NASS) as a substantial part of the transition programme.

So, local governments, state governments and the federal legislature were funtioning well  as at  the time the June 12 election took place. The elected men and women were looking forward to the election of the president for the Third Republic to be fully proclaimed.

But the annulment of the election on June 23, 1993  truncated the process.

The call for a posthumous honour of Nwosu’s memory is squarely predicated on the fact that he led the commission that managed what is now referred  to as the freest and fairest  election in history.

One conspicous voice in favour of honour for the memory of Nwosu came two days ago  in a session of tributes at the headquarters of the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) in Abuja. It was the voice of the INEC chairman, Professor Mahmood  Yakubu. Yakubu’s important tribute encapsulates  the case for a posthumous honour in memory of Nwosu. The INEC chairman made the point so persuasively that  his statement is  considered worthy of reproduction here for the record:

“Like all his six predecessors and seven successors to date, he (Nwosu)  had the arduous task of managing elections in an extremely challenging context.

“He also introduced a number of reforms to election management. His tenure is synonymous with the Open Ballot System, popularly referred to as Option A4 in which voters queued up behind the symbol of the party of their choice to vote and to be physically counted.

“Professor Nwosu did his best, which was not always appreciated by many, including those who appointed him under an infinite transition from military rule to democracy, which ended in the annulment of the presidential election held in 1993, resulting in the dissolution of the electoral commission and the emergence of an interim government.

“However, with the passage of time, the outcome of his effort is now widely appreciated. The election is now celebrated as one of the best in Nigeria. Even those who annulled it have expressed regret.”

 “A quarter of a century (25 years) later in June 2018, the presumed winner of the 1993 Presidential election, Chief M. K. O. Abiola, received the highest national honour, the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic, posthumously. His running mate, Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe, was conferred with the second highest national honour, the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger. The date of the election (June 12th, 1993) has been gazetted as a national holiday and appropriately named Democracy Day.

“Sadly, the electoral commission that conducted the election which was personified by Professor Nwosu received only a muffled commendation as if no one conducted the election. Surely, the election did not conduct itself. It was organised by a Commission made up of Commissioners and a Chairman. If it was an oversight that Professor Nwosu was not honoured in his lifetime, it is never late for the appropriate authority to do so posthumously.

“For us in INEC, we will continue to appreciate Professor Nwosu and the dedicated service he rendered to the nation.”

Yakubu’s call is representative of those who like to take a wholistic view of the June 12 phenomenon with all its contradictions. 

Nwosu’s name should not be missing in the June 12  roll of honour. That is the summary of the calls from diverse quarters.

After all, in several months preceeding the election there was hardly any  day that the name Humphrey Nwosu  would not be mentioned in the print and electronic media. There was no social media in that period!  By the way, the professor was one of those public figures often identified with their two names pronounced together  unlike others better known with their first or last name. Any reference to him must be pronounced  as  Humphrey Nwosu!

In the mixed responses to the recent  launch of Bababngida’s memoirs entitled “Journey in Service: An Autobiography,”   some readers of  the book have said  that the former president has only confirmed  in his account the position stated by  Nwosu in his own book, “Laying the Foundation for Democracy in Nigeria: My Account of the June 12, 1993 Presidential Election and its Annulment.”

In the  book which should be read by those seeking a deeper understanding of the June 12 story, Nwosu puts the matter clearly as follows:  “…the result of the June 12, 1993 presidential election would have conferred on  President Babangida’s administration the greatest reservoir of legitimacy no regime had ever enjoyed in Nigeria. Undoubtedly, its annulment on June 23, 1993 created the greatest legitimacy problem toward the end of  his admistration and the problem so created still lingers till date. The critical questios to answer include the following: why was the presidential election which Alhaji MKO Abiola won decisively and which the two political parties affirmed at each level of collation annulled? Was the election flawed in any way? Was it rigged in any manner?  Was it free and fair? Were the peparations put in place by NEC for its condct shoddy?”

In telling his own June 12 story, Nwosu applies a lot of rigour as a scholar and provides immense  insights.

Take a sample from the book: “… some civilian and senior military colleagues of the President that were present at the critical meeting  of NDSC (National Defence and Security Council) on June 11, 1993 opposed the conduct of June 12 election. The President and Vice President and us were on one side of the divide.  Some of his colleagues were on the other side of the divide. The most visible and outspoken military officer who was on the side of the President and actualisation of the June 12 election throughout was Col. Abubakar Umar, but unfortunately he was not a member of the NDSC.”

Now, compare Nwosu’s version with Babangida’s on the visible polarisation within  the regime in those critical days. For instance, Nwosu confirms in his own book that both President Babangida and Vice President Augustus Aikhomu were on the opposite side  of the forces of annulment. Ironically, some members  of  the military and civilian forces of annulment have been beneficiaries of conclusive executive and legislative elections in the  26 years of the Fourth Republic.

However, it will remain  part of  the history of June 12  that Nwosu struggled (albeit in vain) against  the annulment.

Just imagine this:  if Nwosu had succumbed to the bullying  of the infamous  anti-June 12 powerful men to say that Abiola didn’t win the election  the story might have been different today. Such a moral collapse could have provided another justification for the grievous act of those who invariably  put the Nigerian polity in a suspended animation for five years after the momentous election.

If for nothing else,  Humphrey Nwosu’s memory deserves to be honoured because of  the professor’s courage of conviction.

For instance, some advocates of honour for Nwosu have suggested for the consideration of the federal government  naming the headquarters of INEC as Humphrey Nwosu House (HNH).

OpenAI has announced the integration of image generation directly into ChatGPT, allowing users to create images within the chatbot using GPT-4o.

Previously, users relied on DALL·E to generate images, either through a separate platform or within ChatGPT. Now, OpenAI has integrated an even more advanced image generation capability directly into ChatGPT using GPT-4o.

The feature was rolled out on Tuesday, March 25, across Plus, Pro, Team, and Free subscription tiers.

The company disclosed this in a press release, stating that the feature represents a significant step in making image creation an essential part of AI-driven communication.

Sam Altman, OpenAI’s CEO, on his X page, described it as “an incredible technology/product,” emphasizing that the feature marks a new level of creative freedom, acknowledging that while people will create remarkable content, some outputs may offend people.

“Two things to say about it: 1. It’s an incredible technology/product. I remember seeing some of the first images come out of this model and having a hard time, they were really made by AI. We think people will love it, and we are excited to see the resulting creativity. Secondly, this represents a new high-water mark for us in allowing creative freedom. People are going to create some really amazing stuff and some stuff that may offend people; what we’d like to aim for is that the tool doesn’t create offensive stuff unless you want it to, in which case within reason it does. as we talk about in our model spec, we think putting this intellectual freedom and control in the hands of users is the right thing to do, but we will observe how it goes and listen to society. We think respecting the very wide bounds society will eventually choose to set for AI is the right thing to do, and increasingly important as we get closer to AGI. Thanks in advance for the understanding as we work through this,” he stated.

New capabilities in GPT-4o’s image generation 

Unlike previous iterations, GPT-4o’s image generation is designed to be more precise, flexible, and interactive. OpenAI stated that the model excels in several key areas:

• Text Rendering: Unlike past AI models that struggled to place readable text within images, GPT-4o generates clear and accurate text, making it suitable for diagrams, infographics, and labeled visuals.
• Multi-turn Generation: Users can refine images through conversation, allowing step-by-step modifications while maintaining consistency across versions. This feature benefits tasks like character design, storyboarding, and branding.
• Instruction Following: GPT-4o can handle detailed prompts with greater accuracy, generating images with up to 10-20 distinct objects while maintaining their relationships and traits.
• In-Context Learning: The AI can analyze uploaded images and incorporate details into new creations, making it useful for design inspiration and visual brainstorming.
• Knowledge Integration: The model links its understanding of text and images, allowing it to generate context-aware visuals, such as weather infographics, technical diagrams, and educational illustrations.

More insights 

OpenAI also revealed that developers will gain API access in the coming weeks, enabling broader integration of GPT-4o’s image capabilities across applications.

• The image generation feature is rolling out immediately for ChatGPT users, with planned expansion to Enterprise and Education subscribers.
• Users can generate images by simply describing their requirements in ChatGPT, with options to specify colors, aspect ratios, and other design elements.

Due to the complexity of the model, OpenAI noted that rendering images may take up to a minute.

For developers and businesses looking for more customization, OpenAI confirmed that access to DALL·E will still be available as a separate model option.

[Nairametrics]

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has addressed his decision not to select the current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, as his running mate in the 2023 election, stating that he has no regrets about the decision.
In a forthcoming interview for the television show Untold Stories with Adesuwa Giwa-Osagie, which is set to air today but was obtained by Daily Trust, Atiku responded to questions regarding the leadership crisis in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) that followed his choice.

 
Many observers speculated that the decision to overlook Wike, who had led a rebellion within the PDP along with five other governors, contributed to Atiku’s loss in the election. Wike later boasted about working against Atiku and delivering Rivers State for President Bola Tinubu.

When asked if he regretted not picking Wike, Atiku responded firmly: “No, not at all.”

Atiku explained that his decision was rooted in the process followed within the party, recalling the criticism he faced in 2019 for allegedly failing to consult widely when selecting Peter Obi as his running mate.

Atiku shared that after securing the PDP ticket in Port Harcourt, he consulted with former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who advised him to pick a running mate from the South-East instead of the South-West.

Atiku said that Obasanjo suggested prominent figures like Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and Charles Soludo, but both were not members of the PDP.

Eventually, Atiku chose Peter Obi, a member of the party, who was also suggested by Obasanjo. After consulting with party leaders and governors, including Wike and Aminu Tambuwal, Atiku was assured there were no objections to Obi being chosen as his running mate. However, he was later criticized for not consulting enough within the party.

Atiku stated that in 2023 he decided to give the party more involvement in the selection process, asking them to set up a committee to recommend three possible running mates.

According to Atiku, the committee suggested three names: Ifeanyi Okowa as the first choice, Wike as the second, and Udom Emmanuel as the third.

Atiku opted for the first choice, Okowa, explaining that his decision not to choose Wike was simply because he was the second choice on the list.

[NaijaNews]

The Kano State government has filed a complaint against Ismail Auwal and Buhari Abba, publishers of Kano Times Online, over alleged defamation.

The Commissioner of Information and Internal Affairs, Ibrahim Waiya, filed a complaint with the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) of the Kano Police Command, accusing Auwal of defamation in an open letter addressed to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

The letter, titled “Dear Gov. Yusuf, Beware of Kano Information Commissioner Ibrahim Waiya,” was published by Kano Times.

Auwal’s letter, while acknowledging the governor’s achievements, raised concerns about growing tensions between civil society organisations (CSOs) and Waiya, warning that the commissioner’s history with CSOs could undermine the government’s credibility.

Speaking with Daily Trust on the issue, Buhari Abba said he received a call from a police officer, ASP Mukhtar Isah, from the CID on March 22, 2025. “I honoured the invitation on Monday, March 24. After writing my statement, they seized my phones and detained me in an office. I was later allowed to pray before securing bail through Barrister Patience from the Human Rights Journalists Network,” he said.

Abba disclosed that he is facing charges of defamation of character and criminal conspiracy, with ASP Mukhtar Isah handling the case file.

Meanwhile, Daily Trust gathered that Ismail Auwal also honoured a police invitation at the Kano Police Command for questioning but was later released after spending about five hours with the police.

[DailyTrust]

• House of Reps considers Local Council Electoral Commission for LG polls
• ‘Court of Appeal as final arbiter of governorship tussles’
• Stakeholders laud ‘cost-saving’ move, wary of INEC’s capacity

The proposed bill by the House of Representatives to simultaneously conduct all elections into the offices of the president, state governors, National Assembly, State Houses of Assembly and Local Government Areas (LGAs) on the same day has elicited mixed reactions among stakeholders.

While most Nigerians agree with the need to compress election days and save avoidable costs, they also raised reservations about Nigerians and the Independent National Electoral Commission’s (INEC) readiness for the proposed cumbersome phase.

The lawmakers, in a bid to ensure credibility in the electioneering process at the plenary yesterday, made significant inroads towards the conduct of all elections in a day.

Similarly, the House also considered establishing the Local Government Electoral Commission (LGEC) to conduct all local council elections, which are currently conducted and funded by the State Electoral Commission.

The proposed legislation on the conduct of elections on the same day, sponsored by members of the House, Ikenga Ugochinyere, Francis Ejiroghene Waive, and 34 others, scaled the second reading at a plenary presided by the Deputy Speaker, Benjamin Kalu.

The bill aims to alter provisions of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) to provide that General Elections to the Office of the President, State Governors, National Assembly, State Houses of Assembly and Local Government Area Councils shall be conducted simultaneously on the same date to be determined by the Independent National Electoral Commission in consultation with the National Assembly.

The bill for the establishment of LGEC also scaled the second reading, seeking to alter the Constitution to establish the National Local Government Electoral Commission as an independent body responsible for organising, conducting, and supervising elections into the offices of Chairmen, Vice Chairmen and Councilors of all the Local Government Councils across the Federation.

The proposed legislation, sponsored by the Deputy Speaker and eight other lawmakers, was presented for second reading by the House leader, Julius Ihonvbere.

According to the Sponsor and Co-sponsors, the Commission, when established, will ensure the credibility, transparency, and fairness of local government elections and promote democratic governance at the grassroots level.

Great move, but for INEC’s readiness
RECALL that in 2015, INEC reordered the course of the election, bringing the presidential and national elections first before that of the governors and the state Assemblies, which many Nigerians claimed created a bandwagon effect on the state elections.

Also, in 1998, the National Electoral Commission conducted the local government elections that were judged the best to date. It was the only council poll where opposition parties won chairmanship seats in areas where they were strong. However, thereafter, the ruling parties adopted a winner-takes-all method using State Electoral Commissions, which were appointed by sitting state governors and ruling parties.

A former Minority Leader in the Senate, Olorunnimbe Mamora, said the idea of conducting elections would reduce cost, stress on the electorate and eliminate the bandwagon effects to some extent, “but is Nigeria ripe for such?”

He, however, faulted the proposal for LGEC to oversee council polls, adding that the decision would affect the principle of true federalism.

He disagreed with a repeat of the 1998 antecedent when a national electoral body held council polls. He said Nigeria is no longer under military rule.

The chieftain of Ohanaeze, Goddy Uwazurike, quickly disagreed with Mamora, saying the House’s proposal was the best.

Uwazurike said: “As long as the 1999 Constitution could be amended to cover this, then the shenanigans Nigerians have been witnessing as council polls, where governors installed their cronies, will stop.”

He noted that whatever initial challenges it has could be addressed. He also threw his weight behind a proposed LGEC to conduct council polls.

He said: “A particular system has failed us over 25 years. There is a need to try another one.”

The Director-General of National Conservative Forum (NCFront), Wale Okuniyi, noted that as good as the proposal is, it implies the amendment of the constitution.

Okuniyi said the capacity of INEC to hold multiple elections in a day is a problem to consider. Otherwise, it is supposed to be the best.

In support of the position of the House, a professor of law and vice-chancellor of the Protestant University of Rwanda, Olu Ojedokun, said the House is right to pass the bill, aiming to conduct all elections in one day.

He said all the polls should be conducted on the same day to reduce costs and ensure efficiency.

The VC said: “If all elections should be done in one day, none will influence the others. There was no movement for two days (in the past general elections) because of the election! Why do we have to shut down the country for elections?

“If we do all the elections in one day, it will reduce cost, time, and restriction hours. We can learn from the U.S., France and other countries that use the method.

“The Independent National Electoral Commission (NEC) needs to plan well for it. If INEC starts planning now, it can do it.”

In another reaction to the bill on compressed elections, a former Head of Department (HOD), Political Science and International Relations, Lead City University, Ibadan, Prof. Akeem Amodu, said the ideal thing should be starting from the bottom to the top.

He noted that the gubernatorial and State Assemblies polls should be held first, followed by the presidential and National Assembly.

Amodu said, “Given the Nigerian understanding of politics and an economy that does not give room for citizens to think out of the box, the bandwagon effect will happen. There is a tendency for the party that won the presidential poll to incentivise and induce voters. As a result of this, the victorious party is ready to buy people’s votes and consciences.

“The ideal thing should be starting from the bottom to the top. The last three elections followed that pattern.

That is, local first, followed by the state poll, parliamentary and federal presidential elections to get the best. That will change the bandwagon dynamics and narrative.”

On his part, the Head of Department (HOD) of Political Science, University of Ibadan, Prof. Adewale Yagboyaju, said: “These are different options with their merits and demerits.  From local to presidential elections, it will be more expensive than we have today.

“There may indeed be bandwagon effects, but that may not always be true. For instance, in Oyo State, in the 2023 presidential and National Assembly polls, the All Progressives Congress (APC) won almost all seats. Still, at the governorship and state assembly polls, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) swept them all.

“This means bandwagon effects cannot be automatic. Going back to the former method may not necessarily count. Re-ordering to the former method should come with profound outweighing benefits that we can point to. Anything we push for should be more beneficial than the existing one.”

The bill’s draft on LGEC states that the National Local Government Electoral Commission shall consist of the Chairman and 37 other members representing 36 states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.

It also states that the Chairman, who shall be the Chief Electoral Officer and members of the Board shall be appointed by the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on the recommendation of the National Council of States and subject to the confirmation of the Senate.

The Commission is expected to provide periodic reports on its activities and the outcomes of local government elections to the President, the National Assembly, and the general public, promoting transparency and accountability in its operations.

The Commission is to, among others, be saddled with the responsibility for organising, conducting, and supervising elections into the offices of Chairmen and Councilors of all Local Governments in the Federation, including the Area Councils of the Federal Capital Territory; setting the election timetable, managing polling processes, and ensuring compliance with electoral laws; and overseeing the registration of voters for local government elections, maintain an accurate and up-to-date voter register, and ensure that eligible citizens are provided with access to participate in the electoral process.

“The Secretary of the Board of the National Local Government Electoral Commission shall be appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Board of National Local Government Electoral Commission who shall be a legal practitioner of not less than 10 years,” Ihonvbere said in his lead debate.

Appeal court as final arbiter…
THE House also passed through second reading another bill seeking to make the court of appeal the final arbiter for determining governorship election petitions in the country.

Sponsored by a lawmaker representing Ndokwa East/Ndokwa West/Ukwuani Federal Constituencies of Delta State, Nnamdi Ezechi, the proposed legislation seeks to alter section 246 of the 1999 constitution.

Section 246 of the constitution states that the court of appeal’s decisions regarding litigations arising from the national and state Houses of Assembly election petitions shall be final if the proposed legislation is passed into law; the section will include governorship elections.

Presenting the bill’s general principles, Ezechi said the proposed legislation is intended to mitigate delays and save costs in post-election litigation. According to him, if enacted, the law will prevent gubernatorial election disputes from reaching the Supreme Court.

[Guardian]

Former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar has declared that he is uncertain about his 2027 presidential ambition.

Atiku, who has contested for the presidency six times, made the remark in a yet-to-be-aired interview for a television show, Untold Stories, with Adesuwa Giwa-Osagie.

His remarks came a few days after he announced the formation of a coalition of opposition leaders aiming to oust the President Bola Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress, APC government.

When asked if he would run for the presidency in the next election, Atiku said, “I don’t know because there has to be, first of all, a viable platform, more than any other time in the political history of this country, particularly since the return of democracy.”

The former VP, however, did not rule out the possibility of contesting in the 2027 election, stating the need for Nigeria to have a competent leader.

“I have not seen Nigeria in dire need of, you know, an experienced and credible leadership than this time.

“We had a similar, you know, what would I say, merger in 2014. About four of us or is it three? We all ran for president and one of us emerged, and we all supported the one who emerged, and he won,” he said.

There are speculations that Atiku may give his support to the former Labour Party Presidential candidate, Peter Obi and former governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir El-rufai for the 2027 election.

[Daily Post]

The Senate Committee on Ethics, Code of Conduct and Public Petitions threw out Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition, saying the matter was already a subject of litigation.

The petition was written by Mr Zubairu Yakubu, one of Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s constituents.

Senator Onyekachi Nwebonyi (APC – Ebonyi South)  and a former Minister of Education, Dr. Oby Ezekwesili, clashed over the handling of the sexual harassment allegations.

Dr Ezekwesili, a witness, had accompanied Yakubu, who appeared before the Senate Committee, to defend the petition.

A war of words ensued between Nwebonyi and the former minister, who complained about how the allegation was being handled by senators.

However, the Committee ruled that it could not sit on the petition, in view of a pending case filed against Senator  Akpoti-Uduaghan by Dr. Unoma Akpabio,  wife of the Senate President.

Citing Senate Rules, Senator Imasuen noted that the practice of the Senate was to desist from entertaining petitions on any matters pending before the court.

During the proceedings, tension rose as Nwebonyi described Dr Ezekwesili an ‘insult to womanhood’ and a ‘hooligan.’

The senator’s remarks followed the refusal of Dr Ezekwesili and other attendees to take an oath during the hearing.

While one of the senators insisted that either they take the oath or the committee would end the meeting, Dr Ezekwesili and her colleagues insisted on not taking the oath, during which Nwebonyi became apparently angry.

He said: “You are an insult to womanhood, hooligan. People like you are not supposed to be here, hooligan. You are an insult to womanhood.” Ezekwesili, who later spoke with reporters,  accused the Senate of violating the Constitution, adding that the Senate Rule cited by the committee was not superior to the Constitution.

She said: “The Nigerian Senate keeps telling citizens they are subject to Senate rules, even when those rules violate the Constitution. This is unacceptable in a democracy.”

She   argued that the embattled Kogi Central lawmaker was denied fair hearing, insisting that it is in clear breach of provisions of the Constitution.

Dr Ezekwesili added: “The Senate placed its own rules above the laws of the land. Now, with this petitioner, they have done the same thing—using procedural loopholes to avoid addressing critical issues

“If a petitioner says they do not believe the Senate committee will give them a fair hearing due to clear bias, it is only just that an independent body reviews the matter.

“The Senate must respect the Constitution. Otherwise, we risk turning our democracy into a system where powerful individuals manipulate processes to silence opposition and suppress justice,” she said.

On the alleged bias by the Senate, the petitioner cited previous remarks attributed to the Chairman of the Committee, Senator Imasuen, where he described Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition as dead on arrival during a previous Committee sitting.

“How can the chairman serve as a judge in a case where he has already publicly taken a position? What is the need for us to present our case when a verdict has already been given before hearing us?,” he queried.

Yakubu expressed disappointment over the objection by the Committee to his request that  Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan, who has been suspended for six months by the Senate be allowed to testify before the panel as principal witness.

He said the suspended senator was in custody of  a crucial documentary evidence to support her  claims, lamenting that she had been barred from entering the National Assembly as part of her suspension.

Yakubu added: “In my petition, I clearly stated that my witness would present her evidence personally. But she was not allowed into the premises. If my key witness is denied access, how can I proceed with my case?”

Counsel to the petitioner,  Dr. Abiola Akinyode also faulted the alleged  inconsistencies in the Senate’s handling of the petitions.

She said: “There is nothing in Yakubu’s petition that was not in Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s original petition. If the Senate dismissed her petition as ‘dead on arrival,’ then logically, Yakubu’s should also be dismissed.”

“The Senate seems to be operating under its own rules, separate from the Constitution. That is why they can suspend a senator for six months without following due process,” Akinyode said.

She also faulted the defence by the Committee that it could not hear a petition on a subsisting case before a court of competent jurisdiction.

Akinyode said: “If they knew the case was in court, they should have simply written to the petitioner stating they could not entertain it. Instead, they invited him, only to dismiss the petition on the basis that it was already in court.”

Governors of states governed by the Peoples Democratic Party have instituted a suit before the Supreme Court, challenging the six-month suspension of the Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara.

Fubara, his deputy Ngozi Odu, and the Rivers House of Assembly members were suspended for six months by President Bola Tinubu after he declared a state of emergency in the state on March 18 and appointed a sole administrator for the state.

Meanwhile, the legislatures, on their part, supported the president’s decision to implement the suspension.

However, the governors of Bauchi, Adamawa, Bayelsa, Enugu, Osun, Plateau, and Zamfara states questioned the powers the president has to carry out such action (suspension).

Mentioned as respondents in the suit are Tinubu and the National Assembly.

The seven state governors who termed the suspension as unconstitutional, through their Attorney-Generals, urged the Supreme Court to declare that “the President has no powers whatsoever or authority to suspend a democratically elected governor and deputy governor of a state in the Federation of Nigeria under the guise of or pursuant to the proclamation of a state of emergency in any state of the federation, including the states represented by the plaintiffs,” based on the provisions of Sections 1(2), 5(2), and 305 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

The governors also urged the apex court to declare that the President has no powers to suspend a democratically elected House of Assembly of a state pursuant to Sections 192 (4) (6) and 305 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended).

The appellants (seven state governors) sought a declaration that “the suspension of Governor Siminalaye Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State House of Assembly was unconstitutional, unlawful, and in gross violation of the provisions of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).”

The governors argued that Tinubu lacks the statutory powers to suspend a serving governor and appoint a sole administrator in their stead.

The governors urged the Supreme Court to nullify the appointment of the sole administrator appointed to govern the state.

They challenged the constitutionality of the voice votes used by the National Assembly to ratify Tinubu’s actions.

They argued that the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State by the defendants did not comply with the constitutional requirements set out in Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

Furthermore, the litigants contended that the proclamation by the President failed to meet the stipulated conditions and procedures for such a declaration, stating that it was made for reasons beyond those specified in the Constitution.

They also argued that the National Assembly’s approval of the state of emergency via a voice vote was invalid, stressing that the Constitution mandates a two-thirds majority vote of members of each legislative chamber.

They prayed the Supreme Court for the following relief, “An order nullifying the proclamation of a state of emergency in Rivers State made by the first defendant and wrongfully approved by the second defendant.

“An order restraining the defendant, by himself, his servants, agents, and privies, from implementing the unlawful suspension of the governor and deputy governor of Rivers State.

“An order restraining the defendant, by himself, his servants, agents, and privies, from interfering in any manner whatsoever with the execution by the governor and deputy governor of Rivers State of their constitutional and statutory duties, as well as their electoral mandate.

“An order restraining the defendant from attempting the suspension of any other governor of any state in Nigeria, particularly the plaintiffs, or from interfering with or undermining their constitutional and statutory duties.”

[Punch]

The University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN) has appointed Professor Kamoru Olayiwola Usman, a Yoruba Muslim from Oyo State, as Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Academics), marking the first time in the institution’s history that a person of Yoruba descent has held the position.

The appointment, made by the Acting Vice-Chancellor (Ag. VC), Professor Oguejiofo T. Ujam, is part of ongoing reforms aimed at fostering inclusive governance and restoring the university’s academic excellence.

In a statement issued yesterday in Abuja, the university reaffirmed its commitment to merit-based leadership and national unity.

Professor Ujam stated: “The appointment of Professor Usman reflects our resolve to prioritise competence over sectional considerations. It is imperative that we sustain this culture of inclusivity and meritocracy to move the university forward.”

In addition to Professor Usman’s appointment, the Acting VC also named Dr Mansur Adebowale Saddiq as Acting Director of the Medical Centre, further demonstrating his commitment to promoting excellence over sectional interests.

Both appointments have been widely welcomed by scholars and students from diverse backgrounds, recognising them as steps towards strengthening national unity within the institution.

Professor Usman, who succeeds Professor Urama, holds a PhD in Mathematics Education and previously served as Provost of the Federal College of Education (Special), Oyo State, from 2015 to 2023.

A distinguished academic, he is a fellow of the Mathematical Association of Nigeria and a member of several professional bodies, including the National Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies and the Nigerian Educational Research Association. His initial tenure as DVC (Academics) will last for two years, with the possibility of renewal.

Meanwhile, the statement also highlighted that during a recent University Senate meeting, Professor Ujam emphasised the collective responsibility of repositioning UNN as a centre for ethical and innovative learning.

“A collective effort is required to place the institution on a steady path towards ethical and innovative learning. UNN must regain its pride of place as Nigeria’s premier university. We must rid the system of narrow-minded sectionalism and divisive tendencies that have eroded the enabling environment for research, comparative studies, and the adaptive application of new knowledge,” the statement read.

The Senate meeting was attended by key university officials, including the newly appointed DVC, Professor Usman, and members of the governing council, led by Engineer Olubunmi Kayode Ojo.

Professor Ujam further noted that UNN must take the lead in global educational trends, particularly in emerging fields such as artificial intelligence. He also commended the support of Enugu State Governor, Dr Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, in advocating for experiential learning.

“It is commendable that His Excellency, Dr Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, the Governor of Enugu State—our host state—has been championing the transition to experiential learning. We must align with this vision to ensure our students are not left behind in the evolving global education landscape,” he said.

The Acting VC called on the university community to work together to eliminate divisions that have hindered research, academic collaboration, and technological advancement.

“I will be firm, fair, and transparent in the discharge of my duties. UNN must not lag behind in the current technological revolution, characterised by the rivalry between OpenAI and DeepSeek,” he assured.

[Vanguard]

Once upon a time, there was an Access Gap Map prepared by the Universal Service Provision Fund (USPF). The map showed details of remote sites in the country or locations in not too distant environments where Telecommunications services were not available.

The Nigerian Communications Act (NCA) 2003 recognises these areas or groups in Section 113 as unserved, underserved areas or even underserved groups within a community. So, the Access Gap Map is not a psychedelic creation to demonstrate a pseudo readiness for action, but an ingenious interpretation of telecoms lack in order to simplify the resolution of what may seem an intractable problem.

Lack is the imaginary bridge between the rich and the poor, between the politicians with fat stomachs and their constituents with pencil figures, between the blessed and the accursed, between the high flyer and the ordinary fella struggling for the crumbs from the master’s table, and, in fact, between the pseudo elite who steals everything from the system by the wave of a biro, and the decent technocrat who watches in amazing horror the craftiness of the sons of men. Lack is not a bridge too far but a grotesque monster in our midst. A troubling reality!

Telecoms lack, which is what the Universal Service Provision Fund is designed to cure, is not just a Nigerian problem or a problem of developing countries alone.  The International Telecommunications Union (ITU) says telecoms lack is a global problem and takes USPF as a crucial tool, alongside other mechanisms, to achieve universal access to telecommunications.

In America, it is called Universal Service Fund (USF) which has been described as a system of subsidies and fees designed by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to ensure access to telecommunications for all Americans. Whether you want to believe it or not,  there are still places in America where the government is working hard to provide quality telecoms services or even make services available!

From an early fervent operation at the time of birth, USPF has gone through the mire to seek a reincarnation at the present state of being. Which is why the story of the Access Gap Map became necessary at the beginning of this writeup, to show what was inherited and the intentionality of patriarchs of the system.

A source at USPF told this writer that the Access Gap Map still remains the major planning tool, giving direction to all their activities. While in 2019, 207 clusters of telecom needs existed, by 2022, the figure has come down to 97, meaning that quite some work is being done. The source informed that the plan of the Fund is to do a study every year to show how gaps are being closed or to even just expose areas where new gaps are being created as a result of telecoms facilities being decommissioned, for whatever reasons.

It was therefore reassuring when Mr. Yomi Arowosafe, USPF Secretary, said at an even in Lagos last week, that the Fund by 2030, will rollout an additional 1000 base transceiver stations. Expectedly, the stations will be sited in unreached and underserved areas where the people denied telecom services can have access to them. However, his optimism has little accommodation for the series of challenges the Fund has been through recently. It is expected that the intervention agency will have the needed funds to execute its plans and make some people happy by connecting them to the telecommunications national grid.

The unfortunate reality is that more telecom gaps are popping up everywhere. Even within cities, it is very common to experience very flaky services. The rural areas are worse off. It is more like a return to the days of yore when telecoms services were a rarity and reserved only for the big boys. Nobody prays for a return to that nightmare, not even this government which is showing some level of concerted efforts to deal with the situation.

Several industry sources confirmed that as of today, there are about 40,000 telecommunication towers carrying about 144,000 transceiver stations across the country. This is a far cry from the 80,000 towers which a former EVC once said were needed to power the telecommunications industry.  For a government that has promised to create a digital economy with the concomitant digital job opportunities, this doesn’t look good at all.

I am inclined to reason that this government is desirous of making noticeable interventions, just like the guy fighting a roaring fire and is ready to throw anything at it.  The efforts by the USPF is one such intervention. I was also reliably informed that the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) is prospecting a rollout of 2000 base stations in conjunction with some industry stakeholders which include operators. More will be said about this development.

However, speaking at the USPF programme in Lagos, Dr Bosun Tijani, Minister for Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, informed of the government’s audacious plan to build 7,000 telecommunications towers across the country in order to extend services to more of the country’s population.

There is so much that this connotes. The development means more money in the environment, more opportunities for connectivity and digital job opportunities that will be unleashed. Before anybody could talk about the government returning to telecom business, Tijani said the project would be done with private participation.

The minister explained that the project was approved at the Federal Executive Council of February 27, 2025, as part of  a broader strategy to bridge the digital divide and enhance connectivity in rural and underserved areas.

“The government has decided that if private capital cannot reach these areas, then we must step in and invest public funds in these towers to ensure our people have access,” Tijani said.

Another leg of Tijani’s plan is a $2bn fibre optics cable aimed at boosting broadband penetration in Nigeria. The minister is a tech geek who has a mind for very big ideas. At some point he had released a blueprint which, he envisaged, could mop up about 3m youth from different parts of the country for tech training.

While I will want to accept that the present government is doing things to deepen and grow the tech ecosystem, one will want to observe that some of these initiatives should have been undertaken by a well structured USPF except it is considered that the scale of implementation is beyond the intervention agency. So, we start from the scratch, tossing legitimate reason in the air, to build afresh as we always do. But bear in mind that the Ministry of Communications which is pursuing all these big ideas, is not a project implementer but a policy maker.

The other small matter, and this is from whispers in the industry. Quite a few people are of the opinion, that Minister Tijani is building castles in the air, requesting that time has come for him to climb down to reality and begin a proper implementation of some of his ideas that look quite grandiose.