(Being Excerpt from the Guest Lecture Delivered at the 4th Theophilus & Elizabeth Akinyele Foundation Memorial Symposium held at the Theojoy Library, Theo Tower, New Bodija, Ibadan on Thursday, 21st of November, 2024)

Theophilus Adeleke Akinyele, officer of the order of Niger (OON) and Bobajiro of Ibadanland, was both an exemplary personality and a model public servant. This biographical statement is significant in administrative archiving of the trajectory of the Nigerian administrative history, and this is not just because biographies and autobiographies of eminent public servants and administrators fill some crucial gaps in political and administrative histories of any state. More than this, the biographical statement I began with constitutes a narrative entry point into not only the understanding of what administrative scholars are calling the golden age of Nigeria’s public service system, but also a leeway into understanding how the present rot and decline in the system could be arrested through a thoroughgoing institutional reform that is both backward and forward looking. 

Pa Akinyele served humanity all his life. He was an administrator and a fine gentleman. After completing a most exemplary career as a public servant in the old western state and Oyo State, he then served as the registrar at the Obafemi Awolowo University before finally transiting through retirement into consultancy services and then the organized private sector. This distinguished career, and the lessons he learnt as a public servant were collected into his 2002 magnus opus, Beyond Pushing Files. The title alone speaks to the core of what is involved in the recuperation and revitalization of the institutional integrity of the public service in contemporary Nigeria. The nodal strength of the autobiography is that it embodies a contextual exemplification of the historical trajectory of evolutionary insights that led to our understanding of what an effective, efficient and competent public service is. And how we can begin to rethink reinventing it. 

Public administration has come a long way. Indeed, it predates the idea of modern state because it consisted of a body of government officials who are in charge of ensuring the continuity of the administrative mechanism. With the ancient pharaonic society, it was this administrative necessity that facilitated the management of tax collection, the building of the pyramid and the navigation of the River Nile. But what was just a scribal necessity for those who work for the pharaohs, began to achieve the status of a tenured and salaried profession that mediated the famous Roman infrastructures, especially the aqueducts and highways. After the French Revolution of 1789, the loyalty of the civil servants shifted from emperors and monarchs to the state as an administrative unit. These historical developments fed into Max Weber’s theoretical formulation of the shapes and processes of administrative system, especially starting from the Prussian governance and military command structure. This was the basis of his development of the Weberian bureaucratic model.

Government all across the world are defined by three complementary functions: the policy, regulatory and service delivery functions. And these functions are backstopped by an efficient public administration and bureaucratic machinery. It is this efficient system that translate government policies into concrete and tangible development outcomes and dividends that positively affect the well-being of the citizens. However, the operationalization of the public service system in Nigeria comes with both a boon and a bane. On the one hand, the most significant challenge that faced the transplantation of the bureaucratic model to Nigeria, after independence, is that as a migrated structure that emerged within a specific sociocultural context, the civil service system—and the state system as an administrative unit in general—was implanted without the full complement of its underlying value framework that would have grounded its efficiency and effectiveness. 

When the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates happened in 1914, the state system was established to facilitate the extractive objective of colonialism. And so, the system could not be grounded in the value foundation deriving from the cultural lifeworlds of the people and societies that make up precolonial Nigeria. The deconstruction of the value foundation of the administrative system becomes even more complicated because public administration experts and scholars all across Africa also failed to harness their expertise in ensuring the reconstruction of the value basis of the public institution in the values and traditions that would have instigated their resilience in assimilating the many sociocultural and political shocks they were bound to confront. And so, the bureaucratic model eventually turned out to be a mere instrument for political intervention and extractive exploitation rather than a tool for real development of the colonies. 

On the other hand, however, the pioneer Nigerian public servants inherited fully the founding values and virtues which Weber made the core of the managerial model of public administration, and which the British administrative system further grounded in the Victorian ideals and moral codes founded on gentlemanliness and the imperatives of truthfulness, personal responsibility, and public accountability. These values and moral codes easily translate into an institutional morality in terms of an acute sense of duty and work ethic, noblesse oblige, deferred gratification, and integrity of service. There was also significantly a philosophical underpinning that connects the relationship between the self and service which led to the fascination with knowledge and honor as the key components of professionalism. Talents, competence and hard work combined with moral rectitude, godliness and personal discipline to determine success, well-being and career fulfilment. This moral code and imperatives were further undergirded by the understanding of the bureaucracy as a hierarchical organization functioning as a legal-rational system determined by rules, systems, processes and procedures. That organization is conceived as being neutral, efficient, precise, strict, reliable and very disciplined.  

All this is supposed to articulate the understanding of the bureaucracy as a vocational calling that those who must be recruited into it must see as honorable, spiritual and value-based institution that demands their intense commitment and loyalty. For Weber, honor is the sole key that ties a public servant to the dynamics of integrity in the workplace. An honorable public official sees to the execution of a policy to the best of his ability even if she disagrees with the policy choice. This is an honorable act because it demonstrates that the bureaucrat’s sense of duty and of service overrides his personal preferences. Honor also instigates the need for spirituality which is encompassed by the search for meaning and significance that is demonstrated through the public servant’s commitment, trust and dedication to the tenets of professional service. This implies that public service transcends any mechanical sense of transactional business that brings people to the workplace without transforming their well-being. Spirituality characterizes the public servant as a selfless person with a deep sense of deferred gratification that defined the priesthood in the Levitical Order. In the Old Testament, the tribe of Levi, out of all the other tribes of Israel, had to forfeit its inheritance in the promised land in order to be able to adequately consecrate itself to the service of God. The totality of these moral imperatives is what turns the public service into a value-based institution that not only molds the actions and attitudes of the public servants, but also encompass the democratic codes that transform democratic governance. 

A public servant, within this preceding value framework, is defined by three cogent virtues. The first is the virtue of public spiritedness. A public servant is first a servant called into a deep and committed service to others that constitute the public. This makes him or her more than a careerist professional who is solely motivated by personal preferences and the imperatives of making a livelihood. Being a public servant means that one swears fealty to the common good and the public interest. The second administrative virtue that distinguishes the public servant is professionalism grounded on expertise and competence that are earned on meritocratic basis. While public-spiritedness provides the public servant with a broad sense of occupational responsibility as the custodian of the commonwealth, it is professionalism—the occupational framework of professional conduct—that arms the public servant with specialized skills and expertise to perform whatever functions will enable the realization of the objectives of state policy. 

The third and final administrative virtue is that of leadership. This encompasses public spiritedness and professionalism in ways that make the public servant more than a mere manager or administrator. This leadership virtue demands that the public servant becomes a transformational, rather than a transactional, change agent with a shared capacity that draws all relevant stakeholders into a framework of collective responsibility that makes the public service an effective and efficient mechanism for delivering public goods that activate democratic governance on behalf of the people and their well-being. 

All the preceding enables us to grasp the significance of the emergence of the Nigerian pioneers of the British public service. The need to achieve law and order in the colonies demanded that the British Colonial Office train a cadre of highly skilled, loyal and dedicated public servants to implement the demands of colonial administration. This led to the emergence of the administrative generalist cadre that eventually threw up the early bureaucratic pioneers, from Simeon Adebo to Jerome Udoji to Sule Katagum to Allison Ayida, and from Abdul Aziz Attah to Prince Solomon Akenzua to Francesca Emanuel to Tejumade Alakija to Theophilus Akinyele. These pioneers were saddled with the responsibility of ensuring that the nascent Nigerian state made good on its promise to the teeming Nigerians who believed that independence would bring betterment to them. From Adebo to Akinyele, the administrative pioneers had to sustain the core of the public service as value-based institutions through a commitment to the public service as an honorable vocation that demanded they give their all in making the Nigerian state work. 

A critical component of their value training derived from a model of politician-administrator collaboration that facilitates a relationship between the two for developmental progress. There are three models that account for this relationship. The first, legal or traditional model, involves the rare or ideal situation in which the minister/commissioner takes responsibility for policy making while the permanent secretary simply implement. The second model is the adversarial one—dramatized in the popular BBC sitcom, “Yes, Minister,” in which the minister and the public servant are in constant conflict over policy formulation and implementation. The third is the community model that sees both operating under a contractual obligation and therefore being mutually dependent on each other’s responsibilities. This third model might seem the most appropriate, but in reality, the relationship is a mix of the three models, with all the attendant tensions, conflicts and understanding. This is the best way I think one could see the famous Awolowo-Adebo in the old western region, or the Gowon-super permanent secretary partnership during the Nigerian Civil War; a collaboration that benchmarked Nigeria’s glorious era of distinct public administration and governance achievements. 

The commitment to institution building in the public service that stood the administrative pioneers out as exemplary public servants include the following: (a) they were exemplary leaders in terms of the integrity they brought to service; (b) the establishment of the Public Service Commission was not just a gatekeeping mechanism to ensure meritocracy, but also a measure of integrity needed in the system; (c) Establishment control, among other internal management mechanisms, mediates the expansion of the size, scope and growth of the service; (d) the town-and-gown/policy-research collaboration facilitated a networked relationship between practitioners and academics in ways that ensured the continuing flow of ideas and innovative reflection about the optimal functioning of the system; (e) the work-life balance complemented the staff development initiatives through housing, pension and other social security schemes to facilitate performance and productivity; and (f) a developmental industrial relations ensured constant consultation that resulted in decent welfare package to improve the condition of service of the workforce.

Unfortunately, all these distinct institutional mechanisms collapsed under the burden of series of historical and administrative circumstances that consolidated a bureaucratic culture in the public service. Three significant trajectories of events jumpstarted the debilitating process of bureau-pathology in the Nigerian public service system. The first was the attempt to mediate the multiethnic nature of the Nigerian state in recruitment into the public service, and how this framework of representativeness collapsed every effort at achieving meritocracy. The second was the missed opportunity with reforming the entire system through the Udoji Commission report and its recommendation of a performance management system patterned along the imperatives of managerialism. The third and last was the massive purge of the public service in 1975 and the grounding of the culture of instant gratification that displaced that of deferred gratification. 

The reform efforts to undermine the virulent effect of bureau-pathology and its terrible consequences for performance and productivity have been varied. The cumulative effort was to transform the system away from the “I-am-directed” bureaucratic culture to a more performance-oriented managerial culture that will instill value and efficiency into the system. There was, for instance a reform to redefine the role of the state in ways that allow for institutional restructuring that makes public-private partnership and other alternative service delivery approaches possible. There were also significant modernization and digitization of core operations of the civil service to eliminate non-value adding processes and to eliminate silos operations, red tapes and other bureaucratic bottlenecks. There were reforms to reengineer the MDAs operating system to hold them to some form of performance accountability using new metrics different from the APER appraisal instruments. This is, so they would be able to deliver measurable outcomes. There were series of culture change reforms to deepen the value foundation of the service, as well as reforms to resolve capacity deficits through workforce reprofiling and audit, professionalization of cadres, job evaluation rooted regrading and pay reform, systematic injection of staff skills, and the building of new skills within framework of the restoration of merit system and competency-based HRM.

What more needed to be done? To get the public service system in line with the expectation of featuring in the fourth and fifth industrial revolutions, the workforce needs to be re-professionalized within framework to reform the many reforms. This is the first step in facilitating the emergence of a new breed of public managers competent enough to bring the system into the knowledge society. This is also connected with the need to beef up the IQ through deepening the core skills and competences in project management, data science, evidence-based decision-making, acquisition of legal and regulatory skills rooted in the knowledge of market dynamics, etc. The essence is to achieve the creation of a multidisciplinary elite cadre of senior executive service (SES) that leads the charge in the institutional transformation of the system. 

The public service requires a culture change programme that enables the putting in place of the right values enabled by significant frameworks of mental remodeling to help public servants think outside of the box. This will require value audit and cognitive redefinition to increase and improve staff capacity that enable the system to stay centered on leading change sustainably. This must be complemented by significant adjustments in the incentive structure and the entire system of motivation that manages redundancy through a redesign of the job evaluation framework that will instigate performance better. Internal control mechanisms need strengthening to ensure that the systems retain a sustained maintenance, continuous learning and relearning, incremental improvement and organizational resilience in a vulnerable, uncertain, complex and ambiguous (VUCA) environment. The public service needs to strengthen its policy-research nexus in ways that professionalize the planning and policy analysis function, deepen action and policy research, as well as achieve adequate talent and knowledge management. Lastly, strengthening the system to handle commercially-centered partnerships like the PPPs must go hand in hand with a larger vision of launching and managing a national productivity movement to reprofile national programmes and project management practices, create a new national waste reduction strategy and maintenance culture.

The effort to transform the public service system into a world class requires a blueprint that, interestingly, had already been foreshadowed by the generation of Pa Theophilus Akinyele and their capacity to embody the values and virtues that distinguishes a public service system as a worthy mechanism around which democratic governance flourishes. And that, I believe, is the legacy of that generation for current public administration in Nigeria.         

At Last, You Don’t Have to Resign: The Runaway Bello—Whether He Walked In, Drove In, or Was Brought in Lawyers to the EFCC Premises, It Matters Not. What Is Real Is That He Has Been Arrested and Is Now on Trial. To Do Justice to This Case by Any Means Possible, Drive Out EFCC’s Corrupt and Politicized Officers Who Work Underground with Wealthy Defendants.

Chairman Ola Olukoyede, your bold vow earlier this year—that you would resign if Yahaya Bello, the former governor of Kogi State, evaded prosecution—was more than a statement of intent. It was a pledge of accountability in a nation where integrity often feels like an endangered virtue. By declaring, “If I do not personally oversee the completion of the investigation regarding Yahaya Bello, I will tender my resignation as the EFCC chair,” you signaled to Nigeria and the world that the fight against corruption was not just a professional mission but a deeply personal crusade.

This vow placed the weight of Nigeria’s hope squarely on your shoulders. It was a courageous move, but as the months have unfolded, the depth and complexity of this battle have become painfully clear. Yahaya Bello’s prosecution is no ordinary case—it is a litmus test for Nigeria’s capacity to hold the powerful accountable, a fight that pits you against not just one individual but the systemic rot that has choked the nation for decades.

The Reality of Corruption: A Nation Held Hostage

Corruption in Nigeria is not just an issue of governance—it is a national crisis. It has stolen the nation’s wealth, crushed its dreams, and left millions in poverty while a select few live in unimaginable luxury. It is the reason schools lie in ruins, hospitals lack basic supplies, and infrastructure remains a distant promise.

This systemic corruption is generational, passed down like an inheritance among the political elite. It thrives on impunity, manipulation, and the exploitation of institutional weaknesses. For decades, it has crippled Nigeria’s potential, turning hope into despair for countless citizens.

Chairman Olukoyede, your fight is not just about Yahaya Bello; it is about confronting this cancer head-on. Bello represents the worst of this system—an individual accused of stealing billions meant for the public good. But he is also a symbol of the broader problem: a culture that rewards impunity and punishes accountability.

The Runaway Bello: Power, Influence, and Manipulation

Since April, Yahaya Bello has mounted an aggressive campaign to evade justice, employing every legal and political mechanism available to him. Initially protected by Governor Ododo’s immunity, Bello managed to stall his prosecution by navigating the judicial system with calculated precision, appealing his cases all the way to the Supreme Court. Even after the Supreme Court dismissed his appeals, affirming his obligation to stand trial, Bello continued to exploit procedural loopholes and inefficiencies in Nigeria’s legal framework. Utilizing overly skilled legal teams adept at delay tactics, orchestrating media campaigns to frame himself as a victim, and leveraging public commentators to sway narratives, Bello worked tirelessly to manipulate both perception and process. These efforts underscore the challenges of holding the powerful accountable within a system prone to exploitation.

Your fight to bring Bello to justice is not simply against one man; it is against a deeply entrenched network of influence and systemic complicity. This network includes hesitant judges, insiders within the EFCC suspected of leaking evidence or obstructing progress, and political allies intent on undermining the agency’s mission. These forces, whether overtly aligned or indirectly compromised, reflect the broader challenges of combating corruption in Nigeria, where the rule of law is too often subverted by power and privilege.

Despite these daunting obstacles, your leadership has achieved a pivotal milestone. Today, Bello is no longer a runaway defendant evading accountability. He sits in an EFCC detention cell, awaiting his December 10 hearing before Justice Maryanne Anenih. This moment is a testament to your persistence and strategic determination, yet it is also a reminder of the dangers that remain. The system that enabled Bello’s prolonged evasion of justice is not dismantled, and the road to securing accountability will demand continued resilience and vigilance.

Your efforts in this case transcend the prosecution of a single individual. They symbolize the possibility of dismantling entrenched corruption and restoring faith in Nigeria’s justice system. As Bello’s trial proceeds, it is crucial to address not only his actions but also the systemic vulnerabilities that allowed him to wield such influence. Ensuring that this moment becomes a turning point requires safeguarding the integrity of the EFCC and holding all actors—both external and internal—to the highest standards of accountability.

This is a hard-won victory, but it is only the beginning. Justice for Bello’s alleged offenses must be pursued with unwavering commitment, ensuring that no further manipulation undermines the process. Chairman Olukoyede, your leadership in this fight is a beacon of hope for millions of Nigerians. Through your persistence, the nation moves closer to a future where the powerful cannot escape accountability, and where justice truly serves the people.

A Judiciary at War with Itself

The contrasting approaches of the judges handling Bello’s cases highlight the dysfunction within Nigeria’s judiciary.

Justice Maryanne Anenih has been a beacon of hope, demonstrating an aggressive, no-nonsense approach to Bello’s ₦110.4 billion case. Her insistence on keeping Bello in custody until his December 10 hearing shows that justice can be timely and firm.

In stark contrast, Justice Emeka Nwite’s handling of the ₦80.2 billion case has been sluggish, allowing proceedings to drag on until January 21, 2025. This delay poses significant risks, giving Bello and his allies time to regroup, potentially securing bail and resuming their manipulative tactics.

Chairman Olukoyede, your frustration with these delays is justified. Justice delayed in cases like this is justice denied. The judiciary must rise to the occasion and act with the urgency that this fight demands.

The EFCC’s Struggles: Fighting Corruption from Within

Your vow to prosecute Bello is complicated by the challenges within the EFCC itself. The agency is not immune to the corruption it was designed to combat. Over the years, compromised officers have infiltrated its ranks, colluding with defendants, leaking internal evidence, and sabotaging cases. These “bad eggs” pose a grave threat to the EFCC’s credibility and effectiveness.

In February 2024, you acknowledged this internal rot, stating, “After eradicating bad eggs from the institution, we can fully trust the EFCC to deal with corruption in Nigeria.” Your words captured the painful reality of leading an institution where some of your own officers work against you.

To cleanse the EFCC, a comprehensive and aggressive approach is required. This psychologist proposes the following measures:

1. Psychological Testing for Integrity

Understanding the mindset of EFCC officers is the foundation of reform. Partnering with the Nigeria Psychological Association under leaders like Dr. Musa Abubakar Tafida from Nasarawa State University can provide the tools needed to conduct rigorous psychological evaluations. These tests should examine:

Integrity: Do officers consistently demonstrate traits of honesty, accountability, and fairness?

Risk Tolerance: Are they vulnerable to bribery, coercion, or undue influence under pressure?

Behavioral Patterns: Do they show tendencies toward secrecy, manipulation, dishonesty, or other traits that compromise their judgment and reliability?

Such evaluations can help identify officers who pose a risk to the EFCC’s mission and remove them before they cause further harm.

2. Comprehensive Financial Audits

Corruption often leaves a trail, and forensic financial audits are critical for uncovering it. Employ forensic accountants to scrutinize the financial histories of all EFCC officers, focusing on:

Banking Activity: Look for signs of unexplained wealth, such as sudden increases in account balances, offshore accounts, or suspicious transactions.

Property Ownership: Investigate properties and assets that exceed an officer’s legitimate income.

Family Networks: Ensure that relatives or associates are not being used as proxies to hide ill-gotten gains.

Officers found with unexplained wealth or suspicious financial activity must be immediately removed and prosecuted where appropriate.

3. Mandatory Drug and Polygraph Testing

Integrity requires both emotional and mental stability. Regularly conducting drug and polygraph tests will help maintain a workforce that is both reliable and ethical.

Drug Tests: Ensure officers are not compromised by substance abuse, which can impair judgment or make them vulnerable to manipulation.

Polygraph Tests: Use lie detectors to verify officers’ honesty in handling critical cases, especially those involving high-profile defendants.

These measures will serve as a safeguard against internal compromises that can derail investigations.

4. New Declarations of Assets

Transparency begins with full disclosure. Require all EFCC officers to swear new affidavits declaring their:

Assets and Properties: Officers must provide a comprehensive list of all personal and family assets.

Financial Interests: Officers must disclose all financial holdings, including those managed by relatives or associates.

Family Connections: Officers must list any family members who could be used as proxies to conceal wealth.

Failure to comply or evidence of misrepresentation should result in immediate dismissal and prosecution.

5. Enhanced Internal Oversight

Strengthening internal oversight mechanisms is essential to detecting and preventing corruption within the EFCC. Establish a dedicated integrity unit tasked with:

Monitoring Officer Activities: Use advanced surveillance tools to track communication, movements, and actions, ensuring compliance with protocols.

Investigating Whistleblower Reports: Empower ethical officers to report misconduct without fear of retaliation.

Conducting Surprise Audits and Inspections: Regular, unannounced checks can expose unethical behavior before it escalates.

This integrity unit should report directly to your office to ensure accountability at the highest level and to prevent interference from within.

6. Recruit and Retain Ethical Talent

The EFCC needs officers who are not only competent but also morally upright. Rebuilding the workforce requires:

Raising Recruitment Standards: Focus on hiring individuals with strong ethical records, proven integrity, and a clear commitment to justice.

Incentivizing Honesty: Offer competitive salaries, benefits, and performance-based rewards to reduce the temptation of bribes.

Providing Ethical Training: Mandate workshops and seminars on ethics, accountability, and the consequences of corruption as part of ongoing officer development.

These steps will create a culture of integrity and professionalism within the EFCC.

7. Public Accountability Mechanisms

Restoring public trust in the EFCC requires a commitment to transparency. Establish systems that:

Allow Public Tracking of Cases: Publish updates on high-profile cases to demonstrate progress and deter interference.

Engage Civil Society: Partner with independent watchdogs and NGOs to evaluate the EFCC’s performance and highlight areas for improvement.

Transparency will not only reinforce accountability but also counteract skepticism about the EFCC’s ability to deliver justice.

Why These Steps Are Critical

The EFCC’s mission is too important to allow internal corruption to derail it. Officers who leak evidence, collude with defendants, or exploit the system for personal gain do not just undermine the agency—they betray the nation. Without a workforce built on integrity, no strategy or leadership can succeed.

Chairman Olukoyede, your fight against corruption within and outside the EFCC is a defining moment for Nigeria. It is not merely about one institution; it is about restoring faith in governance and creating a system that serves the people rather than the powerful. These steps, though challenging, are necessary to rebuild the EFCC into an institution Nigerians can finally trust.

The Legacy of Integrity

Good people are the cornerstone of any great institution. By systematically identifying, removing, and replacing the bad eggs within the EFCC, you can leave a legacy that redefines justice and accountability in Nigeria.

The Supreme Court’s Support: A Rare Victory

Amid these struggles, the Supreme Court’s November 15, 2024, ruling was a significant victory. By dismissing a lawsuit filed by governors challenging the EFCC’s constitutionality, the court reaffirmed the agency’s mandate and independence. This ruling is a reminder that, even in a flawed system, moments of justice can prevail.

Do Not Resign, Do Not Falter

Chairman Olukoyede, your vow to resign if Bello evaded justice was a declaration of your integrity, but resignation is not the answer. To resign would be to hand victory to the corrupt. It would embolden those who thrive in the shadows, signaling that even the strongest resolve can be broken.

You must not fear—even the President. Your mandate transcends politics and individual leaders. It is a fight for Nigeria’s survival. Even the President knows that corruption has brought this nation to its knees.

A Deep, Painful, and Hopeful Conclusion: A Legacy of Justice

Chairman Ola Olukoyede, you are navigating one of the most consequential battles in Nigeria’s history—a fight against entrenched corruption that has robbed this nation of its potential. You stand at a defining crossroads where your actions will not only determine the fate of Yahaya Bello but also the credibility of the EFCC and the very soul of Nigeria’s justice system. The road ahead is riddled with formidable obstacles: powerful adversaries, corrupt systems, and relentless resistance. Yet, your courage, resilience, and determination have already lit a path forward, showing Nigerians that progress, however painstaking, is still possible.

A Critical Moment: A Testament to Leadership and a Call to Action

Today, Yahaya Bello, once shielded by privilege, wealth, and political influence, no longer hides behind the façade of legal loopholes or the immunity of office. He now sits in an EFCC detention cell, awaiting his December 10 hearing before Justice Maryanne Anenih—a hard-earned milestone made possible by your unwavering leadership. This moment is not only a personal victory for you but also a beacon of hope for a nation yearning for accountability in a system long plagued by corruption and impunity.

However, the work is far from done. Justice Emeka Nwite’s case involving ₦80.2 billion, delayed until January 21, 2025, must not be allowed to languish. Activate the case immediately to ensure that momentum is not lost and that Bello cannot exploit further delays. The urgency to address this case reflects the broader need to confront systemic inefficiencies and procedural stalling that have too often rendered justice in Nigeria a casualty of power and privilege.

This victory, though significant, is not an endpoint; it is merely a waypoint on a much larger and more painful journey. Justice in Nigeria has historically been delayed, undermined, or outright denied by those intent on maintaining the status quo of impunity. Each passing day will demand even more from you—more courage to face the forces of resistance, more vigilance to guard against sabotage, and more sacrifice as you navigate the perils of this monumental battle.

Chairman Olukoyede, this moment is a testament to what determined leadership can achieve, but it also serves as a reminder of the road that lies ahead. Press forward with resolve, ensuring that justice is not delayed, that cases are expedited, and that the fight against corruption continues unabated. Your leadership represents the hope of millions, and every action you take is a step closer to the justice Nigeria so desperately needs.

Your vow to oversee Bello’s prosecution is more than a professional duty; it is a moral covenant with the people of Nigeria. It is a pledge to dismantle the entrenched systems of corruption that have eroded public trust, siphoned national resources, and stifled progress for decades. It is a promise to restore the rule of law and create a future where justice is not a privilege for the powerful but a right for all. Millions of Nigerians look to you as a beacon of hope, believing that through your leadership, the EFCC can finally become an institution that embodies integrity, transparency, and justice.

This fight is not just about prosecuting one man or addressing isolated cases; it is about transforming the EFCC itself. The task before you is immense, for you are not merely waging a battle against external corruption—you are also contending with internal rot within the EFCC. The “bad eggs” who have colluded with defendants, leaked evidence, and sabotaged investigations must be identified and removed. Rebuilding the EFCC from within will be one of your greatest challenges, but it is also one of the most critical steps in ensuring lasting change. Through rigorous reforms, including psychological evaluations, financial audits, enhanced oversight, and transparency mechanisms, you have the opportunity to rebuild the EFCC into a force that inspires trust and serves the public good.

The journey will be arduous, but it is a journey worth undertaking. Your leadership is shaping a new narrative for Nigeria—a narrative where corruption is no longer the rule but the exception, where public institutions serve the people rather than exploit them, and where the powerful are no longer above the law. Your actions today are laying the groundwork for a Nigeria that future generations can be proud of, a nation defined not by its challenges but by the resilience of its leaders and the integrity of its systems.

History will not define you by the adversities you faced but by the steadfastness with which you faced them. It will not remember the obstacles but the resolve you displayed in overcoming them. It will not recount the power of those who sought to thwart justice but the courage you showed in standing firm against them.

Stand firm, Chairman Olukoyede. The weight of this fight is heavy, but the stakes are too high to falter. Press forward with the knowledge that the nation is watching, that millions of Nigerians are rooting for your success, and that history is being written with every step you take. Justice must prevail—not just for this case but for the soul of a nation. Every obstacle you overcome brings Nigeria closer to a future where governance is accountable, corruption is defeated, and the hopes of the many are no longer sacrificed for the greed of the few.

The road ahead will be painful, but the destination—a Nigeria free from the grip of corruption—is a prize worth every sacrifice. May you find the strength to endure, the wisdom to navigate, and the resilience to persevere. This psychologist feels your pain but also sees the hope your leadership inspires. You are not just shaping the outcome of one case; you are shaping the destiny of an entire nation.

Chairman Olukoyede, history will not merely record your name—it will celebrate your legacy. Justice must, and will, prevail.

This victory, while significant, is but a reminder of the deeper battle against entrenched forces that have long delayed and denied justice in Nigeria. The road ahead will be unforgiving, with those clinging to impunity continuing their relentless pushback. Each step forward will demand your unwavering courage, sharp vigilance, and a profound commitment to sacrifice for the greater good.

Your leadership is not just about prosecuting one individual; it is about dismantling a system of manipulation and exploitation. Every decision you make is a step toward a redefined justice that serves the people, not the powerful.

The nation watches as you shoulder this immense burden with courage and resolve. Your determination has brought us to this moment, but it is your enduring commitment that will shape the path forward. Justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done—decisively and without delay. Your burden is great, but your legacy will be greater. Press on, Chairman Olukoyede. Nigeria’s future depends on it.

Ningi, speaking exclusively to Sunday Vanguard, accused the Federal Government of pushing an agenda that undermines national inclusiveness.

He warned President Bola Tinubu against exploiting people’s silence or fear to impose policies against their will.

According to Ningi, the tax reform bills are skewed in favour of Lagos State and two other states, to the detriment of others.

The senator argued that the lack of inclusiveness in the bills makes them fundamentally flawed and urged lawmakers to reject them outright.

Ningi likened the current situation to the Third Term agenda under former President Olusegun Obasanjo, when federal lawmakers rejected a constitution review despite its numerous benefits because of the overarching agenda to extend Obasanjo’s tenure.

Ningi said, “First of all, I’m against the tax bills for two fundamental reasons. One, it is discriminatory in nature because it gives some states more advantage over others.

“And there is no logic, no explanation as to why some states will benefit more than others and that is the crux of the bills.

“Secondly, I thought the National Economic Council, chaired by the Vice President of the country, is constitutional, strategic enough to be able to guide the President or the executive in running the country from economic perspective.

“You will recall that the National Economic Council unanimously rejected the tax reform bills and I find it really strange that the only person who is elected and he insists in flexing muscle with the bills is the President because the National Economic Council is headed by the Vice President and elected governors and as such these people represent Nigerians and I cannot see how Mr President will love this country more than the amalgam of those elected at the executive level.

“I find it really strange that after his failure to convince the National Economic Council to accede to his demand, he is now trying to flex muscles and put it in the parliament.

“I find it strikingly disturbing that he is bringing this thing to the National Assembly thinking he can have his way because he had his way all through from the beginning to this time.”

Ningi, who noted that there are aspects of the bills that are good for the country, said, “Yes I admit that there are some aspects of the bills that look positive in my opinion, but remember the Third Term constitutional amendment; just because of the Third Term, there were numerous clauses that were fantastic at that time, but because of the controversy surrounding the bill, the National Assembly threw it away.”

Calling on lawmakers to stand in unison in the interest of the country, the ranking lawmaker said, “I call on the members of the National Assembly to stand united, this is not about North and South.

“There is no difference in the pains of Bauchi and the pains of Anambra, Ebonyi, Imo or Cross River or Benue or Katsina, the pain just runs across.

“These bills are substantively made to benefit Lagos in particular and then two other states. It goes to show the kind of…

“So I think it is important that the President should recognise the pains, it is important that the President recognises that we are a very complex country and he should not try to take advantage of people’s view or people’s silence or people’s fear to impose something against the will of the people.

“We represent our people and we are going to stand with then, we are going to stand united, we are going to make sure that these bills do not see the light of day.

[NaijaNews]

Activist lawyer, Deji Adeyanju has disclosed that Internally Generated Revenue, IGR, of Rivers State is responsible for the fight between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, Nyesom Wike and Governor Sim Fubara.

Adeyanju said while Wike declared N11 billion when he was governor of Rivers State, Fubara is currently declaring N27 billion, hence the fight.

He disclosed this while featuring on a podcast by Glitch Africa Studio, The Honest Bunch.

The activist lawyer also described the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, as a political party and a member of the All Progressives Congress, APC.

According to Adeyanju: “If you give INEC water, they will turn it into wine, there is nothing INEC can’t do; what INEC can’t do does not exist.

“INEC is a political party and the current INEC is APC.

“Wike is fighting Fubara because about a year ago, he was declaring N11 billion as IGR. The same Fubara is declaring N27 billion and you say they should not fight?”

[DailyPost]

The just released audit report on Federal Government’s Consolidated Financial Statement for the year ended 31st December 2021 has indicted the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), the Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and the Nigeria Downstream, Midstream Regulatory Authority for huge financial infractions and non-remittance of revenue to the federation account during the year under review.

The report, prepared by the Office of the Auditor General of the Federation and submitted to the Clerk to the National Assembly ,cited cases of unauthorised deduction from the federation revenue, irregular deduction from domestic crude sale, warehousing of the federation’s miscellaneous income, unsubstantiated payment of shortfall from the sale of MT Cargo of PMS, outstanding royalties due from NNPC-COMD/MCA/PSC, and unjustified deductions from Joint venture royalty by NNPC before remitting to DPR.

Also mentioned as financial irregularities in the report are outstanding royalties on oil concession rentals and gas flaring payable by operators to the federation’s account, outstanding bridging allowance from NNPC Retail, outstanding bridging claims from other major oil marketers, irregular balance in  marketers’ indebtedness and non-payment of indebtedness by some DAPPMAN marketers.

The Auditor General for the Federation, Shaakaa Kanyitor China, who signed the report said the actions of the three state owned agencies were in violation of paragraph 213(ii) of the Financial Regulations (FR) and paragraph 217 of the FR 2009.

While Paragraph 213 (ii) precludes withdrawal from the revenue account other than for the purpose of transfer to the consolidated account, Paragraph 217 stipulates that it is the duty of the Accounting Officer responsible for the collection of revenue or other monies due to government are correctly and promptly brought to account, whether such collections are payable direct to him or to a Sub-Accounting Officer or through any other channel.

In the case of NNPCL, the report said the company’s payment records for the period 2020 and 2021 revealed that N82,951,595,510.47 was deducted by it  from the sale of Crude Oil and Gas (Federation Revenue)  for “purported Refineries Rehabilitation”

It said there was no evidence of authorization and approvals before the deductions were made. The Auditor General attributed this kind of action to weaknesses in the internal control system at NNPC which could leave room for possible misappropriation of funds, diversion of revenue meant for the Federation or loss of Revenue.

It also reported that the management of the agency did not respond to audit query, adding that “since the Management failed to respond to the issue raised, the findings remain valid until the Management implements the recommendations.”

It recommended that the Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPCL be requested to provide reasons to the National Assembly for the deductions being proceeds from the sale of Crude Oil and Gas.

Besides, it said that henceforth, the management of the NNPCL should avoid making any deduction from monies due to go into the federation account and violation should attract punishment as specified in paragraphs 3106 and 3129 of the Financial Regulations 2009.

It also cited the deduction of N343,642,598,726.51 from the gross domestic crude sales in the name of NNPC Value shortfall, Strategic Stock Holding Cost, Crude Oil and Products Pipeline Losses, as well as the pipelines maintenance and management costs.

The report said since details of each of the cost components deducted were not provided for audit review, the Auditor General could not understand the justification for the deduction.

The OAuGF also said that N83,659,813,739.99 being miscellaneous income from the NNPC joint venture operations from year 2016 to 2020 went into the CBN/NNPC sinking fund account instead of the Federation Account, adding that warehousing of the miscellaneous income of 2016 to 2020 meant for the Federation Account in the CBN/NNPC Sinking Fund Account led the government  to resort to borrowing to fund public  activities

It said the shortfall should be recovered and remitted to government treasury and evidence forwarded to the Public Accounts Committees of the National Assembly.

In another instance, a sum of N3,748,581,281.27 was said to have been paid to a company as shortfall on the sale  of MT cargo of PMS, adding that details of the transaction between the NNPC, PPMC and the company were not provided for audit.

It said whereas the sum of US$1,655,352,328.14 was supposed to have been paid  by NNPC  to the CBN account of the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) in respect of Production Sharing Contracts (PSC), Repayment Agreement (RA) and Modified Carry Arrangement (MCA) liftings as at 31st December, 2021, the DPR received only  US$1,401,399,635.07, leaving a shortfall of US$253,952,693.07.

It said further that records obtained from NNPC JV schedules and other documents showed that the NNPC deducted N204,853,744,047.39 from the Oil Royalty assessed by the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) for 2021 for alleged priority project, strategic holding cost, crude oil and product losses without any justifiable reasons.

It quoted the NUPRC as saying “the NNPC makes deductions for Government priority projects at source before remittance of royalty to NUPRC with the latter having no control over this. Thus, NNPC is in better position to provide necessary approvals to justify these deductions.

“The office of the Accountant General of the Federation has been duly written on the payment of 4% Cost of Revenue Collection to NUPRC for money deducted at source by NNPC for Government priority projects.”

The Auditor General said the Management failed to address the issue raised and therefore should provide reasons why the sum of N204,853,744,047.39 was deducted by NNPC from Federation Account revenue proceeds, while recovering the said amount and remit same into the Federation Account.

It said that a review of revenue ledgers for 2021 revealed that oil royalty amounting to US$1,742,280,008.32 remained unpaid by some oil companies as at the end of December, 2021, while an additional US$13,805,135.46 for revenue relating to Royalty on Gas Sales (Foreign) remained unsettled as at 31% December, 2021 in addition to N48,218,163, 192.67 for Gas Royalty (Local) for the same period.

[TheNation]

Anthony Joshua’s promoter, Eddie Hearn, has confirmed that the former two-time heavyweight champion is set to make his highly anticipated return to the ring in 2025.

The announcement comes in the wake of Joshua’s devastating loss to Daniel Dubois, a fight that derailed his bid to reclaim his position as a dominant force in the boxing world.

Joshua, who turned 35 on October 15, is at a crossroads in his illustrious career. While some speculated the defeat might signal the end of his journey in professional boxing, Hearn dismissed any talk of retirement, reaffirming that the British-Nigerian remains committed to continuing his career.

“Anthony loves boxing; he’d fight forever if he could,” Hearn said.

The 2012 Olympic gold medallist entered 2023 with renewed vigour, securing four straight wins and looking poised to challenge for heavyweight supremacy once more. However, his encounter with Dubois in March 2024 proved a stumbling block. A brutal loss—following a first-round knockout victory over Francis Ngannou—reset the trajectory of his comeback.

Speaking on the loss, Hearn acknowledged the need for Joshua to regroup both mentally and physically. “After fighting four times in less than a year, Anthony needs to recharge. He’ll resume camp in January 2025, which sets him up perfectly for an April or May return to action,” he explained.

Hearn made it clear that Joshua’s return would not include tune-up fights.

“At this stage in his career, Anthony doesn’t need warm-ups,” Hearn said.

“He’s going straight in. There’s no appeal in smaller fights; it’s about making the big ones happen.”

This approach contrasts with Joshua’s previous rebuilding phase, following consecutive losses to Oleksandr Usyk in 2021 and 2022. Then, he fought Jermaine Franklin and other lower-ranked opponents to regain confidence. Now, with time not on his side, Hearn believes Joshua’s focus must shift exclusively to marquee matchups.

Despite recent setbacks, Joshua remains one of boxing’s biggest draws, both in the UK and globally. His ability to pack arenas and generate pay-per-view interest ensures he will continue to be a key player in the heavyweight division.

The next steps for Joshua largely hinge on the availability of Tyson Fury and Dubois. Fury’s bout with Usyk and Dubois’ February title defence will determine how soon negotiations can begin for either fight.

No democratic nation is expected to undermine any of the easily recognizable 5 pillars of democracy. These are: i)the sovereignty of the people in which government functions only on behalf of the people ii) the rule of law which presupposes the absence of arbitrariness in a society where everyone is equal before the law iii) free and fair elections, that is, periodic contests which throw up political leaders that are truly determined by only the electorate iv) majority rule in which government is formed by the political party which has the highest number of lawful votes and v) minority rights in which government is obliged to protect the rights of the vulnerable and powerless segments of society.

One feature which runs through all the pillars is that governance ought to be guided by the due process of law which abhors the abuse of power.  

An ideal democracy may no doubt be hard to attain but no supposed democratic society is expected to continuously undermine any of the above-named 5 pillars. Unfortunately, the political class in Nigeria does so all the time while consoling itself with the saying that the worst form of democracy is better than the best form of dictatorship. The truth however is that every bad form of democracy is a dictatorship. It is rather regrettable that many political leaders in Nigeria are not accountable to the people they claim to represent apparently because they are conscious of the fact that they were not the true choices of the people. They are able to use impunity to remain in power while despising the people through criminalizing political dissent. When Nigerian leaders say they welcome constructive criticisms, no one is left in doubt that the term ‘constructive’ remains the subjective determination of only the leaders.

Before 2023, some state governors especially those of Ebonyi and Cross River States took delight in ensuring the arrest and detention of political opponents and critics including even the media that is constitutionally mandated to hold government accountable to the people. Each time a critic was arrested, the law enforcement agencies would say the report of the critic embarrassed the governor or that aspects of the said report were capable of destabilizing society but at no point were the same agencies interested in scrutinizing the veracity of the reports they acted against. Painfully, the position is yet to change as we keep hearing of one critic or the other who has been arrested for criticising a top political office holder. In the last two weeks, 2 Nigerian citizens were allegedly arrested for criticising the governments of Sokoto and Imo states respectively.

From Sokoto, undisputed social media reports stated that a young Nigerian lady, Hamdiya Sidi Sharif produced a video which recorded the bitter experiences of some victims of bandits’ attacks in some communities and villages in the state. It was said that because the report embarrassed the state government, the Nigeria Police decided “to pursue, arrest, and secretly arraign” the young woman. She was reportedly first arrested on November 9, 2024 and later released only to be rearrested some 4 days later. According to the media, Hamdiya was “accosted on the streets, dragged into a tricycle, beaten with a machete, and was then arraigned in a court in Achida town for allegedly embarrassing the government of the state.”One would have thought that the unending bandits’ attacks on people that the government is supposed to protect is what should give the authorities more cause for embarrassment than a media report on survivors of the attacks.

In the case of the report from Imo state, a citizen Fabian Ihekweme who had served as a commissioner from 2020-2022 in the administration of Governor Hope Uzodinma was arrested on account of what the police claimed to bea petition accusing him “of seditious and inflammatory publications aimed at inciting civil unrest in the state.” Ihekweme had since moved from the governor’s party to the opposition People’s Democratic Party PDP thereby serving as a veritable critic of the activities of the state government. The new role assumed by Ihekweme is necessary in a democracy to keep the government on its toes – a basic fact which the police ought to appreciate, except it is compromised. Otherwise, how can today’s law enforcement agencies rely on excerpts from the same law of sedition employed by the colonial dictators of old to curtail the activities of foremost leaders of nationalist movements fighting for their nation’s independence?

We do not even believe that Governor Hope Uzodinma agrees with the police that Ihekweme aims to incite civil unrest in Imo state. Uzodinma is probably the friendliest governor of the media who is more conscious of the essence of public accountability. Since coming into office, no other Nigerian governor has been as helpful to the media as Uzodinma who has severally hosted media conferences and conventions of both the Nigerian Union of Journalists NUJ and the Nigerian Guild of Editors NGE. He ought to have had useful media advice to set up a formidable team to counter what critics like Ihekweme can say about government activities. If Ihekweme alone is stronger than the governments’ media team, the governor should review the team and perhaps extend invitation to Ihekweme to join the team rather than using whatever other means to criminalize political dissent. It is not for nothing that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has a strong media team.

Every political office holder should expect commendation from loyalists and some other persons who are persuaded by his or her policies, but not every citizen would be so disposed. It is better to employ effective publicity to enlighten critics than to respond harshly to criticisms. A leader should endeavour to correct certain policies that are criticised while a few criticisms that are made in bad faith are best ignored. There is indeed nothing to suggest that fighting critics and the media can give positive support to the reputation of government. Instead, it is better to be inclusive, tolerant and open minded-an approach which may be more effective in silencing critics. One analyst the other day praised Governor Mai Mala Buni of Yobe State for adopting such an approach that has reportedly reduced Buni’s critics drastically.

Unknown to some leaders, an undue harsh reaction to a criticism merely helps to make a larger segment of society to become aware as well to believe the negative points contained in a particular criticism. What this suggests is that using law enforcement agencies to frighten opponents and critics is ill-advisable. This is because each time a government critic is arrested, public reaction is usually negative with many asking the obvious questions which underscore the feature of freedom in a democracy. At a recent gathering, some participants demanded to know the exact law which empowers a governor to order the arrest of a citizen while others were questioning the power of the police to detain a citizen for more than 48 hours without a court order. The direct implication of these questions is that official harsh reactions to criticisms further escalate public distrust for political office holders.

It is time for the Nigerian Governors’ Forum NGF to take up the issue of incessant arrests of critics by their members because the subject is making the public see every Nigerian governor as a tyrant notwithstanding that some of them are innocent of the accusation. It is also time for our federal legislators to review aspects of the Cyber Crimes Act which seem to equate the Act to both the law of sedition enacted by dictators of the old colonial government and Decree 4 of the military. It is contradictory for Nigeria as a democracy to purport to have a constitution which guarantees free speech while at the same time employing some other law to suggest that every criticism a criminal offence. This needs to be urgently done to allay the fears of those who are no longer able to different their country’s democracy from a dictatorship.

One poser which Nigerian media professionals are unable to resolve is how to implement the mandate of Section 22 of the Nigeria constitution which directs them to hold political office holders accountable to the people when those in power are able to lock-up those to hold them accountable! Big pity, while other nations are designing technologies for combating fake news and disinformation, Nigeria is only able to arrest opponents and critics of persons in power.

“All political parties die at last of swallowing their own lies” – Dr Arbuthnot, 1667-1735, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ, p 191. 

Note: This article started on the day of the Ondo State election. The result was not surprising. “You can’t beat something with nothing”. PDP is now nothing. Obong Victor Attah, a former governor of Akwa Ibom State and former Trustee of the PDP, is an internationally-recognised architect. He was the first African to be granted licence to practice as an architect in New York State.

Attah turned 86 on November 20 this year. Few Nigerians are aware that Attah designed the PDP flag. As a member of the G-34, a group led by late Dr Alex Ekwueme, GCON, former Vice President, 1979-1983, and an artist like all architects, the flag symbolised an all-inclusive party. Its original constitution reflected the intention of the founding fathers to create a society in which glaring marginalisation of any group will not be allowed. 

Ekwueme was on the way to becoming the first President elected under the PDP banner when powerful people intruded into the party; forced PDP to violate its own constitution and accept Obasanjo as their candidate. The facts are detailed in PDP: CORRUPTION INCORPORATED. Self-righteous Obasanio was thus the first beneficiary of the corruption of a sacred set of political principles laid out by patriotic Nigerians. Obasanjo quickly moved to dismantle the PDP constitution and to substitute one which was an image of himself – a dictator at heart; despite his hypocritical pronouncements now.

He appointed and removed party Chairmen at will and approved candidates for elections at all three tiers of government. How he removed Chief Audu Ogbeh would bring tears to anyone’s eyes. He sowed the seeds of the destruction of our democracy. Today, Attah is no longer active in politics. But, at 86, he must certainly feel disillusioned by what the PDP has become. The flag he designed is now a mockery of what the PDP has become in his life time. I was still writing this article when the result of the Ondo State election was announced.

It is predictable what will follow. There will be a massive desertion of the PDP to the APC. A few years ago, when the late Vincent Ogbulafor, then Chairman of the party, announced, as if he was God, that “PDP will rule for seventy years”, I told him that he will not live for 70 years, but, he might live long enough to see the party out of power. He did both. PDP had been living on borrowed time since (President) Jonathan lost control of the party and suffered defeat.

Now time has run out for the party. Even now, close to half of the leading members of the APC were once in PDP. More will now follow; leaving a party so weak as not to offer much opposition to the APC. Mr Daniel Bwala, a former spokesman for Atiku, the presidential candidate of the PDP in the 2023 elections, who was blasting the APC as lustfully as he did since the elections in September this year, had been invited by President Tinubu to “come and eat”.

He quickly accepted the offer and is now eating in Aso Rock and singing the praises of his new paymaster. That raises the question: Which party will defeat APC in 2027? The answer curiously enough might be APC itself or a new party primarily northern based. In fact, we might be heading for regional parties such as we had before 1960. Two developments account for this position. One, the APC, never a political party, in just nine and a half years, has left the North reassessing its support for APC.

The eight years of Buhari blinded the people to assume that the party was working in their own interests. His departure had laid bare the truth. Under Buhari, APC was a party of the elite, by the elite and for the elite. Tinubu’s presidency has marginalised the northern elite; like never before. They want to redress the situation as soon as possible. Two, hitherto, northerners have lacked a rallying point; there was no common agenda. Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bills, considered anti-North by the vast majority, have provided the impetus for regional collective action.

It is doubtful if any northern politician will support the bills and survive politically. As one old friend from the North-West told me, “I canvassed for votes for Tinubu. He is holding a knife to our throats in the North. We will not allow him to get away with it.” It was, therefore, not surprising to me that all the northern governors are opposed to the Tax Bills. The real surprise was the unanimous opposition of southern governors as well.

Given the fact that the majority of governors belong to the APC, that has revealed the lack of principle within the party. It is doubtful if any Republican governor will oppose a Tax Bill proposed by (incoming US president) Trump because the party’s position on taxation has been consistent for over a hundred years. A situation in which the president’s own party governors and most National Assembly members might turn against him is worrisome – even if expected in a nation where politics without principles is the norm.

TAX REFORM: POSSIBLE ISOLATION OF LAGOS

“There are plans from Lagos to colonise the North” – Kwankwaso.

The presidential candidate of the NNPP is not alone in condemning the Tax Reform Bills; which most commentators, nationally, have not read; and very few understand. But, it now serves as a fulcrum for moving massive northern sentiments against the APC in the region. The Arewa Consultative Forum, ACF, a few days after Kwankwaso spoke, made an even more unmistakable declaration.

2027: “North will be best served by northerners” – Report, November 21, 2024.

Just in case anybody in Abuja misses the point, the ACF Chairman said: “Notwithstanding the parlous state of Arewa’s glaring economic conditions, the policies of the current Federal Government has continued to make matters much worse, with little indications of needed sensitivity to the precarious existential conditions of Arewa people… economic reforms while indeed desirable, should not impoverish the same people they are meant to serve…” Battle line drawn. Elected, as well as appointed, APC northern politicians are now confronted with an unpleasant dilemma: Continue supporting Tinubu and his policies or bail out. Either way, there will be serious consequences. I don’t envy Vice President Shetimma or Ganduje. The attempt by the Board of Trustees, BOT, of the ACF to distance the old association from Dr Mamman Osuman’s outburst by suspending the Chairman was a blunder.

The blowback by several northern groups, especially youth groups, points to the possibility that the more cautious and conservative elders might not be aware of the depth of hostility to FG’s reforms. Nigeria is getting ripe for demagogues. Historically, demagoguery triumphs when there is a very angry, dissatisfied section of the populace who want simple answers to very complicated problems; and when the section can identify another distinct group to blame for its problems.

Kwankwaso, focusing on the section of the Tax Bills which recommends the principle of derivation to be adopted for Value Added Tax, VAT, revenue allocation, represents the northern view that with Lagos accounting for over 50 per cent of the VAT revenue collected, any change in that direction will adversely affect their states. Kwankwaso has deliberately ignored the fact that not only northern states will be affected. Even all the rest of the South-West states will lose.

But, President Tinubu is from Lagos State; so the conspiracy to further impoverish the North must be a Lagos agenda. That is most unfortunate; because it has shifted the discussion from addressing the merits of the tax proposal to North versus Lagos. More unfortunate is the fact that the northern leaders conveniently forget that the Nigerian economy was already ruined by the time Buhari finished his eight years in office. More importantly, as the Emir of Kano, Lamido, has warned repeatedly, the North was ruining itself – not Lagos.

Virtually all those in APC, NNPP and LP in the North were in PDP before; when the seeds of destruction of the economy were sown. Not to be left behind, the Northern Elders Forum, NEF, led by Professor Ango Abdullahi, sent a chilling message. Read some of it; and it is clear why political lines have disappeared in the North: “The Tax Reform Bills are conceived in bad faith, poorly packaged and is a palpable threat to our unity and national cohesion.

The brazen way and suspicious manner in which the Tax Bills were imposed on the nation confirmed the sinister intentions of those promoting this outrageous Bill. The days are fast gone when such conspiratorial connivance against the vital and strategic interest of the region, either by those within or outside of the region, would be condoned or even tolerated”.

Non-partisan political war could not have been more brutally declared. The attackers have the advantage. Serious economic hardship, especially coming so suddenly and brutally, invariably gives rise to the search for scapegoats – people on whom to place the blame. Despite Benjamin Franklin’s, 1706-1790, position that, “In this world, nothing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes”, few people except government officials want to hear the word TAX. But, where there are political parties in the real sense of the word, the Tax Bills should have been discussed with party leaders of the ruling party; and everybody should now be out fighting for its passage. The party no longer counts in this struggle.

LAST LINE: Tinubu and his inner circle of advisers missed a vital step in advancing the Tax Bills. Now, the Bills are virtually dead on arrival.

Now that election campaign promises, shenanigans and peccadillos are over, it is a time to engage the Governor and Governor-elect of Ondo State on managing distractions from the so-called godfathers who would normally seek jobs for their people who ‘helped’ to secure victory the other day.

In all modesty, I know our country enough to know how the greed of the elite has crippled the most populous black nation on earth, Nigeria. This may not be a time to talk about how the greed of the elite has also crippled the national electricity grid that is supposed to trigger industrial development. But it is a time to get our leaders at all levels to note that enough is enough of frivolities and mediocrity they celebrate on live television for self-glorification every day. And so let me appeal to the newly hired Governor of Ondo State not to allow members of his ‘kitchen cabinet’ to impute motives for solution articles at this time.

The reason for this seemingly unnecessary appeal is not far-fetched: some of the media aides of political leaders have always had several drafts of how to lambast commentators who even advise their principals on how to set off legacy projects, let alone those who point out what they aren’t doing well. Some of the aides we have watched over the years at all levels have always concocted conspiracy theories about why certain writers, and even television anchors should be ignored by their principals. They don’t study the messages; they go for the jugular of the messengers for their “bad verses”. Most times, the perverted public relations officers keep evil files of even the problems they cause and seek ways of benefitting from crises by discrediting anchors and commentators. Political leaders should be aware of these crisis merchants and mediocrities in their public relations space.

This new mandate should be a difference maker of some sort without noise making. And so it should begin with strategic thinking and planning that will remarkably affect the health of the state. And here is the thing, let the new mandate reinforce your significance rather than your prominence. How do I mean that? A cleric and an iconic writer I have quoted several times here, Rick Warren argues in his classic, ‘The Purpose Driven Life’ that there are some people in this life who are prominent but they may not be significant. He says at the same time, there are some significant people who may not be prominent, after all. He reinforces this point by pointing to the fact that God, the Almighty is seeking significant, not prominent people to shape His Kingdom on earth – for the public goods game that leaders play. All over the place, you see most of our even under-achieving leaders spending a lot of money to promote their prominence on the front pages of our news journals and prime time television programmes without any significant projects that can enhance humanity. You see vanity upon vanity as most leaders celebrate on live television, building of overhead bridges and provision of classroom desks and tables for teachers in dilapidated basic schools to showcase their prominence.

It may not have been prominent in the media, but when you get to Akwa Ibom state that has used the model of public, private partnership (PPP) to run a flourishing airline, you will see the power of how state governments too can reform and run business as they do in Asia and most parts of the Middle East. I mean at the time our Federal Government, which exclusively oversees the Aviation industry and ministry could only unveil the fake airline (Nigeria Air) they promised for eight years on their last day in office, May 29, 2023, Akwa Ibom state floated Ibom Air within a four-year tenure of a governor. The Ibom Air is still running fruitfully till the present while the Federal Government’s fake airline has become a butt of jokes on dubious public sector enterprises. The state-supported Ibom Air is one of the preferred local airlines in Nigeria despite the inclement business climate in the aviation industry today. Go to Akwa Ibom where you will see on-going construction of a 10-lane road to the airport they had built before they established the airline.

Time to prioritise education:

Mr. Governor, don’t get it twisted, you need to prioritise education quality in Ondo State. The state of public schools at all levels is quite unconscionable and that has resulted in the state’s poor results from national examinations bodies. Part of this tragic situation in basic and secondary schools was captured the other day by Otunba Sola Olatunji who wrote a piece on this debacle before the election campaigns. It isn’t beyond redemption. Mr. Governor, reviving education facilities in Ondo State requires a multi-faceted approach. Here’s a comprehensive plan for your team to consider:

Infrastructure development

Conduct a thorough assessment of all education facilities in the state to identify areas of need. Develop a phased plan to renovate and reconstruct schools, focusing on the most critical ones first. Invest in modern educational infrastructure, including smart classrooms, libraries, and laboratories as the Enugu state government is doing with education management experts in the state. Besides, ensure that all schools have access to basic amenities like electricity, water, and sanitation facilities.

Teacher training and development

Provide regular training and capacity-building programmes for teachers to enhance their skills and knowledge. Most of the teachers were drafted to the classrooms from even the Local Government Council Service Commission, etc long ago. There is a need to collaborate with reputable institutions to offer certification programmes in modern teaching techniques for teachers.
Besides, the state’s education authorities need to encourage teachers to pursue higher education and provide incentives for those who do.

That is another way of fostering a culture of continuous learning and professional development among teachers. You can recruit first class graduates as teachers and train those that didn’t have teaching certificates. To retrain them, pay them as consultants and specialists.

Curriculum review and development

This is 21st century where innovative technologies drive development. It should begin with education curriculum review. The state should conduct a comprehensive review of the current curriculum to ensure it is relevant and is aligned with modern educational standards.
You don’t need to wait for Abuja to develop a new curriculum that incorporates STEM education, vocational training, and life skills. Ensure that the curriculum is inclusive and caters to the needs of students with disabilities.

The state should sing a new song in education funding mechanism by providing resources and support for teachers to effectively implement the new curriculum.

Technology Integration

For the development goals to be sustainable in education, there should be investment in digital infrastructure, including computers, tablets, and internet connectivity, to facilitate e-learning. That is the only way we can face tomorrow as citizens, lest we become part of the huge population of the illiterate of the 21st century who can’t learn, unlearn and relearn as Alvin Toffler warns.
In the main, the schools should be funded to develop online platforms and resources to support teaching and learning. There should also be provision for training for teachers to effectively integrate technology into their teaching practices. The Education system should encourage the use of educational software and apps to enhance student learning. This is where the authorities should be intentional in employing computer and data science graduates and pay them well to retain them so that they can integrate technology into learning.

Community engagement and partnerships

There should be skillset of development experts in the system to foster partnerships with local communities, businesses, and organisations to support education initiatives. In the same vein, the education authorities should establish a mentorship programme that pairs students with professionals and entrepreneurs. There should be constructive engagements to develop a culture of volunteerism and community service among students and teachers.

Funding and resource mobilisation

To make the desired difference Mr. Governor should allocate a significant portion of the state budget to education. Politicians don’t want to do this because they feel it is intangible unlike over-head bridges and water boreholes. There can also be exploration of alternative funding sources, such as public-private partnerships and international grants. The state government can establish an education endowment fund to support scholarships, research, and infrastructure development. Modern governments in ‘glocal’ context encourage philanthropic donations and corporate social responsibility initiatives to support education.

Do we need three universities in Ondo?

There should always be needs assessment to determine whether the state can cope with three universities that have obviously been underfunded in Akungba, Okitipupa and Ondo City, in this regard. I was in Akungba by this time last year where I delivered the Convocation lecture of the oldest university. The premier university I saw there still needs robust funding for physical structures and equipment they need to live up to their billing as an ivory tower. The University of Science and Technology in Okitipupa and the University of Medical Sciences in Ondo require strategic funding to restore the ‘universe’ that they may have lost to under-funding. It is a time to revisit the feasibility reports on the three universities before it is too late. Do we need more or better universities? Over to you Governor Aiyedatiwa even as we say, congratulations!

President-elect Donald Trump has threatened to impose a 100 percent tariff on the BRICS group nations if they undercut the US dollar.

“We require a commitment… that they will neither create a new BRICS Currency, nor back any other Currency to replace the mighty US Dollar or, they will face 100 percent Tariffs,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social website, referring to the grouping that includes Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa and others.

The statement comes after a BRICS summit held last month in Kazan, Russia, where the countries discussed boosting non-dollar transactions and strengthening local currencies.

The BRICS group has expanded significantly since its inception in 2009, and now includes countries such as Iran, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates. Altogether the BRICS coalition accounts for a significant minority of the world’s economic output.

At the Kazan summit in October, Moscow secured a joint declaration encouraging the “strengthening of correspondent banking networks within BRICS and enabling settlements in local currencies in line with BRICS Cross-Border Payments Initiative.”

But at the end of the summit Putin indicated that little progress had been made on launching a possible competitor to the Belgium-based SWIFT financial messaging system.

“As for SWIFT and any alternatives, we have not created and are not creating any alternatives,” Putin told reporters at the end of the summit.

He added: “As for a unified BRICS currency, we are not considering that question at the moment.”

Trump has vowed to pursue a protectionist agenda, threatening hefty tariffs on neighbors and rivals.

If BRICS countries continue with their plans, Trump warned, they “should expect to say goodbye to selling into the wonderful US Economy,” he wrote.

“They can go find another ‘sucker!’ There is no chance that the BRICS will replace the US Dollar in International Trade, and any Country that tries should wave goodbye to America.”

[AFP]