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Five things to know about Namibia’s first woman president
Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah was sworn in Friday as the first woman president of Namibia, which became independent 35 years ago.
Here are five things to know about the leader of this stable and mineral-rich country of around three million people in the south of the continent.
– Ruling party veteran –
NNN, as she is popularly known, is a long-time loyalist of the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) that has governed Namibia since its independence from South Africa in 1990.
SWAPO’s dominance meant that there was little surprise that she won the November 2024 polls, where she took 58 per cent of votes as the party’s candidate.
Nandi-Ndaitwah became a member of the party at the age of 14, when it was leading the struggle for independence, and became its first woman president last year.
– Long government career –
Nandi-Ndaitwah entered the national assembly in 1990 and was first appointed as cabinet minister in 2000 to head the women’s and children ministry.
She has also served as minister of information, environment and tourism, and of foreign affairs, as well as deputy prime minister.
In February 2024 she was appointed vice president, the first woman to hold that post in the country.
– 72 years old –
Born in October 1952, Nandi-Ndaitwah will be sworn in at the age of 72 for a five-year term.
She will lead a largely young country with more than 70 per cent of the population aged under 34, according to the 2023 census.
NNN took over from 83-year-old Nangolo Mbumba, who came to power in February 2024 following the death of his predecessor, Hage Geingob at the age of 82.
– Conservative views –
The daughter of an Anglican pastor and educated at a mission school, Nandi-Ndaitwah has conservative views on issues like abortion, which is illegal in most cases in the largely Christian country.
Her party voted against gay marriage in 2023.
– Exile, studies in Russia, UK –
NNN spent 15 years in exile, leaving in 1974 when she was aged 21 and spending time in Zambia and Tanzania, as well as Russia, where she joined the Komsomol, a Soviet Union-era communist youth organisation.
She obtained a post-graduate diploma in public administration and management at the Glasgow College of Technology in 1987, and a master’s degree in diplomatic studies at England’s Keele University in 1989.
AFP
Skales thanks Banky W for sponsoring his varsity education
Skales, the Nigerian singer, has expressed his gratitude to music executive Banky W for sponsoring his university education.
In a post via X, the ‘Shake Body’ hitmaker shared a photo of his Bachelor of Science in Business Administration certificate, revealing he graduated from Lead City University years ago but only recently received it.
Skales dedicated the certificate to his mother and thanked Banky W for his kindness.
“Aye, my BSc showed up after many years of graduation,” he wrote.
“This is for my mother and thank you to @BankyW for sponsoring the boy through school.”
Skales gained recognition after winning the North Central region of the Zain Tru Search contest in 2008.
He later signed with Banky W’s Empire Mates Entertainment (E.M.E) record label in 2009, alongside other notable artistes like Wizkid and Niyola.
Banky W, who co-founded E.M.E with Tunde Demuren in 2002, has played a pivotal role in launching the careers of several successful Nigerian artistes.
In addition to his work as a music executive, Banky W has also had a successful music career, releasing his debut album ‘Back in the Building’ in 2005.
He gained widespread recognition with hits like ‘Ebute Metta’. His work has earned him an avalanche of awards.
Banky W also ventured into politics.
[TheCable]
[OPINION] The danger of a single refinery: The Dangote dilemma - Johnson Arekpo
When the Dangote Refinery, the largest single-train facility in the world and valued at over $20 billion launched operations in Lagos last year, it was heralded as a turning point for Nigeria, billed to release Nigeria from the shackles of fuel import dependency. However, recent unverified allegations of a ticketing fraud scandal that reportedly forced the refinery to suspend Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) loading have exposed a far more insidious risk and reignited debates about the danger of entrusting Nigeria’s energy security to one single player.
Dangote Refinery’s suspension of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) loading was triggered by the discovery that trucks were smuggled out with falsified documents. The Dangote refinery has disputed these claims, but the allegations remain and lack independent confirmation. They also spotlight broader concerns about oversight in infrastructure critical to Nigeria. Notably, the refinery has faced criticism for refusing third party audits or independent testing of its processes. Critics argue that this stance undermines accountability and fuels suspicions of opacity.
The suspension of PMS loading amplifies long standing warnings from energy experts that accuse the Dangote group of trying to monopolise Nigeria’s fuel market through questionable pricing tactics and lawsuits. Whether or not the fraud claims are substantiated, this controversy underscores why no private entity, especially one tied to a single individual, should wield power over Nigeria’s energy and lifeline. For a country already struggling with systemic vulnerabilities, the lack of transparent oversight risks exposing Nigeria to more crises should a centralised system fail.
A Nation Held Hostage
Nigeria’s fuel supply chain is already strained and now faces scarcity risks. Industry analysts estimate that a prolonged halt to the refinery’s operations could drain the country’s reserves within weeks, paralysing its commerce and transportation. If four trucks could slip through a supposedly state-of-the-art system, is there a risk of larger and more ambitious manipulations?
There is speculation that the loading system’s infrastructure is outdated. Another assumption is that middle managers in the refinery owe their jobs to patronage rather than competence. These vulnerabilities in a monopolised system in such a critical industry are not just operational risks but threats to Nigeria’s national security.
In 2021, a ransomware attack on Colonial Pipeline’s infrastructure disrupted 45% of the U.S.’ East Coast fuel supply. Now imagine the same event and the chaos that would ensue if Nigeria’s sole major refinery faced a cyberattack or internal sabotage. Without competitors and a healthy supply chain, Nigeria would grind to a halt.
The Monopoly Gambit
For decades, Nigeria paradoxically imported nearly all of its refined petrol due to defunct state refineries and corruption. The Dangote refinery’s promise to end this paradox was and is seductive. The refinery, which has a 650,000 barrel-per-day capacity, was positioned as Nigeria’s knight in shining armour. It pledged to meet Nigeria, Africa’s largest oil producer, entire demand while exporting surplus and helping the country rebuild its foreign exchange purse. The public hoped. Politicians cheered. Dangote became a king.
But, there are cracks in this narrative. Dangote refinery has lobbied aggressively to ban petrol imports and is currently in court with lawsuits against the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority for allowing competitors including the NNPCL import fuel. The lawsuits allege that NMDPRA’s issuance of import licenses violates the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which prioritises local refining. But this interpretation of the PIA is self-serving. The law encourages domestic production. It does not mandate a monopoly. This lawsuit is one of several steps to eliminate the competition.
The refinery’s recent price cuts have reduced the costs of PMS by around 30% which while looking consumer-friendly on the surface, is actually a long-term monopolistic strategy aimed at pushing out competitors. The Dangote Refinery is effectively subsidising fuel; a move that is unsustainable for independent importers that are already grappling with foreign exchange shortages.
This strategy is already paying off, as rivals without the cushion of a spare couple of billion dollars are being undercut, with some already coming out with statements talking about their loss of business.
This playbook is eerily familiar. In the 19th century, Standard Oil used similar tactics to monopolise the American energy sector. John D. Rockefeller slashed prices to bankrupt competitors before hiking them as soon as market dominance was secured. This appears to be what is in play in Nigeria, making it a matter of when the Dangote refineries will dominate the market and then control prices.
This is not paranoia. It is a precedent. Dangote Cement controls about 60% of Nigeria’s market and has long been accused of price fixing. Despite the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission investigating the firm for anti-competitive practices, cement prices are still exorbitant and regulators have done nothing.
The Global Context
However, Nigeria is not alone in facing monopoly risks. In Mexico, Carlos Slim’s dominance of the telecoms sector was accused of stifling innovation for decades. In Venezuela, nationalised oil production under the PDVSA has been used as a political tool for successive regimes. Dwindling output and corruption have left the country reliant on imports. This is a cautionary tale of centralised control. While the Dangote refinery is private, Nigeria risks similar pitfalls. There is a lack of transparency, accountability and redundancy.
Fans of Dangote and blind capitalism will argue that the Dangote refinery brings efficiency and investment. Why can’t a successful businessman lead Nigeria’s energy transition? After all, NNPC’s refineries haemorrhaged billions for decades.
But efficiency without competition is a Faustian bargain. The popular adage goes, “Don’t put all your eggs in one basket.” A single refinery, no matter how efficient, cannot guarantee resilience. Diversification; through multiple private refiners and import allowances coupled with robust public infrastructure will be the bedrock of Nigeria’s energy security.
Also, Dangote’s political influence cannot be ignored. He has maintained a proximity to power and has advised every president since 1999. This raises concerns about regulatory capture.
What now?
To avert a crisis, Nigeria must act decisively:
● Halt Anti-Import Lawsuits: The NMDPRA must not bow to legal intimidation and maintain a competitive market. The only way an import ban will be implemented should be through consensus, not coercion.
● Strengthen Antitrust Laws: The FCCPC must investigate instances of predatory pricing and penalise all anti-competitive behaviour in the market; Dangote or otherwise.
● Encourage Competitors: Incentivise modular refineries and foreign investment. The upcoming Port Harcourt refinery to be managed by Italy’s Maire Tecnimont is a good start towards a balanced future.
● Enforce Transparency: Mandate and enforce third-party independent audits of the Dangote refinery operations and pricing models as well as publish guidelines for the public and all market players.
The Dangote Refinery fraud scandal as unfortunate as it is, is a wake-up call. There is a lot of work the Dangote refinery has to do to ensure there are no repeat instances of fraud.
The Dangote refinery is a Nigerian refinery by a Nigerian for Nigerians and its success is important to the future of Nigeria’s energy security. But, Nigeria’s energy security can not hinge on one player’s ambition or the integrity (or lack of) of his database. Monopolies historically breed complacency, corruption and vulnerability. These are not outcomes Nigeria and her 220 million residents can afford.
As Dangote races to consolidate power, the regulators must choose: Will Nigeria become a captive market for a corporate titan? Or will Nigeria become a diversified economy where competition fuels progress?
We do not know yet. But, the answer will determine whether Nigeria in the long run will stand tall or fall victim to myopia.
Arekpo, a public affairs analyst, lives in Lagos.
‘My Debt Was Over Half A Billion’ – Mr Macaroni Opens Up On Financial Struggle
Naija News reports that Macaroni, in a lengthy post via his X handle on Thursday, admitted that his financial recklessness and generosity negatively impacted his financial stability.
The movie star said he resorted to borrowing to settle pending commitments and fulfil certain responsibilities after losing all his savings.
The actor stated that 2024 marked a pivotal moment in his acting career, but it was also the most challenging year for him as he faced over half a billion naira in debt.
Mr Macaroni revealed that his frustration grew worse after he was betrayed by someone he considered a friend and sister.
He added that with the support of family and friends who stood by him during his trying times, he feels better than he had felt in the last three years.
He wrote, “Sometime around 2021/2022 I was victim of a scam and simultaneously a failed investment that cost me all I had saved at the time. It shook me deeply but I told NO ONE about it. If you know me well enough, you would know I do not like to share my problems. I could be going through the worst and at the same time helping others solve their own problems but I just would never share mine.
“After I lost all the money I had then, Trouble started when I had to borrow money from different sources to settle all pending commitments and also fulfill certain responsibilities i have always believed were mine to fulfill. I make money in millions so I never thought borrowing money to pay back with interests could ever be a problem. But I got too comfortable and it took me a long time to realize that I was using the money I was earning to pay back interests. Also, my financial recklessness did not help. Please don’t borrow money! But if you must, please be responsible. I was now in serious debt.. but it didn’t stop my recklessness.
“2024 was a turning point for my Acting career. Two of the films I featured in were screened at international festivals.. my performances in some other films released last year also earned me numerous commendations. However, It was also the most troubling year for me. I was burdened every single day and night, knowing that I was over half a billion in debt.
“The last straw was when I was betrayed by someone whom I have always loved as a friend and sister. She betrayed my trust, love and confidence and for that I was completely destabilized. I hardly trust people and nothing really surprises me about the actions of we humans but this one, I could never have prepared for. Such was the level of trust and love.
“But you see, one thing about me is that I’m a warrior! I have never backed down from a fight. When I fall, I bounce back even stronger by God’s grace and I keep my head up. So I gathered myself, and made some very tough decisions and with the help of family and friends who have stood by me, I feel better than I have felt in the last 3 years!”
[NaijaNews]
Rivers Crisis: Kwankwaso describes National Assembly as Rubber Stamp
Presidential Candidate of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) and leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, has strongly criticised President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, describing it as a dangerous precedent for Nigeria’s democracy.
In a statement released on Thursday, Kwankwaso expressed deep concern over the suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and all elected state legislators, calling the move a clear overreach of executive power.
Reflecting on his experience in the 1992/93 National Assembly, Kwankwaso warned against repeating past mistakes, where lawmakers were preoccupied with internal power struggles instead of safeguarding democratic institutions.
“I have closely followed developments in Rivers State in the past two days, and my initial silence was informed by the desire to let the authorities and parties in the conflict do what is right,” he stated.
However, he said he was perturbed by Tinubu’s unilateral decision to remove elected officials from office, stressing that such an action violates the constitution and undermines democracy.
Kwankwaso accused the 10th National Assembly of failing to uphold democratic principles and acting as a rubber stamp for executive excesses.
“The legislature has the responsibility to hold the executive accountable, not always play to its tune. It is appalling to see this 10th Assembly become more of a rubber stamp than any of its predecessors,” he said.
He further condemned the manner in which the National Assembly approved the state of emergency, arguing that using a voice vote on such a critical issue lacked transparency and undermined due process.
The former Kano governor also called on the judiciary to uphold its independence, urging judges to resist external influence and deliver fair and just rulings.
“Our judiciary must wake up to its responsibility of calming nerves by delivering judgments devoid of any hint of external influence,” he said.
Kwankwaso warned that President Tinubu’s actions could set a dangerous precedent for opposition-led states, creating fear and uncertainty about federal interference.
“This proclamation and the subsequent pronouncements by the Attorney General of the Federation have now sent numerous people in opposition-led states into disarray. It sets a dangerous precedent for how the Head of State can tighten his grip on states that do not share the same political standing with the center,” he warned.
He also criticized the involvement of the military, stating that Tinubu, as a longtime advocate of democracy, should understand the dangers of reintroducing military influence into governance.
“For a politician who prides himself as a defender of democracy, drafting the military into a position of leadership is dangerous to the progress we have made in the past 26 years,” he noted.
He further reminded Tinubu of former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s efforts to keep the military confined to their barracks, warning that reversing this trend could have long-term consequences.
Kwankwaso concluded by urging the federal government to reconsider its actions, emphasizing that the political situation in Rivers did not warrant such drastic measures.
“I am of the view that the political situation on the ground in Rivers does not justify such a flawed interpretation of Section 305(1) of the 1999 Constitution.
“This action constitutes an unconstitutional overreach, and if unchecked, it could foster a culture of impunity,” he warned.
[DailyTrust]
Fuel price: Nigerian govt schedules meeting over Naira-for-crude deal with Dangote Refinery
There are indications that the Federal Government’s Naira-for-crude panel will be reconvening a meeting on Monday to consider continuation of the crude sales deal with Dangote Refinery amid petroleum products price uncertainty.
Reliable sources in the Ministries of Petroleum Resources and Finance, who preferred anonymity, made this known on Thursday.
This comes after Dangote Refinery on Wednesday announced the suspension of its petroleum products sales in Naira.
Dangote Refinery’s decision to suspend petrol product sales in Naira indicated that there is a stalemate in discussion between the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited and the Dangote Refinery over the continuation of the Naira-for-crude sale contract.
However, official sources familiar with the matter told DAILY POST that the scheme may continue.
It was confirmed that NNPCL faced a crude availability crisis following the fact that the state-owned firm had pre-sold large volumes to foreign creditors under its crude-backed loans.
“The scheme won’t end. The challenging point is the issue of crude availability, with NNPC claiming it has pre-sold large volumes of crude.
“The committee agreed to reconvene on Monday (next week) to review options that the Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission has been mandated to come up with. The committee is trying to dimension solution options,” the official stated.
Recall that the committee last week met at the Ministry of Finance Headquarters in Abuja to assess developments and reaffirm commitments to the naira-for-crude policy framework.
The meeting had in attendance the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun (who joined virtually); the Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service, Dr. Zacch Adedeji; the Chief Financial Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company; the Executive Commissioner of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (who also joined virtually); and other stakeholders.
Reacting to the development, the National President of the Petroleum Products Retail Outlet Owners Association of Nigeria, Billy Gillis-Harry, said its members will not hesitate to seek alternative sources of petroleum products.
“The market is making preparations for any surprises. So, if there are surprises, we’ll have alternatives to go to,” he said.
On his part, the president of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria, Hammed Fashola, appealed for government intervention in the continuation of the Naira-for-crude policy in order to maintain the tempo of the petrol price template.
“I would like to advise the FG to look into the agreement with Dangote again to maintain the tempo of the prices of petroleum products,” he said.
[DailyPost]
36 state assemblies unify rules on lawmakers’ suspension, impeachment
To tackle discrepancies in suspension, impeachment of members and other legislative procedures, the 36 states’ Houses of Assembly have adopted and ratified the use of harmonised standing orders.
The rules to be adopted at each of the 36 Houses of Assembly aim to ensure unity across the states in implementing disciplinary issues of suspension and impeachment, removal of presiding officers and other members, the conduct of budgetary processes, and confirmation of appointments forwarded by the executive arm of government.
The harmonised orders also deal with the conduct of the election of presiding officers, adoption of legislative reports, statutory reports, and resolutions, ratifying constitutional alterations and treaties, the establishment of special, ad hoc committees, and the conduct of executive sessions.
The harmonised standing orders were adopted and ratified when the Conference of Speakers of State Legislatures of Nigeria converged on Lagos, on Thursday, for a workshop organised by the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung in collaboration with the National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies.
In his remarks, the Chairman of the Conference of Speakers, Adebo Ogundoyin, noted that by adopting the harmonised standing orders, Nigeria was joining other countries like the United States of America, South Africa and Rwanda which had harmonised legislative frameworks.
Ogundoyin, who is the Speaker of the Oyo State House of Assembly, noted that the harmonised standing orders for states would ensure that state legislatures have standardised rules, which would give their actions and ensure accountable governance.
Ogundoyin expressed optimism that the various Houses of Assembly would adopt the uniform rules for use in their states, within the next three months.
“This monumental step forward, which began in 2021 is not just a procedural reform; it is a strategic step towards strengthening the efficiency, transparency, and uniformity of legislative operations across all states Houses of Assembly. By standardising our legislative rules, we are enhancing collaboration, improving legislative oversight, and ultimately ensuring a more responsive and accountable governance framework at the sub-national level.
“We are happy to draw inspiration from our partners, the German Government and the United States of America, whose 50 states operate a centralised standing order.
“On the African continent, South Africa and Rwanda stand tall in this regard, and Nigeria is set to join the list of countries with harmonised legislative frameworks, further solidifying our commitment to democratic governance and institutional strengthening,” Ogundoyin said.
Setting the tone for the event, Resident Representative, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Nigeria, Marija Peran, said harmonising the assemblies’ rules aimed to create a standardised approach that fosters collaboration, reduces procedural discrepancies and enhances the overall effectiveness of the legislative bodies.
Pointing to the imbroglio in the Lagos and Rivers states Houses of Assembly, Peran noted that the harmonisation of standing orders would ensure consistency, transparency and efficiency in the legislative processes.
With the harmonised standing orders, she said state Houses of Assembly were on the path of a more cohesive legislative environment.
“We are only two and a half months into 2025 and some states’ Houses of Assembly have already been shaken up massively. This shows us that we cannot take either stability or democratic processes for granted.
“As we further embark on this journey, it is essential to reflect on the significance of uniform standing orders within the states’ Houses of Assembly. These orders serve as the backbone of legislative procedures, ensuring consistency, transparency and efficiency in the legislative processes.
“The objectives of harmonising these orders are clear: to create a standardised approach that fosters collaboration, reduces procedural discrepancies and enhances the overall effectiveness of the legislative bodies,” she said.
The Director-General, National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies, Prof Abubakar Sulaiman, noted the vulnerability of legislatures as a result of executive interference.
He stressed that the standardisation of Standing Orders would ensure procedural clarity, uniformity in legislative conduct, and the protection of legislative autonomy.
“By doing so, we can build a resilient legislative system where state assemblies operate effectively, free from external disruptions,” Abubakar said.
He added: “We must reflect deeply on the lessons from Rivers, Lagos states and other similar incidents in the past. A harmonised framework for legislative rules across the states will help promote consistency in parliamentary practice, strengthen legislative independence, and create safeguards against undue executive and judicial interventions.”
Work on the harmonised standing orders began in 2016 before Thursday’s adoption and ratification.
[Punch]
Five things to know about Namibia’s first woman president
Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah will become one of Africa’s few women leaders when she is inaugurated as president of Namibia on Friday.
Here are five things to know about the next leader of this stable and mineral-rich country of around three million people in the south of the continent.
– Ruling party stalwart –
NNN, as she is popularly known, is a long-time loyalist of the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) that has governed Namibia since its independence from South Africa in 1990.
SWAPO’s dominance meant that there was little surprise that she won the November 2024 polls, where she took 58 percent of votes as the party’s candidate for president.
Nandi-Ndaitwah became a member of the party in her early teens, when it was leading the struggle for independence, and has held several senior posts.
– Long government career –
Nandi-Ndaitwah entered the national assembly in 1990 and was first appointed as cabinet minister in 2000 to head the women’s and children ministry.
She has also served as minister of information, of environment and tourism, and of foreign affairs.
In February 2024 she was appointed vice president, the first woman to hold that post in the country.
– 72 years old –
Born in October 1952, Nandi-Ndaitwah will be sworn in at the age of 72 for a five-year term.
She will lead a largely young country with more than 70 percent of the population aged under 34, according to the 2023 census.
NNN takes over from 83-year-old Nangolo Mbumba, who came to power in February 2024 following the death of his predecessor, Hage Geingob at the age of 82.
– Conservative views –
The daughter of an Anglican pastor, Nandi-Ndaitwah has conservative views on issues like abortion, which is illegal in most cases in the largely Christian country.
Her party voted against gay marriage in 2023.
– Exile in Russia –
After going into exile in the 1970s, first to Zambia, NNN spent some time in Russia where she joined the Komsomol, a Soviet Union-era communist youth organisation.
She has expressed support for North Korea, which has built a number of buildings in the capital.
AFP
[OPINION] Visiting Fidel Castro in Havana - Owei Lakemfa
I never personally met Fidel Castro Ruz, one of the iconic figures of the 20th Century. I only saw him once in the streets of Havana while he drove and the crowds cheered. On November 25, 2016, this African-Latin American ancestor joined the pantheon.
When on Friday, March 14, 2025 I visited the Fidel Castro Ruz Centre in Havana, Fidel came alive for me. I was transfixed to the gun he used in the Sierra Maestra Mountains where he led a dozen surviving youths to perform what Pentecostal Christians will call a miracle. That foci, with the assistance of peasants and many supporters across Cuba, in 25 months, defeated what was then one of the strongest armies in Latin America.
A photograph of Fidel slinging his gun in the thickset of the mountains was iconic. Now I was seeing it, preserved for generations. He never attended any military school. He had gotten the inspiration to fight from the examples of Jose Marti, Antonio Maceo, Simon Bolivar and other liberation fighters. As for theoretical military studies, he had gotten most of it from the 1929 novel, A Farewell To Arms, by the famous American writer, Ernest Hemingway. His military experience and tactics, he learned primarily in the battlefield.
The military victory the rebels scored on January 1, 1959 made Fidel one of the most successful guerilla Generals in history. When a military force, put together and trained by the United States, US, Central Intelligence Agency, CIA, invaded Cuba on April 17, 1961, Fidel as Commander-in-Chief of the Cuban Armed Forces, went personally to the battlefield. It was quite unconventional for the President of a country to personally go into the battlefield. But Fidel did and, in three days, the Bay of Pigs invasion was over, the enemy was routed. Over 1,000 invaders were taken prisoners of war, POWs. The humiliated US government was made to pay Cuba $53 million in food and medical suppliers in order to get the POWs released.
This victory solidified Fidel as a practical General in conventional warfare. So he became an experienced and successful General in both guerilla and conventional warfare.
At the Castro centre, the mythical Fidel was also present. After the young rebels crushed the Batista army in the decisive Battle of Santa Clara led by another famous revolutionary, Ernesto Che Guevera, and they entered Havana, Fidel spent a week in caravans travelling to the country’s capital. On January 8, 1959 he arrived in Havana to address a city overflowing with people. As he did so, a white dove flew through the crowds and landed on his shoulder. To some in the crowd, it reminded them of the dove at the baptismal of Jesus. But to many Cubans, it was the consecration of Fidel by the Afro-Cuban god, Obatala. It was the sign that he was fearfully made and cannot be killed by humans. This took the form of realism with a record 634 assassination attempts made on his life principally by the CIA. The attempts had taken some urgency after President Dwight D. Eisenhower in March, 1960 directed the CIA to remove Fidel by any means necessary.
Some months later, Fidel attended the United Nations General Assembly and there was an alleged attempt to poison his cigars.
The UN visit itself was quite explosive. It was his first major appearance on the world stage and was clearly the most talked about President at the world assembly with the press covering his every move.
Fidel had checked in at the Shelburne Hotel in Midtown Manhattan, but stormed out when the hotel asked him to pay a $20,000 deposit. The legendary African-American leader, Malcolm X, then secured accommodation for him and his entourage at the Hotel Theresa in Harlem where his Organization of Afro-American Unity, OAAU, had offices.
The Theresa was a Whites-Only hotel which flung its doors open to people of all colours in 1940 after it had been bought by an African-American, Love B. Wood. It had become a centre of African-American activities, and Fidel’s stay became a game changer for the hotel.
Famously, Soviet Premier, Nikita Krushev, visited Fidel in the hotel as did then Indian leader, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, and President Gamar Abdel Nasser of Egypt. Famous intellectuals like the sociologist, C. Wright Mills and famous writer, Langston Hughes, author of the iconic play ‘A Raisin in the Sun’ also visited him.
Cuba, led by Fidel sent its youths to go fight the very powerful Apartheid regime in South Africa which was backed by major Western powers like the US and the United Kingdom. Cuba lost lots of those youths under the African sun. But the Apartheid forces were routed from Angola and pushed into Namibia where they sued for peace. The direct result was the independence of Namibia and South Africa.
When due to the Cuban military defeat of Apartheid, the legendary Nelson Mandela was released from 27 years imprisonment, he visited Cuba in 1991. There, he said: “In all my years in prison, Cuba was an inspiration and Fidel Castro was a tower of strength.” This visit is kept alive in the highly digitalised Castro centre. Famously, as Fidel talked, Mandela interrupted him: “Before you say anything, you have to tell me when you are coming to South Africa. When are you coming?” To which Fidel responded: “I have not visited my South Africa homeland.” In 1994, Fidel was in South Africa, and the entire country rose in unison to receive him.
The Castro Centre also has lots of clips showing Fidel’s visits to many countries. The ones I found most interesting were those to Algeria and Guinea in which the Pan Africanist President Sekou Toure was with Fidel.
The centre houses many personal belongings of Fidel, including the original podium and microphones from which he made many simple, but very powerful speeches, some of his books, military uniforms and clothes he wore. The centre is also about Cuban history, including life before the revolution, and the revolution turning 74 Batista military fortresses into schools for children.
But even as I visited, the punitive 63-year blockade unilaterally imposed on Cuba since February 1962 by President John F. Kennedy was still in place. It continues to impose serious hardship on the people whose only crime is choosing to live as free people under a political system of their choice. One of the effects is that Cuba is not allowed to trade at the international market, not even to buy medicines or spare parts for their aging electricity system which collapsed for 48 hours during my visit. But the workers, symbolising the resilience of the Cuban people, restored the system. Truly, a people united can never be defeated.
[OPINION] Cry me a RIVERS! - Donu Kogbara
I am so upset about the unfair imposition of a state of emergency on Rivers State. I have totally lost faith in President Tinubu, FCT Minister Wike, their supporters and the National Assembly.
I have complained extensively about this crisis on YouTube. Today I am feeling too emotionally drained to write anything, so let me leave you with two commentaries that were written by other people.
The first, which I chanced upon online, has no name attached to it but neatly and cynically outlines the way in which Nigerians sleepwalk into nonsense and allow themselves to be enslaved.
The night after the declaration…
1. Television and radio stations will be full of legal and political analysts huffing and puffing .
2. They will weigh in on the propriety or otherwise of the president’s decision.
3. Newspapers’ pages will be filled with articles and editorial opinions in like manners.
4. President Tinubu will read and watch if he cares to.
5. His media handlers will watch and read and decide which ones to respond to and those to ignore.
6. The National Assembly led by Godswill Akpabio will meet and endorse the declaration.
7. Fubara and his deputy will be watching events from the fringes of Niger Delta.
8. Government will encourage and pay some militants to burn a small section of the vast pipelines in the Niger Delta to justify a state of anarchy and the state of emergency.
9. Nigerians will gather at beer parlours, social media platforms and exercise their two-week outrage.
10. Contractors and politicians in Rivers State will look for the phone number of the military man now in charge and renew contacts with him for contracts and appointments even if temporal.
11. In the end what Tinubu and Wike want will happen and life will go on.
12. Please forget the judiciary. It is the presidency that is the judiciary.
13. Please forget the NBA. They will issue statements and that’s it. Their members are the lawyers who argue cases before the courts from where any judgement can be delivered regardless of the facts and the laws.
14. Those who are too vociferously opposed to the declaration may be invited by the DSS or the EFCC.
15. Members of the House of Assembly will pretend to be affected while they are busy popping champagne bottled; they are the winners and will emerge stronger. Quote me!
16. The president is one of the most powerful leaders in the world.
17. Nigerians are some of the most docile, corrupt, tribalistic, nepotistic, and incompetent people in the world as far as politics is concerned.
18. That’s how things work here.
•This second commentary was written by Farooq Kperogi just before the National Assembly surprised nobody by doing the wrong thing:
I just stumbled on a story in The Cable this morning claiming that President Bola Tinubu’s henchmen in the Senate and House are struggling to gather enough votes to rubber-stamp his unconstitutional suspension of democracy in Rivers State and installation of a retired military officer as sole administrator.
Frankly, it’s hard to believe. Most of our legislators have a reputation for having price tags attached rather openly to their principles, or what’s left of them.
Yet, if by some miracle this story checks out, I’ll gladly eat my scepticism. It might mean that amid Nigeria’s ocean of opportunists, there’s still a handful willing to occasionally pretend they have backbones.
Yes, the Constitution indeed allows Tinubu to declare a state of emergency, but nowhere does it grant him the authority to suspend elected governors, deputies, or legislators.
The idea of installing a “sole administrator” is a ghostly relic of Nigeria’s dark era of military absolutism.
Remember, former President Obasanjo pulled this stunt in Ekiti in 2006, not because the state burned uncontrollably, like Plateau State in 2004, but simply because he didn’t like the governor. So, he accused him of corruption, which became the basis for his unconstitutional ouster.
Of course, irony had a good laugh, given Obasanjo himself was swimming in allegations of corruption while citing corruption as his reason for undermining democracy.
Goodluck Jonathan, on the other hand, declared states of emergency in Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa because of the escalation of Boko Haram insurgency. But he did so without demolishing elected institutions.
Tinubu, a man who built his political career on the perception of battling military tyranny, now bizarrely aspires to mimic Obasanjo, the very authoritarian he once vehemently condemned.
Is irony on vacation or is hypocrisy now Tinubu’s political philosophy?
If we permit Tinubu to establish this precedent, democracy in Nigeria becomes a sitting duck.
Any future president with a grudge or craving for unchecked power can manufacture a crisis at will, dismantle elected institutions, and impose obedient lackeys as “sole administrators” to rule states by decree.
That’s not democracy; that’s dictatorship on drip-feed.