Tragedy struck in the early hours of Thursday, when over 20 passengers narrowly escaped death in multiple auto crashes at Kara Bridge, along Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. The accident occurred inward Arepo, Lagos-Ogun boundary.

The accident, according to eyewitnesses, occurred at about 8.45 a.m. It led to a chaotic gridlock, leaving motorists stranded.

At press time, emergency responders were on the ground to ensure the removal of the vehicles impeding the free flow of traffic.

Rescue

The responders include the Lagos State Emergency Management Authority, LASEMA; Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority, LAMATA; Lagos State Traffic Management Authority, LASTMA; men of the Lagos State Fire and Rescue Service; Police, among others.

The accident involved a 40-foot containerised truck, a luxury bus with number plates KPP921ZW, belonging to Sopuru Chukwu Motors, a Hiace bus, and a van used for commercial purposes.

The incident shut down about 99 percent of the road, thereby causing gridlock.

Meanwhile, the traffic officers are currently controlling traffic, pending the arrival of recovery vehicles.

The Permanent Secretary of LASEMA, Dr. Femi Oke-Osanyitolu, attributed the accident to overspeeding and recklessness.

Oke-Osanyitolu confirmed that the 20 casualties, yet to be identified, were transported to nearby hospitals.

The ones with minor injuries were being treated on-site.

Below are more photos from the accident scene:

Vanguard News

Sanusi Lamido Sanusi II has been reinstated as the Emir of Kano, LEADERSHIP has authoritatively gathered.

This decision followed the Kano State House of Assembly’s resolution to dethrone the current Emir and also dismantle the four new Emirates in the State established under a controversial 2019 law.

Though it has not been officially announced, LEADERSHIP has it on good authority that Sanusi II has been reinstated, and is expected in Kano on Friday.

According to credible inside sources, “So certainly with the passage of the Bill, Sanusi automatically stands reinstated. No need for confirmation, the thing to is wait for the Governor to assent to it.”

The then restructuring of the Kano Emirate is seen as a political manoeuvre to diminish the influence of then Emir Sanusi II, a vocal critic of the former Governor Abdullahi Ganduje administration. The creation of the new emirates fragmented the authority of the old Kano Emirate Council, diluting its power and influence.

Meanwhile, the Majority Leader of the Kano State House of Assembly, Lawan Hussaini Chediyar Yan Gurasa, who sponsored the Amendment Bill, shortly after Thursday’s session, revealed to journalists that, “the bill has been sent to the governor for assent, now there is no longer an active Emir in Kano in all the five Emirates; Kano, Bichi, Gaya, Rano and Karaye. The law now provides the governor to call on the traditional kingmakers to choose a new king.”

Our correspondent alsp reports that all the district heads elevated or appointed under the repealed law are to revert to their previous positions.

[Leadership]

It wasn’t five months after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took office when folks started asking, how far? In middle class and elite social circles in Nigeria, that question, or its variant – how market? – is often reserved for people whose sympathy for a cause or person is imperiled.

I often pushed back by saying that given the enormity of problems that the Tinubu government faced at inception, five months or so were inadequate to judge. And that was not just a convenient deflection. 

There are, of course, American presidents who made a mark after 100 days in office, notably, Franklin D. Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, and Barack Obama. But you don’t make them often, whatever may be the fetish of 100 days in office popularised by the U.S. After all President Clinton had a rocky 100 days in office only to end up the first Democratic president to be elected to two full terms after Roosevelt.

Unusual election

Nigeria’s 2023 election was so contentious that even though voting ended in February and a president was announced almost immediately by the electoral commission, it wasn’t until eight months later that the Supreme Court finally upheld his election. Tinubu was, as we say, hugging the chair with just one side of his buttocks. Of course, he had taken decisions from day one for which he must be held accountable, even if he was hanging on by a thread.

Perhaps the most consequential was his announcement, adlib, that “fuel subsidy is gone.” The removal was overdue. A good number of people agreed, even though some opposed the precipitous announcement and the subsequent merger of the exchange rate as evidence of Tinubu’s overzealous attempt to please the IMF and World Bank. It might also have been an honest attempt by him to preempt being taken hostage by the bureaucracy. 

Whatever the motivation was, it backfired; not because of the announcement, but because the government seemed totally unprepared to manage the fallout. There was, strictly speaking, no government to speak of at the time. The chaos that followed the announcement piled on the chaos that Tinubu met in office.

Buhari did nothing?

It would be unfair to say that Tinubu’s predecessor and fellow partyman, President Muhammadu Buhari, did nothing in eight years. The problem was that those who installed Buhari, chief among whom was Tinubu, and those who thought he could do the job, including myself, were unfair to Buhari. He wasn’t up to the job, but we didn’t care. In his incompetence, he put Nigerians through shege and left behind for his successor a legacy of shege banza, if you’ll excuse my French.

The fallouts of COVID-19 and the supply chain problems off the back of the war in Ukraine made things tough for Buhari. But what has come to light even from the management of these crises was his absence most of the time. He loved his title far more than he understood his job.

Perfect storm

His successor descended into a perfect storm: inflation at nearly 22 percent; unemployment at 33 percent; foreign exchange scarcity and declining revenue from oil sales; a looming debt crisis; a population surging ahead of GDP; an inefficient, lopsided and bloated public service; rampant insecurity; and broken confidence in government. Don’t even add the dysfunctional relationship between the fiscal and monetary authorities. 

In the last four political transitions since 1999, the Buhari-Tinubu transition has been the most fraught, incomparable in hazard with the one between President Goodluck Jonathan and Buhari in 2015, which was supposed to have been a hostile takeover.  Yet, the Buhari-Tinubu transition was a handover from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to itself.

Tinubu’s cross

But Tinubu has to be judged by what he has done or failed to do, especially since he has said, repeatedly, that he asked for the job and would not invite any pity party. It was not Buhari’s fault, for example, that he couldn’t form a cabinet until 56 days after taking office. 

Nor was Buhari to blame that when Tinubu finally composed his team, he selected, with a few exceptions, mostly people whose major credential was that they knew someone who knew someone who knew the president. The drama around some of the appointments and the screening are a subject on their own. That had nothing to do with Buhari.

The rot was deep. But the treatment – the radical attempts to scrap market curbs and tighten fiscal and monetary controls – appears, for now, worse than the disease, leaving large sections of the population struggling and impoverished. 

The compound chaos was neither entirely unforeseen nor inevitable. Buhari left behind a near-bankrupt treasury and ran his government for the most part by printing money. Getting the economy back into gear was going to depend largely on the unpredictable receipts from oil sales, which in turn was going to depend on less oil theft and a higher production quota. Foreign investors’ confidence had also been undermined by excessive price controls; while on the domestic front, rampant insecurity kept food prices high. 

Approach matters

A far more careful calibration and better management of public expectations than Tinubu’s government’s zeal suggested might have produced a different outcome. Unfortunately, a lifetime’s worth of suffering appears to have been laid out in a terrifically short time.

Yet, while some of it is inevitable, a few of the problems of the past year have been fostered by vested interests determined to complicate the government’s misery. Take two examples: the pushback by currency manipulators, and the organised crime in Ministries Departments and Agencies (MDAs).

In the first case, it is difficult to know who was the more complicit – the commercial banks (often in cahoots with state governors) or black-market operators. The incestuous relationship between the two, aided and abetted for years by the Central Bank, fed off cheap government funds, producing an army of white-collar criminals who became multimillionaires by exploiting multiple trading windows. 

Our monkey worked for their baboon to chop. Once Tinubu’s government said enough, the manipulators and their crypto ground soldiers launched a blistering counter-attack. The fight is still on.

The second main war has been with the demon within, elegantly called the MDAs. A source told me not too long ago that some of these government agencies, particularly NPA and NIMASA, among others, illegally locked down about $3.8 billion, from receipts. While they lied and lied that there was no “cash backing” for capital projects, they withheld forex remittances to the Central Bank and also cut deals with bank officials to roll over the principal sums, as they creamed off the interest. 

Tinubu’s searchlight in these places has unleashed a firestorm from vested interests, now aligned with sections of the political class to paint his government in the worst light possible. 

Gift of exaggeration

The problems of Tinubu’s government in the last one year have been partly self-inflicted, and partly unavoidable. But the criticism of his government as a disaster, mostly by politicians who can’t wait for the next general elections in 2027, is exaggerated. 

If ongoing structural reforms are paced, oil production quota keeps trending up, and the government leads by example, finding disciplined ways to manage the impact of tighter monetary controls on the cost of funds, things might yet look up sooner than later. 

It’s doubtful that any of those who vied with him for the presidency could have done better, whatever they might say from their easy chair. What Tinubu still has going for him are his courage, foresight and staying power. Now, he has a shorter runway to make them produce concrete results in the lives of citizens.

Azu Ishiekwene is the Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP. 

The Chief Executive Officer of Techstars, Maëlle Gavet has announced her departure from the company, citing health reasons.

Effective at the end of the month, Gavet will step down, with Techstars co-founder and board chairman David Cohen taking over the CEO role immediately, Tech Crunch first reported.

Gavet, who has served as CEO since 2021, conveyed her decision in a LinkedIn post where she expressed immense gratitude for her tenure at the company.

She acknowledged the hard work and dedication of her team, the executive board, employees, investors, and the founders she collaborated with during her time at Techstars. She also spoke a bit about her health issues.

“It’s with extreme sadness that I’m announcing that I will be leaving Techstars at the end of the month for health reasons. As of today, David Cohen, our co-founder and Chairman of the Board is CEO of Techstars once again.

“11 years ago I had to have one of my thyroids surgically removed due to the presence of cancerous nodules and for all these years I have been able to live almost worry-free with daily medication and a checkup every 6 months. Unfortunately the results of the last checkup showed that nodules had started to appear on my other thyroid. “

What to know about Gavet’s tenure

Gavet’s announcement marks the end of a challenging period for Techstars under her leadership. Her tenure has been characterized by significant controversies and operational difficulties.

Internally, Gavet’s leadership style came under scrutiny, with several employees and managing directors accusing her of fostering a high-stress work environment. This climate reportedly led to a notable exodus of staff members, which impacted the company’s morale and operational stability.

Externally, Techstars struggled to strike a balance between its aggressive growth ambitions and the imperative for profitability.

The company’s attempts to scale were hampered by strained relationships with corporate partners, notably JPMorgan Chase. This relationship, vital to Techstars’ operations, deteriorated during Gavet’s leadership, leading to high client churn.

The fallout with JPMorgan was particularly detrimental as it cast doubt over the future of several accelerator programs funded by an $80 million partnership. Programs in key locations such as Miami, Atlanta, and Oakland faced uncertainty due to this strained partnership.

More insight

Additionally, Techstars had to shutter several of its accelerator programs during Gavet’s tenure. Notable closures included programs in Austin, Toronto, Seattle, Sweden, Boulder, and Norway.

These closures signaled a strategic retreat from various geographic markets and were indicative of the broader challenges facing Techstars in sustaining its expansive global footprint.

In a separate statement posted on the Techstars website, David Cohen acknowledged the difficulties of Gavet’s tenure while also recognizing her efforts to address them. “She built a great team, made many tough decisions, and bravely enacted complex changes that were sorely needed,” Cohen stated. He emphasized that Gavet’s departure is primarily motivated by health concerns and expressed the collective goodwill of the company toward her as she focuses on her well-being.

What we know

About 5 months ago, Nairametrics reported that Techstars Accelerator, in collaboration with Lagos-based ARM Labs, announced a significant investment initiative targeting African startups. The program, which marked its second cohort, was to see Techstars invest $1.4 million in 12 innovative startups across the continent. Each startup will receive up to $120,000 in funding, alongside access to over $400,000 in cash equivalents, covering hosting, accounting, legal support, and additional benefits valued at over $5 million.

Some of the startups included in the program are 24Seven, founded by Olufemi Idowu, this asset-light marketplace enables small businesses and convenience stores to order inventory on credit with one-hour doorstep delivery. Beauty Hut: Led by Subuola Oyeleye, the platform bridges the gap between beauty brands and consumers through efficient product distribution and marketing channels via an e-commerce web store and mobile app, and others.

[Nairametrics]

A former presidential aspirant under the platform, of the All Progressives Grand Alliance, APGA, George Okoye, has described the proposed merger among some opposition parties against President Bola Tinubu as a waste of time.

Naija News reports that Okoye, in a statement, said Tinubu is not doing badly, as some persons erroneously believe but the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) can provide a better alternative.

The former lawmaker in the Anambra State House of Assembly urged the leadership of the PDP to resolve its challenges, and everything else will fall into place.

He said, “The leadership of the party is complacent; they are just rigmarolling, looking for direction. A mega party cannot work in Nigeria today. The only thing the PDP needs now is to resolve its leadership challenges.

“If the government does the right thing, commend it, and criticize it when it does the wrong thing.

“We have a President today in Nigeria and I don’t think Bola Ahmed Tinubu is bad. I am impressed by his performance so far, but the PDP can provide a better alternative.

“The problem with PDP is credible leadership. Once there is credible leadership, every other thing will fall in place.”

[NaijaNews]

Twenty seven states are yet to have vehicle conversion centres as the federal government moves to actualise the use of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) to mitigate the effects of fuel subsidy removal.

Our correspondents across the states report that it is still a long way to go for the Presidential Compressed Natural Gas Initiative (PCNGI), considering that only a fraction of the 15.5 million potential vehicles for conversion have been converted so far.

Even though seen as a game-changer when handled with a sense of responsibility, stakeholders in the oil and gas sector, as well as public and private vehicle owners, believe there are many impediments to the actualisation of the CNG initiative.

These include complete or near absence of the conversion centres in many states, and non-availability of refuelling stations in the event one converts his vehicle.

At present, a litre of petrol has crossed over N700 in many parts of the country, a development that affects prices of goods and services occasioned by hike in cost of transportation.

In contrast, the CNG equivalent of litre is N230.

Experts believe that once the CNG is made available, and cost of conversation, which is over N1, 000, 000 reduced, many Nigerians would seamlessly embrace the initiative.

CNG is seen as a suitable and cheaper alternative fuel for motorists with lower emission impact and a more environmentally friendly fuel.

Daily Trust investigation revealed that it now costs nearly N1.5 million to convert a single sedan vehicle from petrol to CNG, both in Lagos and Abuja.

The conversion cost has skyrocketed from about N400, 000 over a year ago to the current prices, as a result of the devaluation of the exchange rate as the entire component is imported.

Motorists currently running on petrol have complained about cost of conversion kits as a hindrance considering the current cost of living crisis.

How to get it right

Analysts have identified three critical infrastructure that will unlock the transition from petrol to CNG, without which the conversation around the benefit to the nation will remain elusive.

The infrastructure included gas pipelines across the country, CNG conversion centres and dispensing points in retail filling stations.

Officials of one of the companies championing the transition, NIPCO said they are leveraging their extensive and robust natural gas infrastructure to make a difference.

The officials said that they had successfully converted about 10, 000 cars so far.

One of them said they currently have 10 ongoing conversion infrastructures in Lagos with four already completed and awaiting formal inauguration.

“We also have conversion centres in Kogi, FCT, Edo, Uyo, Ogun and Lagos,” he said.

Daily Trust investigation revealed that there are Less than 25 conversion centres nationwide in nine states, to cater for over 15.5m vehicles in the country.

The data collected by our reporters across the 36 states and Abuja also indicates that 27 states have no single CNG conversion centres.

Lagos has the highest number at the moment, with conversion centres in Marina, Fadeyi, Itire-Ishaga, Badore, LASU, Lekki Phase 1, Ketu and Ajah.

There are other independent conversion centres in Abuja in addition to the two provided by NIPCO.

But checks in the far North showed that the project portrays a gloomy picture.

Situation in states

Daily Trust findings showed that there is only one conversion centre in Kwara State located beside the Soludero Park, Post Office, Ilọrin.

The plant is still under construction when our reporter visited the facility.

The state’s Supervising Commissioner for Works and Transport, Abdulquawiy Olododo, said the construction is in line with the objective of the Presidential Initiative on CNG.

The Nasarawa State government said it has taken steps to establish CNG vehicle conversion workshops in the state.

The Niger State Commissioner for Land and Survey, Maurice Magaji, said land had been allocated for the establishment of CNG and LPG centres in the state in Minna, Bida, Tafa, Suleja and Mokwa towns and the Certificates of Occupancy have already been prepared and signed by the governor.

In Ondo State, Gbenga Omole, the Special Adviser to Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa on Transportation, said the state was still awaiting a directive from the federal government on the CNG-powered vehicles centre.

How Tinubu bought into the CNG initiative

President Bola Tinubu had, in August 2023, approved the establishment of the Presidential Compressed Natural Gas Initiative (PCNGI).

His spokesman, Ajuri Ngelale, said the initiative was to revolutionise the transportation landscape in the country, targeting over 11,500 new CNG-enabled vehicles and 55,000 CNG conversion kits for existing PMS-dependent vehicles.

The Federal Executive Council last week mandated all government Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) to procure only vehicles and generators powered by CNG and begin converting all petrol or diesel-powered vehicles or generators to CNG.

The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPL) and NIPCO Gas Limited had disclosed a plan to ramp up the first phase of the CNG penetration plan in Q1, 2024.

The Group Chief Executive Officer of the NNPCL, Mele Kyari, said the partnership would see the rollout of 35 CNG stations nationwide to cater for refuelling of about 200,000 vehicles in the first instance.

Under the NNPC-NIPCO strategic partnership, he noted that 35 state-of-the-art CNG stations would be constructed nationwide, including three mother stations.

FG partners ALGON conversion centres’ establishment in 774 LGAs

The federal government and the Association of Local Government of Nigeria (ALGON), at a stakeholders’ meeting in Abuja yesterday, expressed readiness to partner to establish CNG service centres in all the 774 local governments areas.

Director, Road Transportation and Mass Transit, Federal Ministry of Transportation, Musa Ibrahim, who represented the Minister of Transportation, Ahmed Alkali, said: “There are millions of vehicles on our roads today that are running on petrol and we have been approached by investors who want to partner with us to see that we have as many cars being converted to CNG.”

He said the federal government believed that service centres for CNG conversion should not be located only in urban centres. “That is why we’re partnering with the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria to ensure that we also have the service centres closer to the people at the grassroots.”

The Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of Transport Technology (NITT), Zaria, Kaduna State, Bayero Salih Farah, said the collaboration with ALGON was important as the majority of Nigeria’s population live in the local areas.

Dr. Farah said: “The NITT has already sent its engineers for training, both locally and internationally, to equip themselves with the requisite skills they need to provide services in all the 774 LGAs in order to develop a roadmap for the actualisation of the project.”

Chinese firm seeks partnership with FG

The Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Petroleum, Nicholas Ella, on Tuesday in Abuja, met with officials of a Chinese company, Wen Advisor, in Abuja who are seeking partnership with Nigerian government on CNG-powered vehicles.

The Managing Director of Wen Advisor, Haikuo Weng, said his team was in Nigeria to explore possible areas of investment in the CNG-powered vehicles project.

Weng said to develop a CNG gap pump station, it was necessary to ascertain whether local buses in Nigeria currently use liquefied natural gas or the CNG.

Experts want adoption private sector-driven

An auto industry stakeholder, Dr Oscar Odiboh, in a chat with Daily Trust, said the federal government must fully involve private businesses, especially owners of filing stations, to key into the initiative.

“This kind of CNG thing, the government’s hand should be removed. Leave it for the private people, let them handle the business and ensure they don’t over-profiteer while the government should play a regulatory role,” he said.

The Chief Executive Officer of the Presidential Compressed Natural Gas Initiative Steering Committee, Engr. Michael Oluwagbemi, could not be reached for comments as our reporter was told he was out of the country.

Nigeria’s Federal Ministry of Arts, Culture and Creative Economy has projected a whooping sum of N3.7 billion for “research and development” amid calls for cut in governance costs.

This was reflected in the 2024 budget of N28.7 trillion signed by President Bola Tinubu in January this year and sighted by DAILY POST on Wednesday in Abuja.

DAILY POST recalls that the budget presented by President Tinubu was N27.5 trillion, but was increased by lawmakers by a difference of N1.2 trillion.

The budget came under public discourse when Senator Abdul Ningi representing Bauchi Central Senatorial District alleged the padding of the budget to the tune of N3 trillion for which he was sent on suspension.

The ministry was carved out by Tinubu from the old Ministry of Information, Culture and National Orientation. The sum of N160 million was also earmarked for the construction of a skill acquisition centre for art and craft in Musawa LGA of Katsina State in the North West.

Again, the sum of N290 million was allocated for construction of solar street lights in Musawa Local Government Council, the home of the Minister.

A further look at the compendium of the 2024 budget shows N98 million and N150 million for a “Nigerian pavilion” at the next Cannes Film Festival slated for May 14 and 25 in France and the ministry’s “information desk” at the Abuja international airport respectively.

The sum of N26 million was set aside for miscellaneous – refreshments and publicity among others.

Speaking with Dr Muktar Alkali of the Centre for Transparency and Accountability on his feelings on some agencies of government after one year of President Tinubu’s administration, he expressed disappointment, saying:

“In the last one year, it’s been inefficiency and high cost of governance by some agencies.

“This means that there no difference from the past that has brought the nation to the sad story we are seeing today. We are studying what and what has happened in some agencies and will get back to the media in due course”.

Last Sunday, May 19, the Ijaw Youth Council Worldwide while calling for “peace throughout the entire Niger Delta region”, at the end of a one-day peace and security summit, ‘urged the politicians causing political turbulence in Rivers, to sheath their swords’. The following day, Monday May 20, former President Goodluck Jonathan while performing the flag-off of the construction of the multi-billion naira Trans-Kalabari Road project in the Obio/Akpor Local Government Area of Rivers State appealed to Minister Nyesom Wike and Governor Siminalayi Fubara “to work together for the development of the land and the people of Rivers State”. He then went on to commend Governor Fubara for his “vision and the courage to start the much needed road located within a difficult terrain which he said “is not going to be a tea party”, among other critical elements including airport, rail and water transport systems if (we) must develop a  nation”. 

It was apparent from Jonathan’s comment that the work of development cannot be accomplished by one administration. This fact was probably lost on Wike who was named Mr. Project by ex-VP Yemi Osinbajo on account of the giant strides he made in infrastructural development in Rivers to have suddenly forgotten that before him was Governor Rotimi Amaechi who attracted those who mattered in Nigeria including the Nobel Laureate, Wole Soyinka, to Port Harcourt to commission completed projects.

But for President Jonathan’s observation, those outside Rivers State would have thought there would be nothing else to commission after 16 year’s rage of commissioning of projects executed by Amaechi and Wike. 

We however now know there is still much work of development to be carried out in Rivers. And this is why it is hoped Wike will humble himself by admitting ‘the world is a stage where everyone plays his own part’ instead of trying to hold Rivers and its new governor hostage.

Ignoring the fact that there is already a new sheriff in town, Wike publicly expressed a desire to control Rivers State PDP political structure he successfully deployed to secure victory for Fubara. I don’t think anyone should begrudge Wike for laying claim to ownership of Rivers political structure. He has demonstrated during different elections that he is the undisputed leader of the riverine grassroot politicians who decide outcomes of every election within dangerous riverine terrains election umpires and observers will do anything to avoid.

Wike admitted reaching a truce after President Tinubu privately waded into their conflict. The truce was however dismissed by some Rivers elders, led by Rufus Ada-Gorge, a former governor of the state, who claimed that if the peace deal is allowed to succeed it, would amount to President Tinubu unilaterally suspending the Nigerian Constitution which he says portends executive rascality which undermines our constitutional democracy, rule of law and good governance.”

The elders were joined by some opportunistic youths eyeing the seats vacated by pro-Wike commissioners. They were in solidarity rally at the demolished Rivers State House of Assembly complex which was earlier torched on October 29, 2023, to forestall planned impeachment of the governor, singing “we are not slaves. Some slaves are happy in their chains”.

Lionized by elders and opportunistic youths, Fubara refused to represent the budget earlier approved by four suspended loyal state lawmakers even after the warring 27 state legislators withdrew their impeachment threat.

If Wike had been a good student of Nigerian politics, it was at that point he ought to have known the game was up. It was obvious Fubara had borrowed a leaf from Akintola’s playbook of 1962.  Like Akintola ‘taku’ (refused to step down in line with constitutional provision), Fubara dared Wike, saying “I am now in power even if it was by mistake”. That was a subtle threat he was prepared to pull the whole edifice down on their heads.

Fubara was also a good student of Obaseki. To forestall impeachment by Adams Oshiomhole’s 17 loyal state lawmakers, the Clerk of Edo House of Assembly, Yahaya Omogbai, was said to have ushered seven members in a house of 24 lawmakers-elect into the chamber at midnight and read out the Obaseki’s letter of proclamation with which Honourable Frank Okiye the governor’s anointed candidate for speaker was elected. To seal the fate of the 17 elected majority lawmakers, Obaseki refused to swear them in while the National Assembly was told “it could not compel Obaseki to issue another proclamation within the lifespan of an existing proclamation”.

Fubara on his part first secured the support of Uche Secondus and other PDP elders Wike had fought to a standstill. He then relied on four suspended members of Rivers State House of Assembly to declare vacant the seats of decamping 27 state lawmakers loyal to Wike.

It is also obvious, the 1999 constitution created Leviathans out of our governors. Deputy governors or other adversaries will take on our governors only at their own peril.

Wike had before leaving office publicly declared paying for all projects, a claim Fubara as Wike’s chief accountant did not dispute while being railroaded to become governor. He even admitted: “Originally, our mantra was supposed to be ‘Consolidation and Continuity”. Now in power, he says his administration is bogged down by the debt piled up by Wike. Like Akintola did with disastrous consequences, Fubara has started to talk of probing the administration of his estranged godfather.

 Fubara also now questions the integrity of his godfather. Last week he told reporters that he invited the governor of Abia State to commission his projects because “he is not an artificial integrity man. He is an action integrity man. He is not the one that they will gather because they just want to talk”.

But before we crucify Fubara, let us first look at ourselves in the mirror. Democracy is a new values system we embraced without the accompanying democratic ethos.  Of this, character, or what Aristotle described as ‘balance between passion and caution of political actors’ is important if democracy, as a majoritarian rule is to be anything other than the tyranny of the majority. For democracy to thrive therefore, political actors must be committed to a set of ideals. Unfortunately for us our political space has been largely populated since independence by men that believe neither in any creed nor any set of ideals.

 The collapse of the first republic started with Akintola’s refusal to obey his party’s constitution and Prime Minister Balewa and President Nnamdi Azikiwe, who in breach of the constitution, served as accomplices while Senate President/Acting President, Nwafor Orizu, once convicted by the colonial powers for fraud against his people, out of ethnic sentiments, ceded power to Aguinyi Ironsi.

Apart from the late Umaru Yar’Adua, there was no evidence Obasanjo, who embarked on a third term fiasco, and Buhari, who was unable to rein in ethnic irredentists in his government, believe in any set of ideals. And precisely because we often play the ostrich, we expect Fubara to be different from Odili, Amaechi and Wike, predecessors.

A part of a whole cannot be holier than the whole.

The Defence Headquarters (DHQ) has challenged   Katsina State Governor  Dikko Radda to substantiate his allegation that some security personnel were aiding and profiting from banditry in the state.

 The DHQ  said since the ‘’Armed Forces is for Nigerians,’’ anyone with credible information on misconduct by its personnel was free to bring it to its attention.  

It pointed out that the military is also subservient to all elected government representatives, and, therefore, regards the relationship with utmost respect.

Director of  Defence Media Operations, Maj.-Gen. Edward Buba,  said in a  statement yesterday that Rada made the allegation during a national television programme on May 4

 The governor had said: “Now it (banditry) has turned out to be a business venture. A business venture for the criminals, some people who are in government; some people who are in security outfits, and some people who are responsible for the day-to-day activities of their people. These are so many reasons why we are unable to bring banditry to an end.”

But Gen. Buba said even though the claim by the governor was untrue, it was capable of demoralising the spirit of troops in operational theatres.

“In the light of the aforementioned statement of His Excellency the Governor of Katsina State, the Armed Forces of Nigeria decides not to join words with the state governor, rather would encourage him to approach the military high command to substantiate his allegations,” he added.

The Defence spokesperson said the military under the leadership of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Gen. Christopher Musa, has zero tolerance for indiscipline and any form of criminality in the conduct of operations across the country.

  “It is for this reason that there are standing court martials to treat any form of misbehaviour by troops especially those that portray the military negatively to the general populace.

“The military remains unperturbed by such statements capable of demoralising or dampening the spirit of troops in operational theatres. Rather, we will continue on the trajectory of conducting operations as well as working assiduously in the fight against terrorism.

“The Armed Forces is for Nigerians and as such citizens are urged to own it and also report any credible observed bad conduct within the ranks so that they can face the appropriate military justice system,” he said in the statement.

 Also yesterday, the  Chief of Army Staff (COAS), Lt.-Gen. Taoreed Lagbaja hailed the role of the Nigerian Army Corps of Signals in the ongoing counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency operations in the Northeast.

He made the commendation during the inauguration of the remodeled Headquarters of the Nigerian Signals Corps complex (Muritala Mohammed House) at Arakan Barracks in  Apapa, Lagos State.

The COAS also praised the Corps of Signals for its anti-banditry operations in the Northwest and other operational engagements in the different parts of the country.

Lagbaja said: “The corps effort despite the complex electro-magnetic space and highly dynamic Information and Communication Technology (ICT) era is highly commendable.

“I am proud to note that the Nigerian Army Signals has remained in tune with the fast-paced development and transformation being witnessed globally in the ICT(Information Communication Technology) sector.

“The corps has excelled at annexing new technologies to develop state-of-the-art networks that impact mission success by facilitating command and control in the Nigerian Army.” 

According to Lagbaja, the  Army Signals has also extended its services to other government agencies and the private sector, thereby projecting the image of the Army in the ICT domain.

 He said that there have been various infrastructural developments as part of efforts to provide the needed conducive living and working environment for Nigerian Army personnel to enhance productivity and well-being.

“I’m a week short of 11 months since I assumed office as the COAS and the army headquarters has executed several life-changing projects.

“This includes the construction and renovation of living quarters for officers and soldiers, the provision of portable water, and improved medical facilities for our barracks communities.

“Also, there has been renovation, remodeling, and in some instances outright reconstruction of office facilities such as what is commissioned today,” Lagbaja added.

 He also thanked President Bola Tinubu for his belief in and unwavering support of the   Army and its leadership.

[TheNation]

Women affairs minister Uju Ohanenye’s decision to file a suit that put paid to the impending mass marriage of 100 orphaned girls in Niger State is well-intentioned, but she might soon discover that she played God for nothing. While addressing a press conference, the minister pointed out that she stopped the ceremony so the ministry could find out if the girls to be married out were of the appropriate ages, determine the (self-)interests of the organisers/ sponsors, and crucially, if those women gave their consent. Now, the last point is where her good intentions might meet some blowback. Yes, it is good to inquire if those marriages are consensual. But what is consent and what does it mean to give it amidst the circumstances of choicelessness, social/religious pressures, manipulation, and fear of the uncertain (especially for poor rural women with limited education and marketable skills)?

When women whose possibilities are narrowed by material poverty and limited upward mobility choose marriage as a face-saving option, a means to claim some social respectability, what does it mean to have made a “choice”? Sometimes, people consent to a legal contract like a marriage because they have no other choices. For all her good intentions, Ohanenye might soon find out that the road paved with the good intentions of gender empowerment might still lead to the Nigerian social and religious hell. Why? Given how much the controversy is wrapped in religious sentiment, it cannot be that hard for the girls’ family circles and the religious patriarchs in their community to “persuade” (read: coerce) the young women into giving “consent.”

Merely for the audacity of a southern Christian woman to challenge what they would like us to believe is an expression of the Islamic North culture, “consent” can be extracted from the girls to vindicate the decision of their religious leaders who have socialised them into believing that marriage is their destiny. So, if those women insist to the minister’s emissaries that they gave their “consent” as legal adults, would that still justify the decision to mass marry them off? What would the minister then do if those women insist the marriage is their choice? That is why I think she needs to be careful about uncritically elevating “consent” into the main issue at stake here. Many a “consents” inked into legal documents were never truly consensual; they were merely inconvenient choices made within the constrictions of choicelessness.

What I think needs to be severely discouraged is the culture of public officials using public funds to mass-marry people. Northern governors do it frequently, but it is a misuse of public resources. Other than a mad obsession with seeing women’s heads buried between the laps of domesticity, the men—and it’s always men!—have never advanced any logical reason for mass marriages and why the government should sponsor them. They say marriage is better than waywardness, but why are those the only options available to a woman? 

Being married goes beyond the wedding ceremony. Marriage is a serious business that should be reserved only for those who can afford it—physically, emotionally, socially, and quite crucially, financially. Those who do not have the money to stage a ceremony can do themselves the favour of getting married quietly in front of a judge, go home, and start building their lives. Nobody needs to get married on charity, period.

 Marriage is also a private business, and nothing—and I repeat, nothing—says having a grand wedding makes you more married than those who have the dignity to wed according to the limit of their means. The issue of using public funds for marriage is another reason I see those criticising the minister for her intervention as clowns. You cannot purport to get married with other people’s money and then turn around to tell them they have no business in your private (religious) affair.

Speaker of Niger State House of Assembly, Abdulmalik Sarkindaji, the culprit who announced his plans to sponsor the ceremony as his “constituency project,” is also playing God by making the girls’ wedding his business. Yes, those girls lost their parents in banditry attacks in Mariga Local Government Area (which he represents), but why is it his business to pay the girls’ dowry?  He is a lawmaker, and a public representative should not assume a paternalistic role in other people’s private lives. It would be a different argument if he were a private individual using his money to sponsor weddings. Rich and generous people sponsor weddings; it is their prerogative.

Sarkindaji’s legislative overreach is the fallout of a political culture that hands lawmakers a huge sum of money to carry out something called “community projects,” initiatives well outside their responsibilities as lawmakers. For long, lawmakers have loosely defined what constitutes constituency projects, which is why people like Sarkindaji can stretch the meaning beyond tolerable elastic limits.

The mass wedding event, which would have taken place tomorrow but is now suspended, was to be conducted alongside the flagging-off of a road network and—this is where it gets interesting— distribution of cars to the eight district heads and other critical stakeholders in the local government area. That the wedding of 100 couples is not even the main point of the event—just one item to check off the agenda—makes you wonder why the spectacle was necessary in the first place. That old men will be gifted cars while young women will get husbands illustrates how the skewed allocation of resources makes for poor productivity in this country. If Sarkindaji wants to be a proper sugar daddy, he should consider giving the car gifts to the women instead. Who knows, that initiative might be their chance at an independent life which, I can bet, Sarkindaji’s daughters enjoy.

Though imperfect, Ohanenye’s challenging Sarkindaji is commendable. In fact, it is about time someone stood up to people who mass-marry poor women for dubious reasons and instructed them there is more to life than continuously satiating the region beneath your waistline. Mass marriage, as it takes place in northern Nigeria, is an agenda to keep poor people poor and perpetually beholden to predatory religious and political leaders. The problem of northern Nigeria has been a problem of the libido. To contain the libidinal urges, they stage mass (and early) marriages that produce mass children whose impoverished existence culminates in mass poverty, mass urchins that prowl the streets and eventually grow up into mass terrorists and mass bandits.

If Nigeria is the poverty capital of the world today, most of it has to do with the North. They reproduce an ever-growing army of children merely born to give them political victories and decommissioned soon after every election. Nobody has plans for those children’s future. And for a long time, nobody could challenge them because of their propensity for violence. Their leaders’ inability to think of serious means of resolving their social issues outside of frequently tucking people inside marriage to reproduce has created a mass problem for Nigeria, one that will unfold for at least another 50 years.

Finally, media reports stated that in response to the audacity of Ohanenye to file a suit against an impending mass marriage, the Muslim Lawyers Association declared that they had raised 32 lawyers—five of them Senior Advocates of Nigeria—to challenge her in court. As much as I doubt whether the minister is on firm legal ground on this issue, I think 32 supposedly trained professionals coming up to challenge her judgment is another pathetic example of the Nigerian tendency to overdo things. I would not worry about them too much though. If that many lawyers had to bunch themselves up like firewood just to pursue one case, they must be incompetent, ineffective, and frankly, unserious.