The first part of this topic, published on Sunday, 15 September, 2024, was the debate between the Marxist scholar at the then University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), Ile-Ife, Dr. Segun Osoba (as he then was), and another (conservative, foreign) lecturer in the same institution, Professor L. Beverley Halstead over Osoba’s acceptance of the request by the university’s Student Union Government to “give a small talk” to the Great Ife students on the occasion of the third anniversary of the gruesome murder, on February 1, 1971, of a University of Ibadan undergraduate, Adekunle (‘Kunle) Adepeju, during a peaceful student protest on the U. I. campus. Accepting, Osoba intimated the students that he would speak on “Student power in a situation of public moral crisis”. We saw in the first part how Halstead felt it was not part of Osoba’s duties to give what he perceived would be an “inciting” talk to the students and how he said the university authorities were sitting on edge over the matter. Osoba, on the other hand, argued forcefully that it was both his responsibility and patriotic duty to address the students. Today, we are publishing the “small talk” delivered by Osoba. We shall return to make closing remarks:

“Our nation is in the grips of a serious moral crisis and value disorientation. We live in an age when our consciences have become so blunted and de-sensitized by the greed for personal wealth and power that the suffering of millions of our compatriots does not move us. Millions of Nigerians, even in the best of times, are undernourished, are ill without the hope of receiving health care of any description, live in intolerable conditions of squalor and degradation (sometimes sharing the same living room with their goats, chickens, and dogs!) while a handful of us enjoy scandalous opulence and luxury. What is even more pathetic, our highly-remunerated, high-living, well-housed, over-fed, and over-dressed elites are so lacking in modesty and basic human decency that they flaunt their prosperity in an unblushing manner before the masses of our poor compatriots – the Wretched of the Earth – who, ultimately, pay the bills for our elite extravagance and criminal exhibitionism. We sublimate our moral poverty and degeneracy in consumer culture, like a psychologically disturbed person who tries to drown his mental crisis in a sea of alcohol.

“It is against this background of public moral bankruptcy and degeneracy that we must look at the phenomenon which has become famous as “student power”. Student power, crudely put, is the ultimate ability of the student community, being the largest and, perhaps, the most homogenous in the university institution, to paralyse the life of the university in the pursuit of student objectives: the ability to demonstrate that, no matter what the university administrators, professors and lecturers think of their own importance, no university institution can function without the cooperation of students who are willing to learn and be taught. This essential but crude aspect of student power has been repeatedly displayed loud and clear since the fateful episode of 1st February, 1971 when Adekunle Adepeju, one of your illustrious members, was felled by the bullet of police power. He was a victim of the operation of naked power but he is also the hero and indestructible symbol of student power and it is only right that you commemorate his heroism and immortality.

“However, student power, if it is to make a significant impact on the depressing situation of public moral crisis in Nigeria, needs to have more of it than one solitary hero and symbol. It needs to have a clear moral vision with which it can gaze beyond the darkness and confusion in which we are all enveloped to a future characterized by an uncompromising sense of social justice, human concern and comradeship, and a life of dignity and usefulness for all our people.

“It is only when our students refuse to be educated out of a keen awareness of the grinding poverty in which our people live, when they demonstrate at every turn that the suffering of our people is their own suffering and that they are willing to work with other sections of our people to terminate it, that this nation will begin to take student power seriously and embrace it with their heart and mind. Student power cannot have the moral strength to survive and move this nation if the dominant ethos among individual students makes them see their purpose in a university as securing “meal ticket” or “trade union cards”, which alone can qualify them to join the dominant elite group in the elite culture of “ilabeism”. Similarly, student power cannot have credibility even among a majority of students if student leadership is afflicted by the same moral problems pervading our society – the problems of kleptocracy and gutlessness.

“Good as rituals are for cementing group solidarity, the annual ritual of commemorating Adekunle Adepeju by boycotting classes is not enough to establish the reality and effectiveness of student power. A more effective kind of student power is one that is not treated as a museum piece, tucked away for 364 days in the year while the rat-race for “meal tickets” and “miliki” goes on, and is then dusted up and brought out for display for one day, after which it goes back to its hiding place for another 364 days! Effective student power is one that is in operation all the time and whose presence and impact is felt 365 days in a year. It is power informed by knowledge of men and matters, not one based on ignorance. Student power, genuine student power, must be concerned with an ongoing evaluation of the universities’ programmes of instruction with a view to making valuable contributions to the decolonization of our universities mentally and making them relevant and committed to the progressive transformation of the Nigerian society into the land of hope and charity that all our people want. Effective student power should not leave in government hands alone the initiative to organize students for service to our people.

“To this extent, our students, in association with university teachers and workers who are committed to the ideals of elevating the masses of our people, should, the National Youth Service notwithstanding, organize themselves into small groups which will devote some of their free time to working on some community development projects in our depressed rural areas and without expecting any material reward. We can help the poor peasant farmers to make their hovels more habitable by working with them to repair leakages in their roofs, creating basic sanitary conditions in their environments. We can give them the gift of our abundant youthful energy by helping them to prepare their farms for the planting season and to reap their crops at harvest time. We can unobtrusively and with humility bring to their notice and within their reach the benefits of modern science and technology which we know so much about but which we hardly ever put to any creative use.

“in this way, student power can relieve the problem of mass poverty and enhance mass prosperity and well-being in our society while, at the same time, establishing its own legitimacy and moral strength.  Any other course of action by our students can only deepen the crisis of public morality now engulfing our society and lead to cultural decadence and collapse. Considerations of enlightened self-interest alone should enjoin us to commit ourselves more to the essence and reality of student power rather than to its form and symbol because it is only the reality that can lead to a brighter future for us, for our people, and for our nation.

“Long live student power! Long live the people’s power! May our nation achieve its full potential in human decency, social justice and equity!”

After Dr. Osoba’s “small talk” to the Great Ife students, another exchange ensued between him and Professor Halstead; that, however, is a topic for another day! Now consider the following: Does Osoba’s first salvo – the opening paragraph – sound familiar to what is happening today, not minding that his address was delivered 50 years ago? A “nation in the grips of a serious moral crisis and value disorientation”,  even as “we live in an age when our consciences have become so blunted (seared, I want to add) and de-sensitized by the greed for personal wealth and power that the sufferings of millions of our compatriots do not move us”; where “millions of Nigerians… are ill without the hope of receiving health care of any description, live in intolerable conditions of squalor and degradation…while a handful of us enjoy scandalous opulence and luxury” Does this sound familiar? And how about this: “What is even more pathetic, our highly-remunerated, high-living, well-housed, overfed and over-dressed elite are so lacking in modesty and basic human decency that they flaunt their prosperity in an unblushing manner before the masses of our poor compatriots – the wretched of the earth – who ultimately pay the bills for our elite extravagance and criminal exhibitionism”. Does this also resonate with you and isn’t it really pathetic?

But, if I may ask: When were things ever good here if, 50 years ago, they were as Dr. Osoba graphically had painted them? Do things ever get better here or do they keep getting worse? When we complain about the present, does the bard not appeal to us to wait until we behold what comes up next? The past only appears good when compared with the present. Yet, a popular prayer says may we not know better yesterday!

Comrade, as we fondly called Osoba during my own days at Ife (1978 – 1982) when he taught me History, ended his address to the students with a prayer – or was this unpretentious Marxist only expressing a wish and hope? – that “this our nation achieve its full potential in human decency, social justice and equity”. That was 50 years ago. Such prayer, hope or wish had been expressed since the country got its independence from Britain in 1960. Sixty-four years later, we still talk of Nigeria as a “potentially great country” When shall its greatness unfurl before our very eyes or shall it forever remain in the realm of conjecture, wishful thinking and hallucination?

When biblical Daniel asked how long it shall take for the prophecies he heard to come to pass (Daniel 12: 6 -7), he was told: “… it shall be for time, times, and an half” Figure out the arithmetics for Nigeria!

TO BE CONTINUED.

May our birthday not double as our death-day. I make that invocation in respect of my country, Nigeria, even though we are perennially stalked by death in the form of floods, Boko Haram, bandits and sundry agents of death. Annually, on October 1, I insist that the world pauses to take a deep breath and acknowledge that an entity named Nigeria impinges on its consciousness. That’s the least I can ask for.

Wasted Generation

When, in 1984, the Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka wrote off his generation as “wasted”, quite a number of public commentators felt that he was being too harsh on his generation and that there were so many things to celebrate about the first set of high flying post-Independence Nigerian graduates and freshly minted members of the social elite. At that time, the entity called Nigeria was only 24 years old as an independent African nation.

His reasons were quite understandable: “I compare today with dreams and aspirations we had when we all rushed home after studies abroad. We considered ourselves the renaissance people that were going to lift the continent to world standards, competitors anywhere. It hasn’t happened.”

Soyinka’s frustration with how the achievements of his generation had fallen short of their dreams for Nigeria was further underlined as he elucidated: “After a quarter of a century of witnessing and occasionally participating in varied aspects of social struggle in all their shifting tempi, dimensions, pragmatic and sometimes even ideologically oriented goals, I feel at this moment that I can only describe my generation as the wasted generation, frustrated by forces which are readily recognisable, which can be understood and analysed but which nevertheless have succeeded in defying whatever weapons such ‘understanding’ has been able to muster towards their defeats.”

In the inexorable slide of Nigeria’s First Republic into the abyss of military autocracy and internecine war, politicians on all sides of the divide were casting lots as to what the future held for them. Those in government swore that Nigeria had never had it so good, even as the Western Region was in flames; and opposition elements averred that Nigeria had become a synonym for hell on earth. It was left to the Soyinkas of the time to be the conscience of the nation. And what a price they paid!

Sad to say, my own generation feels exactly the same way. In fact, we consider Soyinka’s generation as accomplished. The standards the older generation set for itself were so high and the opportunities available to it so many that when we came along, we could only scramble for what the older generation would have felt was infra dig, in terms of socio-political struggle and intellectual attainment.

Many of us grew up under the tutelage of the Soyinkas whom we adored and whose exploits helped to fire our imagination. Those of us who were student activists dedicated our youth to the struggle believing that we were part of a movement dedicated to helping Nigeria and the African continent to realise their twin destinies as the giant of Africa and the most resource-blessed continent in the world, respectively.

Dreams

At great risk, we spat in the fact of jackboot idiocy in the form of military dictators and their acolytes. We dreamt dreams, hoping that those aspirations would come to fruition sometime in the future to the glory of the fatherland. With hindsight now, those were our years of innocence. We were naive. We truly believed that if you worked for the good of the society and did good things based on good plans, the end result would be goodness and happiness all round.

We were wrong. Even the society on whose behalf we were supposed to be exerting ourselves was not as innocent as we imagined. For many of us, it hurt when we discovered that the society was not as innocent as we had thought.

The military had the yam and the knife; they sliced as they wished. They ate up the years that our generation would have held the reins of power. They stained the polity with their warped definitions of propriety, spreading their poison through a generous democratisation of corruption. Now, the whole society was tainted. The erstwhile “corrective” regime which came to set things right and reform the polity had itself become the problem, forming a coalition with the old political guards and luring new entrants into the politics of sleaze and self-aggrandisement.

The new political order being operated is fashioned after the image and likeness of its regimented inventors. It waddles like a duck, quacks like a duck and looks like a duck. No prize for guessing what it is.

Every four years, we pretend to choose new leaders or renew the tenancy of old ones. It’s a game of self-deceit in which we have all become adept. We demand a bribe from a candidate and then proceed to permit him to rig the ballot in our neck of the woods. Nothing goes for nothing. It’s an unspoken agreement. The politician knows he doesn’t owe the people anything. He had paid his dues during the campaigns.

The idealistic student activist of yore is a bundle of frustration. Viewed with suspicion by the political class and shunned by the younger generation for his “old school ideas”, he is angry that he can’t seem to fit into any grouping and may as well not be in existence as far as any kind of influence was concerned. He is alive but invisible. In a way, he’s relieved that he doesn’t have to live a lie. He can go to bed with a clean conscience. But then, so what!

Because time waits for no one, the principled Turk of yesteryear suddenly finds that he is not immortal. Tick says the clock; what you have to do, do quick! He can’t help noticing that many of the people he had looked up to in the past were fading away and that his own generation was fast racing towards the exit door of both irrelevance and death. He tries not to panic, but he knows that statistically, his generation is on its way out. It is not given to every man to live up to the 90s like the Soyinkas and the Anyaokus. He had better infuse whatever good he wanted to impart in the younger generation quickly through whatever means before he became a memory.

Time Running Out

And that is the challenge. Old age creeps in on him while he still has so many tasks undone. From the corner of his eye he notices that his country, Nigeria, is also greying at the temples. Sixty-four is a respectable, grandfatherly age. But Naija is still taking tentative steps and not yet living up to its billing as an adult.

Nations become strong and influential based on the sacrifices made by their citizens to position them for greatness. There is no international gold medal for graft. Those who drowned in River Tiber in order to save Rome can look back today from the heavens at the ancient city they saved from capture and beat their chests in self-congratulation.

Nigeria, socially dislocated and economically prostrate, is marking her 64th birthday in doleful circumstances. It can be truthfully said that Nigerians have never had it so rough, as far as the hard times are concerned. But we all live on a diet of hope, a promise that there is light at the end of this dark tunnel. As Robert Green Ingersoll declares, “Hope is the only bee that makes honey without flowers.”

It is that promise of hope that I hold aloft today as the only worthwhile gift to compatriots of all generations, wasted and yet-to-be-wasted, whether true nationalists or treasonous patriots; unwavering ‘abobakus’ or loyalist Judases. May your generations witness better days soaked in prosperity in the many decades ahead. May your reality be more glorious than ours.

Happy birthday, Nigeria!

HOW DOES IT WORK?

COMPETITION

The first time I saw the Pixel Fold and held it in my hands—almost a year ago in New York—I was impressed though not fully convinced. Earlier this year, I used the Pixel Fold again, this time at a Google store in Mountain View. While I spent more time with the device and liked what I saw, it still left many questions unanswered. Over the past year, I’ve tried and experienced foldables of all shapes and sizes, including concept and prototype devices, and my impressions of the Pixel Fold too have continued to evolve every time I used it.

Now, Google is back with the Pixel 9 Pro Fold (they aren’t calling it the Pixel Fold 2), another attempt to break into the foldable market with a much more mature product. I would say the second-generation Pixel Fold is still a work in progress, despite an improved design and a heavy dose of AI features. It shows the direction Google and others want to take with foldable smartphones, but they aren’t there yet—at least, not for now.

I have used the Pixel 9 Pro Fold for over two weeks, and here’s what impressed me about the foldable phone and what didn’t. 

Google Pixel 9 Pro Fold price in India (as reviewed): Rs 1,72,999

 

The 8-inch display is a massive amount of real estate. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Thinner and comfortable to use

By now, I have used foldable smartphones countless times, and each time, I get a strange feeling that makes me switch back to “normal” phones. I never felt that I could use them as my primary device because they can be uncomfortable to handle. However, the Pixel 9 Pro Fold felt different. I think its shape and size made it a little more comfortable to use—and that one change made a significant difference in how I view foldable phones.

I would say the Pixel 9 Pro Fold sits between the Samsung Galaxy Z Fold 6 and the OnePlus Open, among the two most popular foldables. In fact, the original Pixel Fold was short and wide like an actual passport. The new model, however, matches the size of the Pixel 9 Pro XL, making it closer to a regular smartphone that you and I are familiar with and accustomed to. However, that doesn’t mean the Pixel 9 Pro Fold feels like a “normal” phone—it clearly isn’t. After all, this is a foldable phone, and that’s a fundamental difference between the Pixel 9 Pro XL and the Pixel 9 Pro Fold. The two phones aren’t going to be the same, and you will definitely feel it once you start using the Pixel Fold.

Sure, the Pixel 9 Pro Fold is extremely thin and has the same 6.3-inch exterior screen as the Pixel 9 Pro, but it is also heavy. Still, the phone never feels awkward to hold—and by the way, I like devices that have a little heft and feel solid, which reminds me of the Nokia Communicator. The phone’s frame is made of aluminium, while the hinge has an aerospace-grade, high-strength aluminium alloy cover. The exterior display features a Corning Gorilla Glass Victus 2 cover. The rear panel is also Gorilla Glass; however, it’s matte instead of glossy. The rear-mounted camera sensors jut out in a rectangular module with rounded corners. You have the power and volume buttons on the right, the USB-C port, and the nano SIM slot at the bottom.

 

The Pixel 9 Pro Fold gives off the impression of two smartphones glued together. (Image Credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Unfortunately, which is also true for other high-end smartphones, the Pro Fold doesn’t come in fun colours, as it’s only available in Obsidian and Porcelain. I wonder why brands assume that ultra-premium smartphones shouldn’t come in bold colours and why only a luxurious foldable device like the Pixel 9 Pro Fold is deemed fit for an executive. Not cool, Google.

The Fold has a durability rating of IPX8 for water resistance, which is on par with other foldables, but it lacks a dust ingress rating due to the hinge. You can take the Pixel Fold to a swimming pool, but be careful, as the device’s internal screen is delicate and needs extra care if you want the phone to last longer.

The entire device sits flat when opened, which is commendable—kudos to the design team. There’s something blissful about a phone you can grip with one hand without worrying about dropping it, though I should mention getting a case as soon as you start using it. Nonetheless, it’s very satisfying to open the device and fold it shut. In fact, every time I close the Fold, it reminds me of the Nintendo 3DS XL. There’s something magical about the physicality of the device—the touch and feel, and the grip when the screen folds.

I spent most of my time using the phone’s exterior display. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Google takes a book-style approach with the Pixel 9 Pro Fold, similar to other foldables in the market. This is a popular form factor; like a book, you open the Pixel Fold to reveal a large, flexible 8-inch ultra-thin glossy piece of glass for the display. However, most of the time I used the device, my interactions were mainly with the 6.3-inch screen on the outside. In a way, this is a good thing, as I don’t have to open the tablet-like display all the time. I can actually use the cover display for WhatsApp, sending a text message or replying to Gmail. The cover display works perfectly in all of those scenarios and, if you need more room – well, you open the device.

 

Both displays are good for everyday tasks, but the 8-inch display OLED adds a significant amount of screen real estate. It is bright and sharp, as is the front display. The peak brightness of 2,700 nits allows users to read news articles and eBooks in bright sunlight. The interior display isn’t crease-free, though. The crease is definitely visible in the middle of the foldable, but it has never bothered me; it’s there, but it doesn’t impact daily usage.

The entire device sits completely flat when it’s open. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

The inner display opens many new possibilities

I have been asked many times how a foldable phone is different from a regular smartphone, and I would always say that it all comes down to a different form factor and the extra things you can do with a phone that has a foldable screen versus a device that doesn’t. By “different,” I don’t mean that a foldable will offer something completely new that your existing phone can’t do. However, a device like the Pixel 9 Pro Fold shines in three specific aspects—at least, those are what I found compelling enough.

First and foremost, the Pixel 9 Pro Fold feels superior as a tablet. I mean, just look at the 8-inch screen; it becomes an effortless tablet to carry around. During a trip to San Francisco last week, the Pixel 9 Pro Fold was the only tablet I packed in my bag. I watched the second season of Heartstopper on the device, and not for a second did I miss my iPad mini. I felt burden-free not having to carry an extra device on the trip. In the first few hours of the flight, I watched the show, and in the latter part, I listened to music on the Pixel 9 Pro Fold. It serves a dual purpose, which I think offers a compelling benefit of using a foldable phone.

The split-screen experience shines on this device. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Secondly, the Pixel 9 Pro Fold is a great eBook reader. Reading on the Kindle app is enjoyable for long hours. Third, certain apps — especially Google ones — take advantage of the larger screen on the Pixel 9 Pro Fold, resulting in a different experience. Google Calendar, for example, utilises the extra screen real estate, and you can actually feel the difference immensely. Another example is Google Meet, which lets you use all the cameras and screens, allowing the person you’re talking to to appear on the external screen so that others around you can see them too, instead of crowding around your phone. Some games also take advantage of the extra real estate and can customise your gaming experience accordingly.

 

The downside is that the list of games that support this feature is still very small.

I also liked how you can run two apps simultaneously on the inner screen. Sure, you can do the same on any smartphone, but the implementation is better on a foldable screen. Think of running a YouTube video on one side and Google News on the other, for example.

These are smartphone features, the things we all do on a phone. The difference is that on a foldable phone like the Pixel 9 Pro Fold, the experience is optimised for a large inner screen. However, not every app takes advantage of this. Just because the inner screen is considerably large doesn’t mean I would ditch my laptop or iPad Pro and start using the Pixel 9 Pro Fold as a replacement. Not really. It won’t surpass those devices, even though you can use a Bluetooth mouse and keyboard to get some work done. All I’m saying is that I would still prefer a laptop for writing long-form articles and get the real work done.

The Pixel 9 Pro Fold is great for reading news articles and e-books. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

But not everything about the Pixel 9 Pro Fold is perfect, especially on the software side. For instance, there’s an option that allows you to continue what you were doing in an app on the inner screen when you close the phone by swiping up on the outer screen. It works well, yes, but overall, Google hasn’t moved leaps and bounds with the software. I would say it’s an Android problem.

 

At times, I feel that the interface doesn’t adapt well to a foldable screen, resulting in an experience that feels more in tune for tablets. For instance, on a regular smartphone, there is no right or wrong way to hold the device and watch a YouTube video when screen autorotation is enabled. However, on the Pixel 9 Pro Fold, when I was watching a YouTube video on the inner screen, I had to be careful about holding the device correctly, as there was a high chance I might hold it incorrectly and break the screen. There should be a warning sign, but there isn’t.

I agree this is Google’s second foldable smartphone, and the company is still learning how to optimise the experience for new types of form factors. However, the bigger problem that remains unresolved is how to adapt the interface for foldable phones. If Google can’t solve it, I don’t think any other company will be able to.

The phone feels expensive in the hand, which matters when you spend this kind of money. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

AI overload is here

The Pixel 9 Pro Fold has all the AI features that Google is heavily marketing lately, but I feel we have reached a point where they might be overloading the smartphone experience. At least, that’s how I feel. You might not want to use all the AI features but Google keeps reminding you it has made the best AI smartphone.

Anyway, the AI features that the Pixel 9 Pro Fold comes with are similar to those available across the entire Pixel 9 series. These range from generating images in the Pixel Studio app and searching screenshots in the AI Screenshots app to using Magic Editor, which can “reimagine” a photo or insert objects using text prompts. Then there’s the new Gemini Live experience, which allows for fully conversational, flowing back-and-forth discussions. It used to be available as part of a $20/month Gemini Advanced subscription, which also included 2TB of cloud storage and Gemini features in Google Docs, Sheets, and Slides. When you buy any Pixel 9 Pro or 9 Pro XL (including the Fold), you get a one-year free trial of Gemini Advanced. However, Google recently announced that Gemini Live would be included for free going forward. Look, Gemini Live is fun, but it needs a bit of work. I feel that it’s too slow to truly qualify as a real back-and-forth conversation, for now.

 

The Pixel 9 Pro Fold launches with Android 14, but Google will upgrade the device to Android 15. ( Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Pretty powerful but the battery life could have been better

The device has Google’s proprietary Tensor G4 chip, 16GB of RAM, and 256GB of storage. I’m not into benchmarking and really don’t make too much fuss about the processor type or who made it; all I care about is how the phone feels on a day-to-day basis. The Pixel Fold performs similarly to the Pixel 9 Pro XL; it’s snappy and handles two apps on screen simultaneously. I feel that every smartphone I’ve reviewed this year is fast, and frankly, we have reached peak smartphone performance some time ago.

As for battery life, Google has squeezed in a 4,650 mAh cell. Despite having two screens, the Fold’s battery lasts a day, but don’t expect it to stretch beyond that. That’s for sure. A full charge takes about 96 minutes using a 45W USB-C charger (which is not included in the box).

There’s a lot to love about the Pixel 9 Pro Fold. The fun factor can’t be overlooked. ( Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Great cameras

The Pixel Fold’s camera houses three sensors and a flash. The primary sensor offers 48 megapixels with optical image stabilisation; the wide-angle lens delivers 10.5 MP outputs, while the 5x telephoto lens has 10.8 MP on offer. During the trip to San Francisco, I spent a lot of time with the camera, and I can confirm that the device produces amazing snaps. As I always say, the camera aspect is subjective, but yes, I am a huge fan of Pixel photography. You can expect a great ultra-wide lens, 5x optical zoom, and a brilliant night mode. The Pixel Fold’s camera stands out on its own; however, I felt the Pixel 9 Pro XL has a Midas touch when it comes to cameras. Nevertheless, the Pixel Fold has a versatile camera, and the results speak for themselves.

[indianexpress]

There was a time when former Edo State Governor, Adams Oshiomhole, and his successor, Governor Godwin Obaseki, were united in a show of political companionship. For instance in 2016, for both political figures were the talk of the town when alongside Godwin Obaseki, his successor, he patronized a roadside corn seller. The camaraderie displayed by both, 8 years down the line, remains spectacularas men chewed roasted corn publicly and smiled for the cameras.

Against the foregoing backdrop, a Facebook user, OshiokeAudu, ostensibly in the mood of reminiscence recently posted the picture on a Facebook Page, and captioned it thus: “Be careful who you eat Corn with, Corn today fit turn Corn-flict tomorrow!”

Without a doubt, the memorable image from Benin City captured them eating roasted corn on the streets, a humble act that resonated with the people. In that moment, they symbolized unity, shared goals, and connection to the grassroots, what could be described as true “corn-panionship.”

But that unity has since unraveled. The street snack that once bound them now stands as a bitter reminder of their fractured relationship. Today, Oshiomhole and Obaseki find themselves at odds, caught in a fierce political “corn-flict.” What began as a close bond has soured into rivalry, and their once shared vision for Edo State has been overshadowed by personal and political differences.

In fact, in politics, alliances are often fragile, and what seems like a solid partnership can quickly disintegrate. Oshiomhole and Obaseki were once tightly aligned, much like the kernels of corn they ate together. Their “corn-panionship” was built on mutual respect, trust, and the desire to govern Edo State effectively. Oshiomhole, a political godfather figure, had backed Obaseki’s rise to power, ensuring that his successor would carry forward his legacy.

But as time passed, the bond between them began to weaken. Political ambitions and the desire for control led to tensions beneath the surface. Just like the kernels on a cob can be separated, so too did their political relationship fall apart. Their “corn-flict” emerged, and what was once a display of unity turned into a public feud. The rift between Oshiomhole and Obaseki is now one of the most prominent examples of how political friendships can quickly dissolve into bitter rivalries.

The transition from “cornpanions” to opponents was swift. Oshiomhole, who had once championed Obaseki’s gubernatorial bid, became one of his most vocal critics. The fallout seemed inevitable, as both men pursued different paths and their interests began to clash. Oshiomhole, with his strongman approach to politics, clashed with Obaseki’s growing desire for independence as governor.

The political rift escalated, leading to Oshiomhole’s ousting as National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Obaseki’s departure from the party altogether. What was once a harmonious relationship became a fierce political battleground, with both men vying for control and influence over Edo’s political landscape. The “corn-flict” became symbolic of the larger power struggle between a godfather and his estranged protégé.

While the political elite engages in these personal battles, it is the people of Edo State who feel the brunt of the conflict. The energy once channeled towards governance has been redirected into maintaining political supremacy. Projects and policies that could improve the lives of ordinary citizens are often stalled or overshadowed by the drama of political infighting. In the end, it is the people who suffer when leaders allow their personal grievances to take center stage.

This “corn-flict” serves as a cautionary tale of how power can corrupt even the most seemingly solid alliances. The focus of governance shifts from serving the public to settling scores. The image of Oshiomhole and Obaseki once eating corn together now stands in stark contrast to the divided leadership that has ensued in the wake of their fallout.

The story of Oshiomhole and Obaseki is a warning to other political leaders. What began as camaraderie and a shared sense of purpose soon devolved into animosity and division. Their once strong bond disintegrated not only because of personal ambitions but also due to a failure to prioritize the greater good. When politicians allow personal interests to overshadow the needs of the people, governance suffers, and so does the public trust.

There is an important caution here for those who hold public office: Political alliances should never be taken for granted. As fragile as kernels of corn bound together on a cob, these relationships require constant nurturing, transparency, and humility. Leaders must be careful not to let the intoxicating nature of power blind them to the promises they made to the people. Failure to do so, as seen in the Oshiomhole-Obaseki fallout, can lead to betrayal and a collapse in governance.

Leaders across Nigeria should reflect on this “corn-flict” and take heed of the dangers of letting political strife get in the way of effective leadership. It serves as a reminder that politics is not a game of personal vendettas but a commitment to public service. Leaders should prioritize unity, collaboration, and the well-being of their constituents over ego-driven battles that only serve to divide.

Though divided by conflict today, there remains the possibility of reconciliation. Just as corn is replanted each season, alliances can be mended. For the good of Edo State, both Oshiomhole and Obaseki could choose to set aside their differences and return to the sense of public service that first united them. The corn they once shared could serve as a symbol of healing, rather than division, if they choose to refocus on their responsibilities to the people they govern.

This caution should also extend beyond Edo State. As Nigeria navigates its complex political landscape, the leaders of today should remember that public office is not a personal fiefdom but a sacred trust. Leaders must learn to rise above petty squabbles and deliver on the promises they made to the people.

The journey of Oshiomhole and Obaseki from “corn-panions” to adversaries is one that should serve as a lesson to others. Political friendships, like kernels on a cob, may seem closely aligned but can quickly fall apart under pressure. The “corn-flict” that has now defined their relationship should remind leaders everywhere that power and ambition, if not checked, can lead to unnecessary divisions that ultimately harm the people they are meant to serve.

At the end of the day, the humble corn they ate on the streets of Benin symbolized unity and service to the people. That spirit of “corn-panionship” should guide them now, if they can recognize that the conflicts of today need not define the legacies of tomorrow.

Leaders must tread carefully, for the seeds of division are easily sown. It is only by nurturing the bonds of “cornpanionship” that they can avoid the kind of “corn-flict” that erodes both leadership and trust.

Britain's competition regulator said on Friday Amazon's artificial intelligence partnership with startup Anthropic will not be referred for a deeper probe as it did not raise competition concerns.

The Competition and Markets Authority said the partnership, which includes a $4 billion investment by Amazon in Anthropic, did not qualify for investigation under Britain's merger regulations.

"We welcome the UK's Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) decision acknowledging its lack of jurisdiction regarding this collaboration," an Amazon spokesperson said in response to the regulator's decision.

The regulator has also cleared a similar collaboration between

Microsoft and Inflection AI.

However, Alphabet's partnership with Anthropic is still under scrutiny.

"Anthropic is an independent company and our strategic partnerships and investor relationships do not diminish our corporate governance independence or freedom to partner with others," an Anthropic spokesperson told Reuters on Friday.

Anthropic, which was co-founded by former OpenAI executives and siblings Dario and Daniela Amodei, has received billions of dollars in investments from several tech giants.

Antitrust regulators around the world have increasingly raised concerns over multiple deals struck between smaller industry startups and big tech companies.

[economictimes]

China is re-enforcing efforts to encourage domestic companies to favour homegrown artificial intelligence (AI) chips over Jensen Huang’s Nvidia advanced semiconductors.

This is to bolster its semiconductor industry and counteract the effects of US-imposed sanctions, according sources who spoke to Bloomberg.

In recent months, Beijing has issued informal directives, advising Chinese companies to reduce their reliance on Nvidia’s H20 chips, which are widely used in AI development.

Although the guidance stops short of an outright ban, it forms part of China’s broader objective to strengthen its technological self-reliance, while cautiously navigating ongoing tensions with the United States, insiders report.

The pressure reflects Beijing’s ambition to accelerate the market share growth of domestic chipmakers such as Cambricon Technologies and Huawei, positioning them as viable alternatives to foreign suppliers. This comes amid heightened concerns over potential further restrictions on US technology exports to China.

What we know 

The move follows similar measures earlier this year, where Chinese electric vehicle manufacturers were encouraged to source more components from domestic producers, as the country seeks to reduce its dependence on foreign technologies.

Shares of Nvidia, the world’s most valuable chipmaker, fell by up to 3.9% on Friday following the reports. Nvidia has seen its stock surge over 100% this year, driven by booming demand for its AI processors globally, despite ongoing trade restrictions.

Beijing’s guidance, while non-binding, aligns with a broader industrial policy aimed at safeguarding China’s access to critical technologies. The US government has already banned Nvidia from selling its most advanced AI chips to Chinese customers, forcing the company to modify its products to comply with export control regulations. Nvidia’s H20 line, designed to meet these requirements, remains a key product in China’s AI sector.

What you should know 

Despite the growing push to use local chips, Beijing is still prepared to allow companies to purchase foreign semiconductors if necessary to remain competitive in the global AI race, sources added.

Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang, addressing the ongoing situation, said that the company is committed to supporting its Chinese customers within the confines of US regulations. “We have a lot of customers in China who depend on us, and we’ll do our best to support them,” Huang said in an interview with Bloomberg.

China remains a significant market for Nvidia, contributing 12% of its total revenue in the July quarter, amounting to approximately $3.7 billion. However, the company’s CFO Colette Kress acknowledged that trade restrictions have impacted Nvidia’s market share in China, although demand remains robust.

While Chinese chipmakers are making progress, their AI processors still lag behind Nvidia’s offerings. Beijing has committed billions of dollars in subsidies to accelerate domestic semiconductor development, but the technology gap remains a challenge.

Nevertheless, China’s AI sector continues to flourish. Tech giants like ByteDance and Alibaba, along with a wave of emerging startups, are investing heavily in AI innovation.

Despite the regulatory push, some Chinese companies are discreetly purchasing Nvidia chips, anticipating further US sanctions by year-end, while simultaneously increasing their procurement of domestic alternatives to align with Beijing’s directives.

[Nairametrics]

Operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) have carried out a midnight raid on private hostels of Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto (UDUS), leading to the arrest of several students in the early hours of Saturday.

The raid reportedly occurred in the Kwakwalawa and Gidan Yaro communities, areas predominantly populated by university students in Sokoto. According to eyewitness accounts, the EFCC operatives stormed the hostels around 4am, indiscriminately arresting multiple students.

One student recounted, “They came at dawn, entered our rooms, and began arresting us without any explanation.” The EFCC was yet to issue a statement regarding the raid or provide reasons for the arrests.

The incident mirrored a similar raid that took place in February at the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA) in Ondo State, where EFCC officials arrested students in a midnight operation targeting hostels outside the campus. During that operation, students’ lodges in the Orita Obele and Road Block areas were raided around 2am, with operatives breaking into rooms and arresting occupants.

Several FUTA students initially mistook the EFCC operatives for kidnappers due to the aggressive nature of the raid. According to reports, the officials—who were from the Benin Zonal office of the commission—allegedly destroyed property and subjected many students to physical assault, including female students.

LEADERSHIP also recalls that following the incident, the executive chairman of EFCC, Ola Olukoyede, issued a directive barring operatives of the anti-graft Commission from midnight raids.

[Leadership]

The immediate past Head of Civil Service of the Federation, Folasade Yemi-Esan has revealed that her greatest challenge while in service was the resistance of civil servants to reforms.

The former HoS spoke at a dinner in her honour by the Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation which took place in Abuja.

She explained that civil servants showed serious resistance to new reforms introduced during her tenure, particularly the resistance to change old ways of doing things.

Her words: “Convincing them to accept better way of doing things was a mountainous challenge. You know the initial reaction to anything new is resistance. To convince civil servants to accept our reforms was a big challenge.

She also highlighted how collaboration was instrumental in facilitating digitalization efforts within the civil service, and called for understanding with civil servants and greater collaboration between the public and private sectors to enhance civil service reforms.

“First of all, before we talk about legacies, I just want to acknowledge and thank God for the success. It is not what any human being could have done, so I acknowledge the help of God. The partnerships especially with the Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation, helped a great deal. They provided both personnel expertise and funding.

“But we were able to convince them by communication. We had communication with different stakeholders to ensure that they bought into the vision and what we were trying to do.

Earlier in his remarks, the Chairman of the Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation, Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, praised the former HoS for her commitment and leadership.

He also conveyed a message from former President Olusegun Obasanjo who praised Yemi-Esan for her dedication and efficient management during her tenure.

[DailyTrust]