In this piece, I want to pay critical attention to the reform significance of the relationship between what has been called the “cult of the generalists,” on the one hand, and the necessity for more of a cadre of specialist or professionals given the imperative demand of the knowledge age, on the other. This discourse might appear academic at first glance. However, we immediately grasp its significance when we understand that a civil service system that must anticipate the challenges of the future needs to adequately articulate a governance, strategic and operational managerial framework that has the capability of preparing the civil service for such a future. How does this distinction affect the way we think about development on the continent? It does because it is intimately connected with the evolving nature of work, and how work mediate the significance and urgency of national productivity. The nature of work in the twenty-first century has changed drastically. Work is no longer place-based and full-time/lifetime vocation. It is now more remote-based, and attended by all sorts of dynamics. 

This therefore brings to the fore the imperative of connecting this changing workplace with the traditional understanding of the public service in public administration studies. How a public service performs, therefore, has a lot to do with how the business model of the public service is organized and connected with the developmental framework of the state. When the Northcote-Trevelyan Report of 1854 was submitted, as part of the reform effort to transform the operational basis of the British Civil Service, it was founded on one of four significant premises:

• “Entrants should not be recruited for life into a specific department but would enter a Home Civil Service that would facilitate inter-departmental staff transfers. Civil servants, therefore, would need to have had a general education and to be generalist rather than specialist in their knowledge and experience.

One critical implication of this development is the emergence of the cadre system which served as the basis for the establishment of a generalist class—administrative, executive and clerical—as the top administrative echelon of the civil service system in a descending hierarchical order of responsibilities and qualifications. This elite administrative echelon was solely responsible for policy initiation and implementation. 

In its Nigerian incarnation, the Administrative Staff College of Nigeria (ASCON) offers three streams of general management courses, for professionals and administrators, that appeals to the lower, middle and top management cadres. These courses are “general” in the sense that they have nothing to do with the specialized training that participants and officers have as professionals before attending. The assumption behind the general management courses is that while an officer could remain a specialist until she gets to GL 14, advancing to the top management position requires taking on more general management responsibilities that demands more multidimensional financial, human and managerial imperatives. Thus, whether a generalist-administrator or core professional, becoming a top management officer is a status that leans more to general management, and is preparatory to becoming a permanent secretary—a position that makes the officer simultaneously a chief administrative officer, chief policy adviser and chief accounting officer. 

The relationship between the cult of generalists that the Nigerian civil service system inherited from the British and the necessity of specialized and professional competence is one significant tension that the system has to contend with in terms of institutional reform. The colonial structure of the civil service was first addressed by the Gorsuch Commission of 1956 which recommended the creation of a cadre division of civil service personnel corresponding to general education standard of the period. The four divisions were: sub-clerical and sub-technical; clerical and technical; executive and higher technical; and administrative and professional. Each of these divisions was further divided into cadres. The professional class contained cadres like engineering, education, law, accountants, medical, etc. On the other hand, the contribution of the 1959 Newns Commission was the introduction of a Westminster organizational model which is more compatible with a ministerial framework. The Newns Commission recommended the grafting of the ministerial structures on the colonial departmental structure. This new arrangement, for instance, created the position of the permanent secretary on whom the Minister could depend on all decisional and administrative matters, especially those bothering on specific technical needs that require liaising with the professional heads of department. 

Unfortunately, however, this wholesale transplantation of the Westminster model—the most significant underlying structural arrangement of the Nigerian civil service system till date—has constantly frustrated almost all reform intentions and implementation because it failed to take the peculiarity of the Nigerian context into consideration. The cadre system created a subsisting conflict between the generalists and the specialists, and this inevitably led to the tension that subverted service delivery efficiency in the departments. Within this system, key operational tasks are undertaken by generalist officers who have no expertise in the area. And this leaves the system weakened in terms of the urgent need for a specialist section with requisite professional qualification that matches competence with specific job and task. To cite a rather critical example, a very large proportion of the workforce at the Federal Civil Service Commission is made up of pool of generalist-officers who are without sufficient knowledge and expertise that could enable them deploy fundamental concepts and models in the field of HRM and public administration to bring professionalism to bear on their job. And this leaves a significant gap in terms of professionally trained and certified HR practitioners that are trained to take on specialized functions and tasks. Working under the influence of the Fulton Report of 1968, the Udoji Commission report made a valiant effort to dislodge the cult of generalists by recommending—under the burden of performance management, central to the managerial revolution sweeping public administration—the infusion of the public service with new professionals and specialists whose competences can be contracted to specific performance task within a result-oriented management system. The fundamental dimensions of the Udoji Report dealing with managerial dynamics were not implemented, unfortunately.

The generalist-specialist controversy is not unique to public administration. It pervades the entirety of the managerial structure of both the public and private management, as well as executive government. And this is because it impinges on workplace efficiency and performance management. Within public administration, government organizations possess a strong preference for recruiting public officers with broad-based and multidisciplinary knowledge over those public officers—the specialists—with professional expertise and competences in specific fields and areas. This “cult of generalists” derives from a general belief in management and administration that a generalist approach is superior for managing complex policy issues and navigating diverse government functions, even when highly technical knowledge might be required. In the private sector, the concern is not different. The workplace of the twenty-first century is leaning more in the direction of multidimensional expertise—a sort of Jack-of-all-trade. Indeed, there is the argument that generalists provide “marginal value”—the extra value that people are willing to pay, far above the value that specialist create. And this is because generalist appeal more to the general population, and specifically the general managerial requirement of any institution or organization. In both the public and the private sectors, the general manager is denoted by six fundamental tasks: (a) shaping and reshaping the workplace and its many environments, like dictating the performance standard, business concepts and personnel values; (b) designing strategic vision and mission; (c) strategically putting the available resources together; (d) attracting and harnessing the high performing managers and staff; (e) dealing with structural, institutional and organizational dynamics, decisions, and problems that anticipate future challenges; (f) supervising day-to-day operations and implementation of organizational decisions. 

I suspect, however, that no matter the acclamation for a generalist orientation in the public and private sectors, or even the argument for the specialists in government, arguing for either of them is in bad taste. Every organization or institution requires both. It is as simple as that. The reality of effective managerial presence in the public service requires that the generalist and the specialist possess a bit of competences required in the other’s domain, and this involve a range of subsidiary skills, for instance in policy analysis and project management. For instance, there is no generalist that would have any justifiable excuse not to have some significant and specialist expertise aside the general management skills. This is the core reason why core bureaucratic skills that were the competences of generalist administrators are now actively being professionalized. These include  economists, planners, procurement, records management, financial management and accounting systems, Human Resources, organization, operations and management research and management research, knowledge and talent management, training administration, HR information system, ICT, policy research and analysis, statistics and data management, decision science, investment planning and promotion, project management, negotiation, crisis and conflict resolution, strategic planning, pension management, PPPs, and so on. 

And on the other hand, to be an efficient professional public manager and administrator demands some significant generalist competences not only in people management but also some core establishment issues, especially in the management of the policy process and strategic planning. Such a specialist public administrator must have significant experience and expertise in the management of the five Ms of management: men (HR), money (finance), methods (management techniques), machine (technology), and materials (inventory, stocks and procurement). 

To offset the low efficiency and performance quotient of the system as well as the diminished managerial creativity of public officers, we need to insist, as a matter of regulatory gatekeeping, that every officer aspiring to top leadership positions in the civil service must acquire core specialist and generalist competency, and the system must see to it that officers are sufficiently rounded in these skills as part of professional development and leadership pipelining to top administrative level positions. This is a recognition of the fact that on the one hand, the civil service is not just an academic/intellectual space where candidates dazzle with erudition and breathe of intellectual rather than getting things done which is the core of bureaucratic professionalism. And on the other hand, running the business of government demands a whole multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary cocktail menu of a mix of strategic, tactical and operational skills.

⁠The reform program and strategy that must undermine the fundamental structural bases of administrative and managerial operation in the Nigerian civil service system must factor this understanding of the generalist-specialist dynamics and relationship into consideration. Taking them as adversarial opposites will not work for reform.   

Benue State Governor, Hyacinth Alia, has distanced himself from the protest held against the state’s Chief Judge, Justice Maurice Ikpembese, for relocating the Benue Local Government Election Petitions Tribunal from Benue to Abuja.

Hundreds of demonstrators from Benue State took to the streets of Abuja on Monday, for a peaceful protest from the National Assembly to the Supreme Court to express their outrage over the Benue CJ’s decision.

Justice  Ikpembese had on March 5 ordered the relocation of the  Benue Local Government Election Petitions Tribunal from Benue to Abuja, citing safety concerns.

The tribunal is currently handling disputes arising from the Benue State Local Government elections conducted on October 5, 2024.

The Benue State Government, through the Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice and Public Order, Mr. Fidelis Mnyim, had questioned the CJ’s unilateral decision, noting that neither the governor nor his office had been formally notified.

But in an interview with The PUNCH on Monday,  Governor Alia’s Chief Press Secretary, Kula Tersoo, distanced his principal from the protest against the CJ.

Tersoo said, “How can the government sponsor a protest when people listen to the news and read papers and they are enlightened and might have seen how court cases turned political?

“The government stands to gain nothing in sponsoring a protest; rather it is focused on channeling resources to infrastructural development in the state.

“It’s unfortunate that the state Chief Judge has to go public, that he selected tough people to sit on election petition tribunal.”

Also speaking with The PUNCH, the Chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association, Makurdi branch, Terna Yaji, lamented how the tribunal case had been politicised.

Yaji decried the conflicting orders by the Federal High Court sitting in Makurdi and the High Court in Abuja stating that such orders had created uncertainty.

“The Federal High Court in Makurdi and High Court in Abuja judicial division are giving conflicting orders, and in this cas,e there is uncertainty. But the latest order should take pre-eminence.

“It is unfortunate that the court case has become a political case and this is what we have been saying that we should not allow politicians to interfere in court cases.”

The political tension comes in the wake of an earlier attempt by the Benue State Government to remove the CJ over allegations of misconduct and corruption.

The Benue State House of Assembly, acting on a petition from Governor Alia, had recommended Justice Ikpembese’s removal, a move that was resisted by the National Judicial Council and the NBA.

On Monday,  scores of placard-bearing protesters, condemned the CJ’s action, relocating the tribunal from Benue to the NBA secretariat in Abuja.

Addressing journalists during the protest, the convener of the group, Igwe Ude-Umanta, faulted the Benue CJ for unilaterally granting a waiver to petitioners of the Local Government Election Tribunal, violating the constitutional requirement for a security deposit.

Ude-Umanta also blamed Justice M.M. Adamu of the FCT High Court 34 for issuing an order compelling the tribunal to sit in Abuja, despite a previous court order restraining the tribunal from sitting outside Benue State.

The protesters called on the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, to intervene urgently in the crisis and expunge corrupt judges from the Nigerian judiciary.

They also urged President Bola Tinubu to take immediate action to address the crisis and ensure that justice is served.

“Today, we are here as concerned Nigerians who believe in the rule of law. Our democracy is in clear danger, and the Honourable Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, must save it.

“We are here today to submit a petition against Justice Maurice Ikpembese and Justice M. M. Adamu, who, by their actions, have converted the title of Justice to injustice. It behooves the Chief Justice of Nigeria to expunge corrupt judges from the judiciary to restore its integrity.

“We also call on President Bola Tinubu not to fold his arm and watch the judiciary go down. The Benue situation is the worst at the moment because the petitioners did not even participate in any of the process of the election.”

Recall that the Chief Judge of Benue State, Justice Maurice Ikpembese, had earlier ordered the relocation of the tribunal from Makurdi to Nigeria Bar Association House, Abuja due to insecurity.

But the sitting of the panel, which should have started in Abuja on March 10, was put on hold due to a restraining order by a Federal High Court sitting in Makurdi.

The court directed that the election petition tribunal should hold in Benue State, against Justice Ikpembese’s ruling.

However, the ruling All Progressives Congress approached the FCT High Court in Abuja with a prayer that the panel be relocated to Abuja as earlier ordered by the Benue Chief Judge.

Granting the prayer on Friday, Justice Adamu directed the tribunal to continue to conduct its sitting at the NBA House in Abuja.

The court also restrained the tribunal from sitting in Benue State.

[Punch]

Africans could be incredibly hard on themselves. We complain about bad leadership, corruption, the economy, the weather and even our accent. But the continent continues to record noticeable achievements in key sectors. Take intra-African trade, for example. Decades ago, we rarely had anything to buy from one another. But according to Afrexim Bank, in 2023, despite a volatile global economic landscape, intra-African trade remained resilient, standing as a beacon of hope for sustainable development in Africa.

It grew at 7.2% year-on-year, reaching $192 billion, which accounted for 15% of total African trade in 2023, up from 13.6% from the previous year. Although this is a notable triumph, African business leaders are not resting on their oars. They want to trade more amongst themselves; break down barriers that keep us from visiting each other more freely and integrate the continent into a large economic bloc. But there are important challenges to overcome before the continent could deepen its intra tade volume.

Last week, Access Bank Plc hosted the inaugural Africa Trade Conference in Cape Town, South Africa, bringing together industry leaders, policymakers, and trade experts to drive solutions for accelerating intra-African trade and unlocking the continent’s economic potential. The conference tackled critical challenges, including limited access to capital, market information gaps, trust deficits between trading partners, and the urgent need for modernised trade infrastructure.

Roosevelt Ogbonna, the bank’s managing director/CEO delivered the opening remarks, setting the tone for discussions by highlighting the critical barriers hindering trade across Africa. He emphasised the urgent need for financial sector collaboration to facilitate seamless access to capital and foster a business environment where African enterprises can scale and compete globally.

“We must invest in the initiatives that ensure that we can bring businesses together, forge trust, and create the connections necessary for trade. In doing so, we must stamp out the narrative that ‘Made in Africa’ is inferior to any product made anywhere else in the world. We must buy Africa, be proud to wear Africa, and invest in Africa because that is what the continent needs to leap forward into the next generation,” Ogbonna stated.

He highlighted the need for Africa to take control of its economic destiny by fostering deeper collaboration, investing in financial infrastructure, and creating home grown solutions that drive sustainable growth.

Ogbonna underscored the shifting dynamics of global trade and increasing need for Africa to look inward. The world, he noted, has become more fragmented, with rising nationalist tendencies and supply chain disruptions that have disproportionately impacted the continent. These challenges, he argued, present an opportunity for Africa to strengthen its trade networks, support local businesses, and build the resilience needed to compete on a global scale.

However, for this vision to become a reality, several structural barriers must be addressed. One of the critical issues is the challenges businesses face in securing capital. While many African enterprises have the ambition to scale, the excessive cost of financing often inhibits their ability to expand. He advocated a financial services sector that is designed to empower businesses, making capital more accessible and affordable.

His words: “Many businesses on the continent struggle to find capital or access to capital and the right structure of capital, and when they do find it, the cost of capital is so significant that it makes it unbelievably expensive for them to be able to raise capital and still do business competitively. That has to change. We have to create a financial services sector that empowers businesses, one that makes it easier and seamless for businesses to be able to access capital, to able to invest in growth, invest in innovation, and of course, the muscle they need to expand beyond their local boundaries. It is clear that we need to create a network of Africa financial giants who are willing to create home grown solutions to support the continent in achieving the objectives that we have set for ourselves.”

Beyond financial constraints, limited access to market intelligence remains a major hurdle. Many African businesses lack the necessary insights to identify trade opportunities beyond their local markets. Leveraging technology to enhance information-sharing can bridge this gap, enabling businesses to make informed decisions and seize growth prospects across the continent.

Apart from capital, Ogbonna highlighted the critical role of access to information. Many businesses struggle to find the data and intelligence necessary to make informed decisions and identify opportunities beyond their national borders. He stressed that leveraging technology to bridge this gap will be instrumental in driving cross-border trade and creating a more connected Africa. He also addressed the issue of trust between trading partners, noting that historic challenges, inconsistent regulations, and varying standards have contributed to a lack of confidence in intra-Africa trade.

Overcoming this scepticism, he affirmed, requires deliberate efforts to harmonise standards, foster cooperation, and shift perceptions about the quality of African goods and services. He urged African businesses to take pride in what they produce, invest in local industries, and reject the notion that products made on the continent are inferior to those from elsewhere.

There is also the urgent need to modernise Africa’s trade routes and infrastructure. Drawing on historical examples, he pointed out that Africa once had well-established trade corridors that connected it to the Middle East and Asia. Today, however, inefficient transport networks and regulatory bottlenecks make it easier for businesses in Angola to trade with Portugal than with South Africa or Nigeria. He called for a renewed commitment to building the infrastructure and regulatory frameworks necessary to facilitate seamless trade across the continent, ensuring that goods, services, and capital can move freely between African nations.

The Access Bank Africa Trade Conference represents a significant step toward fostering dialogue, building partnerships, and driving policy initiatives that support Africa’s economic transformation. As the continent continues to navigate global uncertainties, events like this serve as a reminder that Africa’s future lies in its ability to collaborate, innovate, and build a sustainable trade ecosystem that benefits all.

With Africa’s population projected to surge to 2.5 billion by 2050 from 1.2 billion, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) stands as the most significant free trade initiative since the formation of the World Trade Organisation. By fostering economic integration, AfCFTA has the potential to reshape trade dynamics across the continent, creating a unified market that enhances industrialisation, boosts employment, and strengthens Africa’s global competitiveness.

Recognising this transformative opportunity, Wamkele K. Mene, Secretary-General of AfCFTA, emphasised the urgency of fully implementing the agreement to unlock its immense benefits.

He said: “The AfCFTA is not just a trade agreement; it is an instrument for Africa’s industrialisation and economic sovereignty. It is a tool that will enable us to break down historic trade barriers and build an Africa that is self-sufficient, competitive, and prosperous. But for this to happen, we must commit to operationalising the agreement fully, ensuring that businesses, particularly SMEs and women-led enterprises, have access to the information, capital, and platforms they need to thrive.”

Also, Kanayo Awani, Executive Vice President of Afreximbank, emphasised the importance of financing mechanisms that support African businesses in their expansion across borders. She reaffirmed Afreximbank’s commitment to championing trade finance solutions and infrastructure investments that will unlock Africa’s trade potential.

“At Afreximbank, we understand that trade finance is the lifeblood of economic development. Without it, businesses cannot scale, industries cannot innovate, and Africa cannot fully realise its trade potential. This is why we have developed instruments such as the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) to facilitate seamless transactions across borders, reducing reliance on foreign currencies and strengthening intra-African trade,” Awani remarked.

The conference featured an insightful testimonial from Nathalie Louat, Global Director at the IFC/World Bank Group, who pointed out the pivotal role of trade finance in enabling cross-border transactions and supporting financial inclusion. She underscored the long-standing partnership between IFC and Access Bank in fostering Africa’s economic resilience.

Several high-level panel discussions explored strategies to overcome trade barriers and enhance market access through innovative solutions. Experts from leading institutions, including Deutsche Bank, Traydstream, OWP Partners, Fiducia International, and more, examined how infrastructure improvements, digital solutions, and policy harmonisation could drive economic growth and boost intra-African trade.

Dr. Marc Auboin from the World Trade Organization (WTO) shared key insights on how digital transformation is reshaping Africa’s supply chain landscape, creating efficiency and unlocking new global market opportunities. Tanya Dos Santos-Ford from GIBS Business School also led a session on sustainable trade practices, emphasising the need for environmentally responsible economic growth strategies.

The event culminated in an awards ceremony recognising outstanding contributions to intra-African trade and economic transformation. Tradepass Commodities Limited (Ghana), Chemaf International FZE (DR Congo), and Harvest Group of Companies (Zambia) were honoured for their impact on SMEs and women-led trade enterprises. Bulkstream Limited (Kenya) and Electricidade de Moçambique (Mozambique) received awards for advancing intra-African trade, while Tennant Metals South Africa Pty Ltd was recognised as an Emerging Leader in Trade.

The International Finance Corporation (IFC) was awarded the Climate Finance Leadership Award, while Afreximbank received the Champion of Intra-African Trade Award. The African Development Bank (AfDB) and Africa Finance Corporation (AFC) were celebrated for their roles in economic transformation and infrastructure finance, respectively.

The prestigious African Icon Award was presented to IHS Group, Dangote Industries Limited, and MTN Group Limited for their significant contributions to Africa’s economic progress. As the conference ended, Seyi Kumapayi, Executive Director, African Subsidiaries at Access Bank, reaffirmed the institution’s commitment to supporting trade finance, fostering regional integration, and championing policies that create an enabling environment for businesses across Africa.

[TheCable]

Senate President Godswill Akpabio has hinted that the Electoral Act 2022 will be amended to include statutory delegates in political parties’ primaries slated for next year ahead of the 2027 elections.

Akpabio spoke in Abuja on Monday during a meeting with the leadership of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA).

The senate president said the omission of statutory delegates from primaries of political parties in the Electoral Act was a mistake that must be corrected before the next general election.

“There were defects in the last Electoral Act that was amended,” Akpabio said.

“So, we want to cure some of the defects that we found in our electoral system. I can tell you one.

“Without any particular intention of the parliament, in the 2023 elections and the 2022 primaries, we inadvertently, created what I may call super-delegates.

“Because all the statutory delegates, starting from the president, the vice-president, the governors, deputy governors, the senate president, deputy senate president, speaker, deputy speaker, members of parliament, national, sub-national, chairman of councils, and all, were omitted as delegates.

“These are areas that we think we can look at in order to make our democracy more participatory. Because democracy is all about numbers.”

Akpabio noted that with the current Electoral Act, a delegate is not welcome to the primaries, “unless you contested to be an ad hoc delegate to select flag bearers of the legislative houses, governorship, and then, of course, flag bearer of the presidential conventions in all the political parties across the country”.

He said the senate will also look at the powers given to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), “as the last arbiter as to who decides who is a candidate and not the political parties”.

The senate president said political parties should have the power to select candidates that will best serve their manifestos, “and have the integrity to represent their people and have a track record of performance to deliver the dividends of democracy to the people”.

Speaking earlier, Afam Osigwe, the NBA president, told Akpabio that the national assembly should ensure judicial reforms in the ongoing constitutional amendment.

[TheCable]

... lauds Gov Abiodun's Vision, Policies on attracting investment to Ogun State

President Bola Tinubu’s decision to end the roughly forty (40) years of subsidizing petrol pump prices on the very day of his inauguration—May 29, 2023—is a prime example of the use of executive orders, one of the three (3) legitimate tools of governance. Subsequently, the long-standing policy of maintaining a fixed exchange rate for the naira against foreign currencies, which had been in place for several decades, was also discontinued.

As a consequence of these two (2) drastic reform measures implemented through executive orders, the Nigerian economy went into a tailspin, recording an inflation rate of over 34%. However, stability is now gradually being restored, much to the relief of the current administration and the long-suffering people of Nigeria.

Below is how President Tinubu issued these two (2) executive orders in his inaugural speech on May 29, 2023, which triggered socioeconomic turmoil:

 "We commend the decision of the outgoing administration in phasing out the petrol subsidy regime which has increasingly favoured the rich more than the poor. Subsidy can no longer justify its ever-increasing costs in the wake of drying resources. We shall instead re-channel the funds into better investment in public infrastructure, education, health care, and jobs that will materially improve the lives of millions.

Continuing, President Tinubu stated:
"Monetary policy needs a thorough housecleaning. The Central Bank must work towards a unified exchange rate. This will direct funds away from arbitrage into meaningful investment in the plant, equipment, and jobs that power the real economy."

Then he concluded by saying "Interest rates need to be reduced to increase investment and consumer purchasing in ways that sustain the economy at a higher level.

"Whatever merits it had in concept, the currency swap was too harshly applied by the CBN given the number of unbanked Nigerians. The policy shall be reviewed. In the meantime, my administration will treat both currencies as legal tender."
It was not surprising that after the speech, hell was let loose as the price of petrol shot up as high as N1,300 per liter shortly after. But today it is selling for a little over N800 naira per litre.

In the twenty-two (22) months since President Bola Tinubu assumed leadership of Nigeria following his victory in the presidential election held on Saturday, February 25, 2023, he has directed the affairs of the country from Aso Rock Villa, Nigeria’s presidential seat of power. His policies, to say the least, have been revolutionary, leading to an unprecedented rise in the cost of living thankfully is currently on a downward slope heading towards stability.

Since taking office, as highlighted earlier, the president has leaned heavily on executive orders rather than relying on traditional legislative and judicial processes. Generally, President Tinubu’s preference for executive orders appears to have been proven to be more efficacious for his administration compared to conventional governance methods—or so it seems.

This article seeks to assess the veracity of that assumption by conducting a comparative analysis of the three primary approaches to governance in a democratic setting: leveraging executive, legislative, and judicial instruments. To achieve this objective, we must examine the merits and demerits of these tools, particularly in the context of Nigeria under President Tinubu’s leadership.

Before delving further into the effectiveness of these governance tools in Nigeria’s democratic environment, it is appropriate to take a brief look at how executive, legislative, and judicial powers have been applied in democracies around the world.

For a holistic assessment and understanding of governance tools, it is pertinent to trace their origins back to ancient times—specifically, to Cleisthenes in Athens, Greece, in the 6th century BC, where democracy was first introduced. It was later nurtured by thinkers like Aristotle and Cicero.

We will also examine France, where democracy was further refined under the influence of Enlightenment philosophers such as Alexis de Tocqueville, Montesquieu, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau.

Next, we will consider India, the world’s largest democracy with a population of 1.4 billion. Finally, we will reflect on the United States of America (USA), the world’s foremost democratic nation and leader of the free world, from which Nigeria borrowed its current presidential system of governance.

To carry out this analysis effectively, below is a comparison of the three (3) well-established governance tools in democratic settings: Executive Orders, Legislative Procedures, and Judicial Actions.

Executive Orders
1. Definition: Official directives issued by the head of state or government, outlining policies, decisions, or actions. A notable example is the United States, where President Donald Trump extensively leveraged executive orders to fast-track the implementation of his far-reaching policies under the “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) agenda.
2. Purpose: Enables swift decision-making, bypassing legislative delays.
3. Characteristics: Binding, enforceable, and often irreversible without subsequent orders or legislation.
4. Examples: Executive orders issued by US and Nigerian Presidents. US President Donald Trump issued an avalanche of executive orders in less than 60 days of occupying the White House as president. So also, president Tinubu in Nigeria issued at least two well-known executive orders with highly consequential effects.

Legislative Procedures
1. Definition: The formal processes by which laws are created, amended, or repealed by elected representatives.
2. Purpose: Ensures representation, deliberation, and accountability in lawmaking.
3. Characteristics: Involves debate, voting, and potential amendments.
4. Examples: US Congressional lawmaking, Nigerian National Assembly legislative processes.
5. Observation: Notably, policies processed through this method—such as the four (4) tax reform bills—are still stuck in the National Assembly, awaiting legislative approval. This aspect will be examined further later in this discussion.

Judicial Actions
1. Definition: Decisions, rulings, or orders issued by courts to interpret laws, resolve disputes, or enforce rights.
2. Purpose: Uphold the rule of law, protect individual rights, and provide checks on the executive and legislative branches.
3. Characteristics: Binding, precedent-setting, and subject to appeal or review.
4. Examples: US Supreme Court decisions, and Nigerian Supreme Court judgments.
5. A typical example in Nigeria is the Supreme Court judgment on local government financial autonomy. Long after the ruling, local governments’ financial autonomy has yet to be implemented. The Punch newspaper reported yesterday, Monday, March 17, that state governors are lobbying the federal government to delay implementation. We will delve deeper into this issue later in this discussion.

To fully grasp how the three (3) governance tools function in a democracy, it is essential to analyze their characteristics, advantages, and disadvantages. Different presidents apply these tools based on a needs assessment, balancing efficiency with democratic accountability.

Comparison of Governance Tools

Executive Orders
• Definition: Swift, binding, and enforceable directives issued by the head of state to expedite decision-making.
• Advantages: Efficient, allows rapid crisis management, bypasses legislative gridlock.
• Disadvantages: Can be abused or misused as it bypasses legislative oversight.

In the US, former President Donald Trump issued a raft of executive orders on his first day in office, a practice that critics viewed as an abuse of power. However, his supporters—who were in the majority, as he defeated his opponent Kamala Harris in the November 5, 2023, presidential election—argued that he needed speed to fulfill his agenda within the four (4) years of his term. Given the constraints of time, Trump prioritized executive orders over legislative or judicial processes to deliver on his campaign promises.

Legislative Procedures
• Definition: The process by which laws are created, amended, or repealed through debate and voting in a legislative body.
• Advantages: Ensures representation, deliberation, and accountability.
• Disadvantages: Can be slow, prone to gridlock, and influenced by special interests.

A key example in the US is the overturning of Roe v. Wade, a landmark ruling that guaranteed women the right to make reproductive decisions without government interference for over half a century. The influence of special interests was evident in this decision.

Similarly, in Nigeria, some northern leaders fear that the proposed tax reform bills—particularly the provision allowing about 60% of Value Added Tax (VAT) revenue to remain in the states where it is generated—would disadvantage their region. This has led to opposition to the reform, despite assurances from the Tax Reform Committee Chairman, Taiwo Oyedele, that these concerns are unfounded.

Judicial Actions
• Definition: Court rulings that interpret laws, resolve disputes, and check the powers of the executive and legislature.
• Advantages: Binding, precedent-setting, upholds the rule of law, and protects individual rights.
• Disadvantages: Can be slow, dependent on judicial independence, and open to interpretation.

For example, the legal battle over local government autonomy in Nigeria went from lower courts to the Supreme Court. Yet, despite the ruling, implementation has been stalled. Another example is the controversy over the rightful Emir of Kano between Sanusi Lamido Sanusi and Ado Bayero. The multiple interpretations of court rulings in that case resulting in a lacuna highlight the challenges of relying on judicial decisions for governance.

Interplay of the Three Governance Tools

As the analysis above reveals, each governance tool has strengths and weaknesses. A skilled and politically savvy president must know when to apply each tool to achieve the desired outcome.

Ideally, in a democracy, these tools interact and balance one another:
• Executive Orders can be challenged or overturned by legislative or judicial actions.
• Legislative Procedures can be influenced by executive orders or judicial interpretations.
• Judicial Actions can be affected by executive orders or legislative changes.

This dynamic is currently playing out in the US, where courts have suspended several of President Trump’s executive orders. Given that he has only one term to implement his policies, he is using the governance tool that allows him to act swiftly—though these decisions remain subject to legal challenges.

The balance of power among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches ensures that no single branch dominates, thereby promoting accountability, representation, and the rule of law.

Tinubu’s Use of Executive Orders: A Case Study

Against this backdrop, Nigerians should critically assess President Tinubu’s decision to declare “petrol subsidy is gone” during his inaugural speech on May 29, 2023. It is a statement that he has revealed was unscripted and spontaneous.

Many Nigerians have criticized him for not consulting widely before making such a declaration, given the profound impact it has had on both rich and poor citizens. However, in light of the governance tools discussed above, would Tinubu’s critics—those who opposed the decision for genuine, non-partisan reasons—still hold the same view?

Tinubu’s reliance on executive orders to remove the petrol subsidy and float the naira must be evaluated against the slow pace of legislative and judicial processes. For instance:
• The tax reform bills, first introduced in the National Assembly on October 8, 2024, remain stuck in the legislative process.
• The Supreme Court ruling on local government autonomy, delivered on July 11, 2024, is yet to be implemented.

In contrast, Tinubu’s executive actions on fuel subsidy removal and exchange rate unification were swiftly executed and are now yielding positive economic results. Given that Nigeria’s economy was on the brink of collapse, he likely saw no alternative but to act decisively to prevent further decline.
This is the point some of us have been strenuously trying to put across to critics over the past 22 months of Tinubu’s watch.

Conclusion

Understanding the strengths and weaknesses of governance tools helps in evaluating a leader’s decisions. While legislative and judicial processes ensure democratic accountability, they can be slow and prone to political interference. Executive orders, though expedient, carry risks of overreach.

However, in Tinubu’s case, his controversial approach but a display of political adroitness is arguably necessary to avert the economic disaster that was imminent in our country.
With the benefit of hindsight, Nigerians must ask: Did Tinubu act recklessly, or was his decision a necessary intervention to stabilize the country?

Ultimately, governance is about making tough choices, and the effectiveness of any leader depends on their ability to navigate the complex interplay of executive, legislative, and judicial powers.
By and large executive orders have proven to be a more efficacious governance tool if time constraints are a significant factor as they save time and allow a dynamic president to cut through the bureaucratic bottlenecks to quickly achieve set goals.
The above strategy is exactly the methodology that President Tinubu has adopted to achieve success in his deep reforms which peaked in less than 18 months after which the negative consequences petered out and the positive gains began to manifest before the midterm of his administration which is coming up on 29 May- mere two months.
Imagine if Tinubu had applied the legislative or judicial option in governance to the issue of petrol subsidy removal, and elimination of multiple naira exchange rate windows, they would still be in operation and Nigeria would be mired in retrogression as it has been in the past four (4) decades (1984/5) or so since the nation was advised by development experts and institutions against retaining the obnoxious subsidy on petrol and buffeting the naira which we all agree were wrong-headed policies but which no leader in the past had the guts or gumption to end.

Being the astute political strategist that he is, my prediction is that President Tinubu will not introduce any new policies that would discomfit Nigerians until he seeks re-election in 2027 and returns to Aso Rock Villa as the winner of the 2027 presidential election. Thereafter, he will tackle the challenges of industrialization which will be driven by a revolution in electricity power generation, transmission, and distribution which is a necessary precondition to industrial take-off that we all crave since it is the only sure path to prosperity for all Nigerians.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy alumnus, and former Delta State commissioner (2003-2007).

Even with friends in high places, crypto’s instability is showing as investors respond to President Donald Trump’s trade war and reports of deal talks between Binance U.S. and the Trump family. Amidst the market chaos tariffs have wrought, here are some cryptocurrencies to watch this week.

BNB

Binance’s crytocurrency BNB popped after two reports that the Trump family was in talks to snap up a stake in the Binance U.S. exchange (which pleaded guilty to enabling money laundering in 2023). The reported talks apparently touched on the idea of the two parties co-developing a stablecoin. Binance founder and former CEO Changpeng Zhao denied the reports, but said he wouldn’t “mind a pardon.” Still, BNB was sitting around $615 as of Sunday evening, up 8% from its price five days prior.

TRUMP

Meme coins are so out this season (well... mostly), and the Trump family’s token is no exception. The token was trading around $11.32 as of Sunday evening, down about 47.9% from a month ago. On Inauguration Day, TRUMP’s market cap was around $14.5 billion; it now sits at roughly $2.2 billion.

XRP

Talk of an end to the legal battle between the SEC and Ripple is drawing attention to the payment company’s token, XRP.

Bitcoin

After a dip below $80,000 last week, Bitcoin staged a minor recovery over the weekend. The leading cryptocurrency was still down 10.9% from Jan. 1 as of Sunday evening, and that means the folks who flocked to it after witnessing the post-election boom are still seeing red. The early days of Trump’s second term have spelled chaos for Bitcoin, the price of which loosely correlates with the stock market. Given the tariffs to come and uncertainty surrounding AI stocks, more stock market carnage could drag Bitcoin down with it.

Cronos

A vote on reissuing burned tokens thrust Crypto.com-backed Cronos further into the spotlight. The cryptocurrency popped 3% in 24 hours to around $0.085 as of Sunday night.

[Quartz]