Your Ladyship,

I write this letter with profound sadness, my heart weighed down by the state of our judiciary. My hands shake—not from fear, but from the deep sorrow of witnessing what should be the last refuge of justice being turned into a tool for political manipulation. Madam Chief Justice, you are the steward of our judiciary, a symbol of integrity, and a model for legal excellence—yet under your watch, justice appears to be slipping away, leaving confusion, hardship, and despair in its wake.

This is not just a matter of legal technicalities—it is about real people, real lives, and the survival of an entire state. Children will go to bed hungry, not because their parents are lazy, but because their state has been deliberately strangled. The sick will be left without medicine, lying in pain on hospital beds, because political power plays have cut off critical funding. Workers, who have spent years serving the people, will soon cry out in anguish as their salaries are left unpaid, their families staring at an uncertain future.

I think of the market woman, who rises before dawn to ensure her children do not starve, only to find that the government she relies on is being torn apart. I think of the young graduates, full of dreams, only to realize that their future is being traded away for political interests. I think of the elderly, who have given their lives to this nation, now watching it descend into disorder, as lawlessness and political interference overshadow fairness and the rule of law.

Madam Chief Justice, we all know that judicial rulings are not always free from political influence. You have been part of this system for decades—you have seen how the judiciary is sometimes used for purposes beyond justice. But even if what happened under these five justices cannot be undone, I ask you to reflect in private, away from the pressures of politics, and ask yourself: Was this truly fair? Was this truly just? Is this the mark you want to leave on history?

And most critically, what happens now to the Federal High Court in Port Harcourt, which is still actively handling this case? The matter has not been dismissed. The court is still in session. But now, the judges there sit in utter confusion, caught between fulfilling their legal duty and the overwhelming shadow of a Supreme Court ruling that came too soon.

Madam Chief Justice, what direction are they to take? Do they abandon their role? Do they ignore the case before them? Do they yield to pressure? Or do they uphold the Constitution as they swore to do?

You hold the power to guide this situation toward justice. You hold the power to preserve the integrity of the courts

Madam Chief Justice, I cry for Rivers State. I cry for Nigeria.

A Judiciary in Disarray—Confusion in the Lower Courts

Madam Chief Justice, if you remain silent, history will remember.

The Federal High Court in Port Harcourt had set April 16, 2025, to rule on the defection case. The law was clear, the judicial process was in motion, and due process was being followed. Yet, before the court could speak, before justice could take its rightful course, five Supreme Court justices—Justice Uwani Musa Abba-Aji (Presiding), Justice Emmanuel Akomaye Agim, Justice Ibrahim Mohammed Musa Saulawa, Justice Chioma Egondu Nwosu-Iheme, and Justice Jamilu Yammama Tukur—ignored judicial boundaries, disregarded the ongoing legal process, and rushed in to deliver a ruling that has now left the Federal High Court in complete confusion.

My Lord, what was the rush? Who was pursuing them? Why did they not allow the Rivers court to reach its decision? Now, the Federal High Court is left in disarray, uncertain whether to proceed, abandon its own ruling, or bow to an already delivered judgment.

Justice is meant to be orderly, structured, and impartial—so why create chaos where there should have been clarity? Why throw the judiciary into turmoil instead of letting the law take its natural course?

What happens now? What do the judges in Port Harcourt tell the people? Do they bow in shame, knowing that their authority has been stolen? Do they throw away their own ruling because the Supreme Court has spoken before them? How does the judiciary justify this?

Madam Chief Justice, I beg you, with everything that is left of the rule of law, do not let this stand. The Constitution is clear—once lawmakers defect, they lose their seats automatically. This is not politics. This is not opinion. This is law. So why, then, has the Supreme Court chosen to ignore it?

Why has it chosen to breathe life into political lawlessness?

The Judiciary’s Role in Rivers State’s Collapse

And now, look at the results of this judicial blunder.

Governor Fubara—a man elected by the people—is suddenly being dragged into a battle for his survival. The same lawmakers who should be working for their state have abandoned their duty. They are not in the Assembly. They have gone on indefinite leave. They refuse to work. But the Supreme Court ordered Fubara to present a budget. How? To whom?

And now, because they refuse to sit, because they refuse to listen, because they refuse to fulfill their constitutional duty, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has been ordered not to release state allocations.

Madam Chief Justice, do you see what this means?

It means that children will no longer receive free education because schools will shut down. It means that state workers will not be paid. It means that hospitals will run out of medicine. It means that pensioners who have already been struggling will have nothing left to survive on.

It means that Rivers State is now in a slow, painful process of economic strangulation.

Political Desperation—The Darkest Path

And what happens when people can no longer eat?

What happens when mothers watch their babies cry in hunger?

What happens when fathers who have worked all their lives realize their salaries will no longer come?

What happens when the sick lie helpless in hospitals with no medicine, no doctors, and no way to survive?

I will tell you what happens.

Chaos. Protest. Desperation. And, God forbid, bloodshed.

And when that day comes, when the streets of Rivers State erupt, when innocent people start dying, when angry youths pick up stones and march against oppression, who will history hold responsible?

Madam Chief Justice, the time to act is now.

The Supreme Court’s Name in the Mud

The actions of these five justices violate the principles outlined in the International Judicial Accountability Principles (IJAP) and the Association of Legislative Drafting and Advocacy Practitioners (ALDRAP) guidelines. These frameworks emphasize judicial restraint, especially when a matter is actively before another court.

By bypassing the ongoing proceedings, the Supreme Court has undermined the integrity of the judicial process and public trust in legal institutions (THISDAYLIVE).

A Call for a Review—The Law Must Speak Again

The Association of Legislative Drafting and Advocacy Practitioners (ALDRAP) has called for a review of the Supreme Court’s judgment, highlighting concerns about its lack of alignment with previous judicial decisions and constitutional provisions (THISDAYLIVE).

Madam Chief Justice, you can stop this.

You can stand for truth, not politics.

You can correct this injustice, before Rivers State is plunged into irreversible chaos.

I do not ask you to interfere in the pending case in Port Harcourt.

I do not ask you to take sides in politics.

I ask you to do what is right.

I ask you to let the law prevail.

I ask you to not let history remember your name for this miscarriage of justice.

I ask you to be the voice of the voiceless, the protector of the people, the defender of democracy.

Save Rivers State. Save the Judiciary. Save Nigeria.

Madam Chief Justice, you have the power to change this.

If you choose to remain silent,

If you watch Rivers State collapse,

If you turn away while the people suffer,

Then history will not be kind.

Madam Chief Justice, save your name. Save the judiciary. Save the people. Save Nigeria.

If the courts cannot stand for justice, who will?

I write this in tears. I write this in grief. I write this as a citizen who still believes in the power of truth.

Do not let the law die. Do not let the people suffer. Do not let Nigeria bleed. 

Your Excellencies,

Nigeria finds itself in yet another avoidable crisis, this time centered around Rivers State, a region vital to the country’s economic and political landscape. To his credit, President Bola Tinubu stepped in at a moment when tensions were escalating dangerously, with political discord threatening to spill over into full-scale unrest. Given the volatility of the situation, his decision to declare a state of emergency in Rivers—suspending Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and lawmakers—may have been driven by the need to prevent an immediate breakdown of law and order. However, while this intervention may have temporarily calmed rising tensions, it has also deepened national anxiety and raised serious questions about the federal government’s role in the crisis.

Officially, the justification for this action is security concerns and pipeline vandalism, but the Nigerian people are not deceived. While the security of vital infrastructure is an important national concern, the core of the Rivers crisis is not merely about lawlessness or economic sabotage—it is a battle for political control, one that has been intensifying since Minister Nyesom Wike refused to relinquish his grip on the state he once governed. The silence of the federal government regarding Wike’s disruptive influence, paired with the forceful sidelining of Fubara, has sent a troubling message: powerful political figures are protected at all costs, while elected leaders who refuse to bow are removed under the guise of stability.

The Burden of Public Perception and the Shadow of One Man

Mr. President, except for the Speaker of the House, you, Senate President Akpabio, and Minister Wike have openly positioned yourselves against Governor Siminalayi Fubara. This is not a whispered conspiracy or a baseless accusation; it is the painful public perception, one that has deeply settled in the minds of Nigerians. It is what people see, what they feel, and what they are struggling to understand.

Even in your emergency address, a moment that could have reassured Nigerians and reinforced balance in governance, you placed the weight of responsibility on this quiet, cool-headed governor, a man who—by all indications—has tried to steady the ship amid the turbulent storm that surrounds him.

Not once. Not once did you directly or indirectly acknowledge the root of the crisis—Wike.

What Exactly Does Wike Have On You?

Sir, let’s be real, a therapeutic question must be asked because Nigerians are asking it already:

What does Wike have on you all?

Mr. President, again—what exactly does Wike have on you? This is not a rhetorical question, sir. Nigerians are perplexed, confused, even entertained at this point because no man should be this politically untouchable unless he holds something deeper than we can see.

Is it God, juju, or secrets buried too deep to reveal? Because, let’s be honest, no man can consume you—unless you allow him to. But right now, the message being sent is louder than any press statement or emergency declaration:

You can hit Fubara, but you won’t touch Wike.

This has become more than a leadership issue—it is now a test of your authority. And the message it sends? That one man sits above even you, Mr. President.

The People Are Watching—Hit Him or Prove You Are Under Him

Nigerians are watching, and they are speaking loudly:

“Deal with Wike, unless he has something on you. And even if he does, for God’s sake, hit him one way or another for balance.”

You came into power as a man who takes bold action, who moves without fear—so why does it seem that Wike is an exception to that rule?

If you can hit Fubara, suspend lawmakers, and declare an emergency, then for balance, hit Wike. Prove you are not under his influence. Prove that no man holds sway over you.

Because, Mr. President, if you continue to punish one man while shielding the other, then Nigerians will conclude the truth for themselves: Wike is bigger than the presidency.

And that, sir, is not an image of strength—it is an image of submission.

A Dangerous Precedent That Demands Urgent Correction

At a time when Nigeria should be strengthening its democratic institutions, ensuring that elected officials are protected from undue political interference, and reinforcing the autonomy of state governments, this crisis has instead revealed a deep contradiction in how power is managed.

The people of Rivers—and indeed, Nigerians as a whole—are watching closely. The perception growing across the nation is that this state of emergency was never about protecting Rivers—it was about protecting Wike’s influence.

And this is a dangerous precedent—one that must be urgently corrected with balanced leadership.

If the government’s true aim is fairness and stability, then justice must be applied equally.

If Governor Fubara is to be reprimanded, then Wike must not walk untouched.

Mr. President, hit Wike the way you hit Fubara—or prove to Nigerians that you are under his control. The choice is yours, but the people have already made up their minds.

MILITARY OCCUPATION: A TEMPORARY FIX WITH LASTING CONSEQUENCES

Yes, military occupation under this state of emergency is meant to last six months. Even if extended, one reality remains unchanged: Governor Fubara was elected by the people. And since your declaration, Nigerians have been murmuring, “There Tinubu goes again, helping Wike.” They recall that every time you have intervened in the Rivers crisis, your actions have tilted in favor of Wike, sidelining Fubara. Now, this emergency declaration follows the same pattern—excusing Wike’s excesses while shifting the weight of responsibility elsewhere.

But let’s be realistic. Even with an extended military presence, you cannot control or possibly stop everyone. The population of Rivers State runs in millions, and their growing frustration cannot be silenced by force. Port Harcourt alone is home to millions, many of whom remain loyal to their elected governor. Military occupation may give a temporary sense of control, but it will not erase the people’s will.

History has repeatedly demonstrated that when people feel oppressed, they resist. The psychological burden of political suppression breeds resentment, anger, and, ultimately, defiance. Your administration must understand that governing through force is unsustainable. You cannot rule by intimidation—only by justice, fairness, and respect for democratic choice.

THE PSYCHOLOGICAL TRAUMA OF GOVERNANCE BETRAYAL

Leadership extends beyond policies and strategies; it is built on trust, perception, and the emotional state of the people you govern. Right now, the people of Rivers State feel deeply betrayed. This is not just politics—it is psychological trauma on a collective scale.

When people elect a leader, they are not just voting for governance; they are investing their hopes, struggles, and aspirations in someone they believe represents them. The forced sidelining of Fubara is not just a political maneuver—it is an act of disenfranchisement, a direct insult to the very people who voted for him. It sends a chilling message that their voices, choices, and votes are disposable.

The consequence? Mass frustration, suppressed anger, and a growing distrust in the federal government. Nigerians are not naïve. They have watched how this administration has handled Wike—with favor, protection, and indulgence—while Fubara has been repeatedly undermined, isolated, and now forcefully removed. The people see the injustice, and their response will not be silence.

MILITARY FORCE CANNOT HEAL A POLITICAL WOUND

History is filled with lessons about the futility of military intervention in political matters. The use of security forces in Rivers State may create an illusion of control, but even if military presence is extended indefinitely, it will not fix the root cause of the crisis.

Rivers is a state of millions, with Port Harcourt as a political and economic nerve center. The idea that military occupation will pacify an entire population is both unrealistic and dangerous. You can send armed forces to patrol the streets, but you cannot suppress thoughts, emotions, and resistance indefinitely.

When a people feel unheard, they do not simply fade away. They adapt. They resist. They find new ways to express their frustration—through civil disobedience, economic disruption, or prolonged defiance. Right now, the people of Rivers are watching. They are recording. They are remembering. Every unjust act against their elected governor deepens their resentment and fuels a crisis that force alone cannot resolve.

Be warned—Rivers and the entire Niger Delta are watching. The people are not blind to injustice, and even if the military remains stationed in Rivers indefinitely, they cannot consume or silence everyone.

A political wound cannot be healed with military boots. Justice is the only cure.

THE ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF FEDERAL MISMANAGEMENT

Rivers State is not just a political entity—it is a national economic asset. It is one of Nigeria’s largest oil-producing states, generating billions of dollars in revenue. Any instability in the region is not just a Rivers problem; it is a Nigerian problem.

Already, global oil markets are taking note of the crisis. Investors are growing concerned that continued unrest will lead to reduced oil production, sabotage of energy infrastructure, and instability in business operations.

If this crisis spirals further, Nigeria will experience:

Declining oil production as local communities begin to withdraw cooperation.

Increased energy infrastructure attacks, as seen in past grievances with the Niger Delta region.

Loss of investor confidence, leading to capital flight and economic downturn.

Greater economic hardship for ordinary Nigerians, as revenue from Rivers begins to drop.

A government that truly values national stability must understand that you cannot undermine the leadership of an oil-rich state and expect economic peace. The Nigerian economy cannot afford another prolonged crisis in an oil-producing region.

THE INCONSISTENCY OF PRESIDENTIAL INTERVENTIONS: WHY FUBARA, NOT WIKE?

One of the most glaring contradictions in this entire situation is the selective intervention of the presidency.

Why is Governor Fubara, an elected leader, being treated as the problem, while Minister Wike, the source of the instability, remains untouched, unchecked, and unaccountable?

Why has President Tinubu not once publicly criticized Wike for his disruptive role in Rivers governance? Why has the Senate President remained silent on the one person fueling division in Rivers State?

Nigerians are watching, and they are asking difficult questions. If this is about restoring order, why does Wike remain free to operate? Why does it seem as though this entire situation is being engineered to weaken Fubara while empowering Wike?

REBUKING WIKE—A NECESSARY STEP FOR BALANCE

Mr. President, even if for nothing else but psychological balance, rebuke Wike. Even superficially. Speak to him publicly. Condemn his role, even symbolically. Let the people of Rivers State see that their grievances are being acknowledged.

The psychological damage of selective justice is real. The people of Rivers need to hear you say Wike’s name—not in praise, not in justification, but in acknowledgment of his disruptive role.

If Wike is not held accountable, the people will see this administration as complicit in the crisis, rather than a neutral force trying to resolve it.

Even those who may support your administration are questioning the selective silence. This is a moment that requires strategic leadership, and sometimes, a few words can be more powerful than military action.

THE URGENT CALL FOR ACTION

Public self-reflection from President Tinubu, indirectly acknowledging the concerns of favoritism while reaffirming his commitment to impartial governance.

A public rebuke of Minister Wike—even if symbolic—to signal fairness to the people of Rivers.

Immediate reduction of Minister Wike’s influence over Rivers State’s affairs to restore the authority of the elected governor.

A shift from military intervention to political reconciliation, ensuring that this crisis is resolved through governance, not force.

A commitment from the National Assembly to uphold institutional independence, preventing political interference in state-level leadership.

FINAL WORDS: CHOOSING JUSTICE OVER POLITICAL ALLIANCES

Mr. President, Rivers State is not just another political battlefield; it is a symbol of Nigeria’s democratic future.

If this crisis is handled with bias, if Wike remains shielded while Fubara is continually undermined, your administration will bear a defining stain—one that history will not erase.

Leadership is not just about loyalty; it is about fairness, courage, and the wisdom to act beyond political debts. The decisions you make today will shape not just the road to 2027, but your legacy in the years beyond. If this crisis is managed with injustice, the trust placed in your leadership will fracture, and the echoes of today’s actions will fuel tomorrow’s resistance.

Yes, Wike fought to deliver Rivers for you in 2023, using every means within his reach. Yes, 2027 looms ahead, but no one controls the future. That is why, in this moment, you must stand on the side of justice. As you rebuke Fubara during this emergency declaration, do not turn a blind eye to Wike’s role in this crisis. Let him too feel the weight of accountability. True leadership is not about selective discipline; it is about ensuring that justice prevails, no matter how powerful the individual.

History will not forget this moment. It will record whether you chose to rise above politics or allowed personal alliances to plunge Nigeria into further instability.

Be careful—Rivers and the entire Niger Delta are watching. The people are not blind to injustice, and the Nigeria Police and Military cannot suppress them all.

The choice is yours. Nigerians are watching. Nigerians are waiting.

The decision of President Bola Tinubu to suspend Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, Mrs Ngozi Odu, and all elected members of the Rivers State House of Assembly for six months is illegal as it cannot be justified under any of the provisions of the 320 sections of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended.

No doubt, Section 305 of the Constitution empowers the President to take extraordinary measures to restore law and order if, among other reasons, there is actual breakdown of public order and public safety in the Federation or any part thereof to such extent as to require extraordinary measures to restore peace and security or there is a clear and present danger of an actual breakdown of public order and public safety in the Federation or any part thereof requiring extraordinary measures to avert such danger.

But, the extraordinary measures which may be adopted by the President to restore peace and security in the Federation or in any particular State does not include the suspension of an elected Governor, an elected Deputy Governor and the dissolution of other democratic structures. For the avoidance of doubt, section 45(3) of the Constitution provides that a 'period of emergency' means "any period during which there is in force a Proclamation of a state of emergency declared by the President in exercise of the powers conferred on him under section 305 of this Constitution."

Thus, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, the office of an elected governor can only become vacant upon death, ill health, resignation, or impeachment. Even where the office of the Governor becomes vacant for any reason whatsoever, the Deputy Governor shall be sworn in as the Governor.

And where the offices of the Governor and Deputy Governor become vacant at the same time, the Speaker of the State House of Assembly shall become an Acting Governor for not more than 3 months. During the 3-month period, a fresh election shall be conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission for the election of a new governor.

It is pertinent to state that the failure of a House of Assembly to function in Rivers State can not be a justification for the dissolution of democratic structures in any State of the Federation. Indeed, the Constitution had envisaged that a State House of Assembly may not be able to function due to one reason or another. Hence, section 11(4) of the Constitution stipulates as follows:

"At any time when any House of Assembly of a State is unable to perform its functions by reason of the situation prevailing in that State, the National Assembly may make such laws for the peace, order and good government of that State with respect to matters on which a House of Assembly to be necessary or expedient until such time as the House of Assembly is able to resume its functions; and any such laws enacted by the National Assembly pursuant to this section shall have effect as if they were laws enacted by the House of Assembly of the State:

Provided that nothing in this section shall be construed as conferring on the National Assembly power to remove the Governor or the Deputy Governor of the State from office."

In 2004 and 2006, we condemned the illegal dissolution of democratic structures when President Olusegun Obasanjo imposed emergency rules on Plateau State and Ekiti State, respectively. Regrettably, on both occasions, the Supreme Court refused to determine the constitutional validity of the dissolution of democratic structures on the ground that the suit were procedurally incompetent because they were instituted during the six-month emergency period by the suspended legislators in the name of Plateau State without the authorization of the Sole Administration of the state!

However, in 2013, when a state of emergency was declared in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe States by former Presidents Goodluck Jonathan, we urged him to reject the pressure mounted on by anti democratic forces to remove the elected Governors and dissolve democratic structures in the affected States. President Jonathan followed the path of constitutionalism.

In 2021, the then Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mr. Abubakar Malami SAN announced the plan of the federal government to declare a state of emergency in Anambra State over insecurity and threat to a complete breakdown of law and order in that part of the Federation We advised President Buhari not to demolish democratic structures even if emergency rule was imposed on the state. President Buhari followed the path of constituionalism.

In the cases of Adegbenro vs. Attorney-General of the Federation (1962) 1 NLR 338 F.R.A. Williams V Dr. M.A. Majekodunmi (1962) 1 NLR 328 the Supreme Court of Nigeria validated the Emergency Powers Act 1961 to justify the dissolution of democratic structures as well as suspension of fundamental human rights in western region. As there is no equivalent of the Emergency Powers Act 1961 under the current constitutional dispensation, the suspension of an elected Governor by an elected President is a constitutional anomaly under the 1999 Constitution.

In Attorney General of the Federation v. Attorney General of Abia State & Ors (2024) LPELR-62576 (SC) filed by the Bola Tinubu administration, the Supreme Court of Nigeria held that the removal of elected chairmen and councilors as well as appointment of sole administrators or caretaker committees by State Governors to run local government councils are illegal and unconstitutional. It follows to reason that the suspension of elected governors and elected members of the House of Assembly by the President is illegal and unconstitutional in every material particular.

To that extent, a serving or retired military officer can not be imposed as a Sole Administrator to govern any state in Nigeria. Similarly, a military officer cannot be appointed by the National Assembly as a Sole Administrator to govern the Nigerian people during a war between Nigeria and another country.

In the Speaker, Bauchi State House of Assembly v Hon Rifkatu Danna (2017) 49 WRN 82 and several other cases, Nigerian Courts have held that the suspension of elected legislators is illegal and unconstitutional. Therefore, the National Assembly should not endorse the illegal suspension of the Rivers State legislators that have not defected from the People's Democratic Party to the All Progressive Congress. Instead of approving the illegal dissolution of democratic structures in Rivers State, the National Assembly should assist Governor Fubara by invoking its powers under section 11 (4) of the Constitution "to make laws for the peace, order and good government of that State"

Therefore, we are compelled to call on President Bola Tinubu to follow the path of constituionalism without any delay. The President should proceed to reinstate the suspended Governor Fubara and Deputy Governor Odu and restore all democratic structures in Rivers State. This call is without prejudice to the duty imposed on the President to adopt extraordinary measures to restore law and order in Rivers State under Governor Fubara in strict compliance with the provisions of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended.

They were both born, raised and acculturated in Africa.

They both left their motherland, Africa, in search of the elusive golden fleece, driven by their unique aspirations and visions for the future.

After completing their academic pursuits, one returned to the continent of his birth to combine the entirety of his experience with the mystical ingenuity of his Ijebu people to build enduring, multi-generational wealth.

The other chose to remain in the United States, recognizing that pursuing the American dream offered a more exponential path to success than returning to Africa. To contextualize the impact of this choice, the net worth of the wealthiest South African Johann Rupert, is $12.8 billion, while Elon Musk’s net worth is $335.2 billion, the highest in the world.

The gulf between their wealth is as vast and unbridgeable as the ocean. If Elon had remained in Africa, he might not have topped Johann’s net worth of $12.8 billion. He made the right call back then.

Back to Adenuga and Musk, one is now in his early 70s, the other in his early 50s.

Both share striking similarities across the nobility in the leadership value chain:

Entrepreneurial Vision & Leadership: Both are visionary business leaders who have significantly shaped their industries—Musk in fintech, space, electric vehicles, and AI, and Adenuga in telecommunications and oil. Their ability to innovate and lead massive enterprises highlights their strong leadership qualities.

Courage & Risk-Taking: Both leaders exhibit extraordinary courage in taking risks. Musk has pushed forward with revolutionary ideas in space travel and electric vehicles despite scepticism and huge setbacks, while Adenuga disrupted Africa’s telecom and took bold steps in the oil industry, competing in both instances against African and global giants.

Generosity & Philanthropy: Both are known for their charitable efforts. Musk has contributed to renewable energy, space exploration, and AI safety, while Adenuga has funded scholarships and community development programs in Nigeria and beyond, where he is also regarded as the king of individual empowerment.

Influence & Global Impact: They are both highly influential figures in their regions and globally, shaping industries, inspiring entrepreneurs, and influencing policies in technology and business.

Loyalty: Both have shown dedication to their missions and the communities they serve. Musk focuses on global tech, while Adenuga prioritizes Nigerian and African development.

I used The Nurturing Nobilities Group (TNNG) parameters for nobility in leadership to rate the two leaders, and the outcome was a hit. The rating was based on public perception and documented actions.

Despite differences in style and personal philosophy, their overall nobility scores are remarkably equal, showcasing their shared commitment to innovation, leadership, and societal impact. Musk excels in disruptive vision but faces criticism on ethics and humility, while Adenuga balances ambition with community-focused humility.

The Divergence: Conventional Wisdom

While strikingly similar across several pillars of nobility, they are remarkably different in conventional wisdom. While both are highly rated for strategic innovation, Adenuga shows distinct discretion regarding practical wisdom in business-government relations.

Take the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) in the US for instance. How would Mike Adenuga have handled such a situation? Efficient government operations are undeniably essential for any nation. If implemented with transparency and impartiality, DOGE promises to become a groundbreaking initiative. Elon Musk’s visionary approach to devising a program that could cut government costs, boost efficiency, stimulate economic growth, and reduce national debt brims with transformative potential.

However, Mike Adenuga likely would not have volunteered to run such an organization directly. Given the magnitude of the billionaire class’s investment, he believes in minding his own business and nurturing his enterprises privately. He does not see why a business leader should expose his enterprises to undue risks by actively participating in governance and running a business department.

That is, indeed, conventional wisdom. Political neutrality is the bridge that connects all customers of a product across party lines. Once any political party thinks a business leader has crossed the political line, it may call for a product boycott. The consequences might be disastrous if the situation is not diffused or effectively managed.

Therefore, Adenuga believes entrepreneurs must not be openly affiliated with any government. Even when he has sympathies and affinities, he prefers to show them privately as his inalienable right.

He also firmly maintains that if you are a businessman with extensive investment in a country, never fight the government in power, especially in Africa. They will crush you.

A Case Study in Conventional Wisdom

In 2007, President Olusegun Obasanjo’s government moved against Mike Adenuga and his business interests. He could have chosen to fight back but was more concerned about his extensive business investments across Nigeria. He knew the government’s agenda was to use trumped-up charges as an excuse to take over the running of Globacom. He understood the government had no capacity to run such an operation and feared his staff might lose their jobs while the business could be ruined. He made the tactical decision to leave the country in self-exile.

It took the intervention of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua to persuade him to return to the country. Now of blessed memory, Yar’Adua said he would do whatever it took to motivate rather than antagonize or persecute investors who create jobs and keep the oil of a nation’s progress flowing.

This approach to business-government relations represents Adenuga’s conventional wisdom: maintain political neutrality, focus on business growth, and avoid confrontations with the state. While Musk may possess the “Adenuga spirit” in entrepreneurship and vision, this fundamental difference in engaging with political power sets them apart.

Where Musk sees direct engagement as a path to influence, Adenuga sees discretion as the better part of valor. Both approaches have their merits, but in the African context, Adenuga’s conventional wisdom has preserved his business empire through turbulent political transitions – an affirmation of the power of subtle influence over confrontation.

This is a tribute to celebrate Dr. Mike Adenuga’s 72nd birthday in advance from a global comparative perspective. May the fountain of his wisdom never run dry.

People say (perhaps as a joke) that the Nigerian dream is to leave Nigeria, and I can’t entirely disagree. But my dreams were a lot bigger. 

In 2019, as a postgraduate architecture student clutching my first-ever passport, I made myself a promise: visit up to 16 countries every year. Then COVID-19 locked down the world, suspending my dreams along with everyone else’s. But as restrictions were lifted, my determination only grew stronger. Now, having visited more than 30 countries and founded my own travel agency, my dreams are bigger and my chutzpah is stronger than ever.

On March 19th, I’ll begin a journey to break the Guinness World Record for the fastest time to visit all seven continents. It is the most ‘do it afraid’ thing I’ve done in my life, I confess. 

While arranging the 10 hard-won visas I’ve secured for this attempt, it’s difficult to look past the stack of visa rejection letters I’ve also piled up. They’re a silent testimony to what travellers with Nigerian passports endure just to cross borders. And ironically, they’re the actual fuel behind my drive.

If I succeed in beating the current 64-hour record set by American veteran Johnny Cruz Buckingham this February, I’ll become the first Black solo traveller and the youngest person at 26 to hold this record.

The plan is to ensure that the conversation about passport inequality is started. The Nigerian passport ties for 88th place with Ethiopia and Myanmar on the 2025 Henley Passport Index, granting access to just 46 countries without advance visas—compared to the 193 countries Japanese passport holders can freely enter.

A Last-Minute Challenge

The clock is already against me. For months, I had been preparing to break the 2023 record of 73 hours. Then, just last Thursday evening, I discovered that Buckingham had been certified as the new record holder at 64 hours. Most people would have postponed, but I posted on X the next morning: “Am I crazy enough to challenge a US Air Force veteran to break a mission-planning record with barely a week to plan? YES.”

This is the reality for travellers like me—we must constantly adapt to shifting goalposts while privileged passport holders simply book their journeys and go.

The Humiliation at Borders

The visas only tell half the story. Nigerian travellers routinely face additional scrutiny regardless of our documentation. In September 2023, Egyptian officials kept me from proceeding to Jordan and Qatar for an hour, claiming an airline policy required me to show a return ticket specifically to Nigeria—despite my having onward bookings.

I’m sure many Nigerians have heard officials say “It’s the policy.” When they say this, they expect that you just keep quiet. Yet, this “policy” was the reason my checked luggage was mysteriously sent to another city and never recovered. In two minutes, the matter was resolved automatically when I said they had to show me where that policy was.

My case wasn’t an isolated incident. Fellow Nigerians are routinely pulled out of immigration queues or denied boarding for mundane reasons at border controls in Europe, North America, and even within Africa itself. Each humiliating interaction reinforces the message that some travellers are presumed legitimate while others must repeatedly prove their intentions.

But I’m no stranger to limitations. My journey to becoming one of Nigeria’s most recognized travel content creators began humbly with an iPhone 7 and a determination to share travel experiences from a Nigerian perspective. 

During the pandemic lockdown, I pivoted from travel photography to knowledge sharing, watching my Instagram following grow from 2,400 to 6,000 in those months of isolation. This is why I remind myself daily that my dreams will not be limited by the colour of my skin or the colour of my passport. It is, in fact, what made me start Kaijego, a travel agency specifically designed to help those with “weak” passports navigate international mobility barriers.

Antarctica to Australia: The 64-Hour Dash

The Guinness World Record attempt has specific rules: I must physically step foot on all seven continents, briefly leaving airports to document my presence at recognisable landmarks. My journey will begin in Antarctica—where I’m looking forward to seeing penguins—before racing through six more continents to end in Australia.

I’m starting at the most unpredictable point, which makes the most sense because it’s when the wheels take off that the timer starts. It’s up to me, the weather, God, and so many different things. I just have to take one step at a time and ensure that I’m going at maximum speed, obeying all the rules, and staying on track until I get to Australia.

According to Guinness World Records rules, I cannot use private or chartered transport—a requirement that introduces significant uncertainty. Each connection has been calculated down to the minute, with backup plans for potential disruptions.

A Growing Movement

I’m not alone in my quest to redefine what Africans can achieve on the global stage. Since 2023, there have been more than 7,000 Guinness World Record applications from West Africa’s 16 countries. We are a new generation passionately embracing record-breaking as a form of self-expression and global validation. 

Fellow Nigerians have also rallied to my cause. The support fuels my determination—as does the opportunity to break a second record. Upon my return to Lagos, I plan to achieve the most signatures on a piece of travel memorabilia by asking thousands to sign a Nigerian flag I’ll carry throughout my journey.

Building New Pathways

I hope to, through this attempt, give many more Nigerians the chance to take their first flights.  When people ask why I put myself through the stress of visa applications and rejections, my answer is simple: because borders shouldn’t determine human potential. The Nigerian passport ranks near the bottom of global mobility indexes, but Nigerian dreams, ambitions, and contributions to the world deserve no such ranking. Followers can track my journey in real-time with the hashtag #AlmaChasingContinents across my social media platforms, where I’ll document each continent crossing.

Whether I break the record or not, I’ll have forced a conversation about one of the world’s most normalised forms of discrimination. In a world increasingly defined by mobility, the accident of birth that determines your passport shouldn’t dictate your access to opportunity, education, or experience.

As I embark on this journey today, I pack not just for myself, but for millions of other restricted-mobility passport holders who deserve to be seen not as threats to be scrutinized but as travellers to be welcomed. Every border I cross will represent a barrier overcome—not just for me, but for all those who share my passport colour.

* Ms Asinobi, a travel influencer, is on an ambitious quest to break the Guinness World Record for the fastest time to visit all seven continents

Senior Advocates of Nigeria, Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa and Abeny Mohammed on Tuesday faulted the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State.

The SANs, in separate interviews with Daily Trust last night, described the declaration of emergency state as well as the removal of Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his deputy, Ngozi Odu, as unconstitutional and undemocratic.

Following the political crisis in Rivers State, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu yesterday declared a state of emergency in the oil-rich state and suspended Fubara, Odu and members of the state House of Assembly for a period of six months.

In a nationwide broadcast, the president nominated Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (rtd) as administrator to take charge of the affairs of the state.

Rivers State has been embroiled in a crisis since last year when the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister Nyesom Wike and the governor fell out with each other.

The situation led to the alleged defection of 27 members of the state assembly loyal to Wike. The lawmakers subsequently lost their seats but were later reinstated by the Supreme Court.

Before declaring the state of emergency, Tinubu had, earlier yesterday, met with Senate President Godswill Akpabio and House of Representatives Speaker, Tajudeen Abbas as well as National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu, service chiefs and heads of other security agencies at the Presidential Villa, Abuja.

But a ranking senator told the Daily Trust that the president meeting the leadership of the national assembly was not enough as there was the need for the input of other members.

“Why the rush? Why putting a retired soldier to take over? It is wrong to encourage military incursion in politics in whatever guise. What the president did amounts to error of judgement and it will escalate tension in the Niger Delta. It is illegal,” he said.

Lawyers speak

Adegboruwa (SAN) called on the president to rescind his decision to remove the elected government officials in Rivers State and allow democratic process to be applied in dealing with issues.

“The action of Mr President is premeditated and showed that he is biased,” Adegboruwa alleged.

“I don’t support the actions of the governor or the FCT minister, but the declaration has upended the democratic will of the people of Rivers State.

“The action of the president is unwarranted, undemocratic and uncalled for.”

Adegboruwa also questioned why Osun and Benue states, with issues of local government dispute and Lagos State where two speakers of the state assembly emerged in one day had not been met with a state of emergency.

Similarly, Abeny Mohammed said the action taken by the president was extreme and unconstitutional.

He stated: “The Rivers State governor was elected into office by the people in accordance with the constitution and can only be removed in accordance with the constitution.”

However, Dayo Akinlaja (SAN), said the matter was beyond legal analysis as the crisis in Rivers State was an “upshot of a political crisis.”

It’s political manipulation – Atiku

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar yesterday described the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State as political manipulation.

He accused the president of being a partisan actor in the crisis, saying “Anyone paying attention to the unfolding crisis knows that Bola Tinubu has been a vested partisan actor in the political turmoil engulfing Rivers.

“His blatant refusal — or calculated negligence — in preventing this escalation is nothing short of disgraceful,” Atiku said.

The presidential candidate of the PDP in the last election in a post on his verified Facebook page said, “Beyond the political scheming in Rivers, the brazen security breaches that led to the condemnable destruction of national infrastructure in the state land squarely on the president’s desk.

“Tinubu cannot evade responsibility for the chaos his administration has either enabled or failed to prevent.

“It is an unforgivable failure that under Tinubu’s watch, the Niger Delta has been thrown back into an era of violent unrest and instability — undoing the hard-won peace secured by the late President Umaru Yar’adua. Years of progress have been recklessly erased in pursuit of selfish political calculations.

“If federal infrastructure in Rivers has been compromised, the president bears full responsibility. Punishing the people of Rivers State just to serve the political gamesmanship between the governor and Tinubu’s enablers in the federal government is nothing less than an assault on democracy and must be condemned in the strongest terms.”

Why I declared state of emergency in Rivers – Tinubu

In his broadcast, the president said he was disturbed at the turn of events in the political crisis in the state.

He said, “With the crisis persisting, there is no way democratic governance, which we have all fought and worked for over the years can thrive in a way that will benefit the good people of the state.

“The state has been at a standstill since the crisis started with the good people of the state not being able to have access to the dividends of democracy.”

The president added, “Some militants had threatened fire and brimstone against their perceived enemy of the governor who has up till now not disowned them.

“Apart from that both the House and the governor have not been able to work together. Both of them do not realise that they are in office to work together for the peace and good governance of the state.

“Latest security reports made available to me show that between yesterday and today there have been disturbing incidents of vandalisation of pipelines by some militants without the governor taking any action to curtail them. I have, of course given stern order to the security agencies to ensure safety of lives of the good people of Rivers State and the oil pipelines.”

The president said based on the situation, he was invoking the provisions of Section 305(5) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) “to declare a state of emergency on the state and that it takes effect from Tuesday, March 18, 2025.

“By this declaration, the Governor of Rivers State, Mr Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, Mrs Ngozi Odu and all elected members of the House of Assembly of Rivers State are hereby suspended for an initial period of six months,” he said.

It’s recipe for crisis – PDP

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), in a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba, said it rejects “this attempt by the president to override the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) and undermine the votes and will of the people of Rivers State by seeking to depose a democratic government and foist an undemocratic rule in the state.”

It said the declaration of the emergency state was “illegal and a clear recipe for crisis, threat to the peace and stability of not only Rivers State, but the entire nation.”

“The unconstitutional declaration by President Tinubu of the suspension of the democratically elected governor of Rivers State, Governor Siminalayi Fubara and appointment of an unelected individual, Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (rtd) to govern the state is a clear attack on our nation’s democracy, an abrogation of the votes and democratic right of the people of Rivers State to choose their leader under the constitution.”

“The action of Mr. President, therefore, clearly borders on attempt at state capture. It is the climax of a well-oiled plot to forcefully take over Rivers State for which the All Progressives Congress (APC) has been bent on stoking crisis to ensure that democracy is ultimately truncated in the state.

“Nigerians are invited to note that the situation in Rivers State and the reasons adduced by the president cannot justify the declaration of a state of emergency in the state under the 1999 Constitution, rendering the declaration completely incompetent.

“The PDP alerts that the unwarranted imposition of emergency rule in Rivers State is part of the larger vicious plot to foist a siege mentality across Nigeria, decimate opposition, impose a totalitarian one-party state and turn the country into a fiefdom.

“In any case, nothing in Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution relied upon by the president in the declaration grants him the exclusive powers to declare or execute the declaration of a state of emergency without recourse to the statutory approval of the National Assembly.

“For the avoidance of doubt, Section 305 (2) provides that ‘The president shall immediately after the publication, transmit copies of the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation containing the proclamation including the details of the emergency to the president of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, each of whom shall forthwith convene or arrange for a meeting of the House of which he is President or Speaker, as the case may be, to consider the situation and decide whether or not to pass a resolution approving the proclamation.

“The PDP, therefore, cautions Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (rtd) to respect the Constitution and ensure that he does not take any action or step which is capable of derailing smooth democratic governance in Rivers State. Nigeria is not under a military rule where the governance of a state is by appointment by a junta.”

Rivers emergency state declaration abuse of power – CNPP

The Conference of Nigeria Political Parties (CNPP), in a statement, said the declaration of the emergency state in Rivers State was a blatant violation of the 1999 Constitution and an alarming abuse of power.

James Ezema, the Deputy National Publicity Secretary of CNPP, who signed the statement, said that the constitution is unequivocal in its provisions regarding the removal of a duly elected governor.

According to him, Section 188 clearly outlines the impeachment process, which is the sole legal mechanism for removing a governor, and it is exclusively the prerogative of the State House of Assembly and that nowhere in the Constitution is the President granted the authority to suspend a governor or their deputy.

We’re studying the situation – PANDEF

Reacting to the development, the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF) expressed concern over the turn of events.

Its spokesman, Obiuwevbi Christopher Ominimini said, “PANDEF is seriously alarmed by the state of emergency declared in Rivers State due to a crisis that is ordinarily avoidable.

“We are, therefore, studying the situation and we shall soon come up with PANDFEF’s position.”

Ibokette Ibas appointed as administrator

Tinubu nominated Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (Rtd) as administrator to take charge of the affairs of Rivers State.

He said, “For the avoidance of doubt, this declaration does not affect the judicial arm of Rivers State, which shall continue to function in accordance with their constitutional mandate.

“The Administrator will not make any new laws. He will, however, be free to formulate regulations as may be found necessary to do his job, but such regulations will need to be considered and approved by the Federal Executive Council and promulgated by the President for the state.

“This declaration has been published in the Federal Gazette, a copy of which has been forwarded to the National Assembly in accordance with the Constitution. It is my fervent hope that this inevitable intervention will help to restore peace and order in Rivers State by awakening all the contenders to the constitutional imperatives binding on all political players in Rivers State in particular and Nigeria as a whole.”

The new Administrator

Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (Rtd), aged 64, served as the 22nd Chief of the Naval Staff (CNS) of the Nigerian Navy from July 2015 to January 2021. Born in Nko, Cross River State, Ibas enlisted in the Nigerian Defence Academy in 1979 and was commissioned a sub-lieutenant in 1983. He attended various schools, including Nko Primary School, Big Qua Primary School, Hope Waddell Training Institute, and the School of Basic Studies Ogoja, before joining the Nigerian Defence Academy.

Ibas attended numerous military courses both in Nigeria and abroad, including the Sub-Lieutenant Technical Course in India and Primary Pilot Training at the Nigerian Air Force Base in Kaduna. He also graduated from the Armed Forces Command and Staff College in 1990 and the Amphibious Warfare School in the United States in 1993.

Throughout his career, Ibas held various roles in the Nigerian Navy, including serving on board NNS Ruwan Yaro, NNS Obuma, and NNS Aradu. He later became the Executive Officer of several ships and served in key administrative roles at the Naval Headquarters, including Chief of Administration and Navy Secretary. He was appointed the Flag Officer Commanding Western Naval Command in 2013 and Chief of Logistics in 2014, before becoming the Chief of Naval Staff in 2015.

Ibas’ service earned him numerous awards, such as the Silver Jubilee Medal, Meritorious Service Star, Distinguished Service Star, and the Nigerian National Honour of Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (CFR) in 2022. He is married to Theresa Ibas, and they have three children.

Fubara’s whereabouts unknown as military moves trucks to Govt House

Fubara’s whereabouts were unknown last night as the military moved trucks into the Rivers Government House in Port Harcourt.

Daily Trust gathered that the trucks were placed within and outside the Government House on the first night of the state of emergency declared by President Bola Tinubu.

After the declaration, it was gathered that about 10 military trucks patrolled the road leading to the Government House’s main gate; while armoured vehicles were seen at strategic positions within the road leading to the Government House gate.

The road leading to the Government House from the popular UTC junction was deserted as residents made efforts to get back to their respective houses.

A resident of Port Harcourt, who pleaded anonymity, told Daily Trust that military trucks were found all over the area.

Our reporter could not confirm if Fubara had vacated the Government House as of press time, but sources from Government House said the governor might have had a premonition of the state of emergency.

The source said the governor held several meetings with members of the suspended state Executive council throughout the day.

A former commissioner, who spoke to Daily Trust on the telephone, said he could not speak at length because he was having a meeting with the governor, promising to call back later, but he was yet to do so as at press time.

History of state of emergency declaration in Nigeria

The history of the state of emergency declaration in Nigeria dates back to 1962 when large-scale irregularities in the country’s first real census sparked a crisis in the Action Group (AG)-controlled Western Nigeria.

On October 1, 1962,  the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa addressed the nation in a nationwide broadcast, revealing that his government had been aware for some time of a plot by certain politicians to forcibly overthrow Nigeria’s legitimate government. These individuals, he revealed, had been undergoing military training abroad. By October 26, the government had extended the ban on public meetings and processions to cover all of Western Nigeria. Then, on November 2, 1962, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, along with 26 others, including notable figures such as Anthony Enahoro, Sam Ikoku, Ayo Adebanjo, and Lateef Jakande, were formally charged with conspiring to overthrow the federal government by force.

The next significant state of emergency was in 2004 under President Olusegun Obasanjo. On May 18, citing Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, Obasanjo declared a state of emergency in Plateau State, suspending Governor Joshua Dariye and the State House of Assembly. Obasanjo accused the governor of failing to end the violent clashes between the state’s Muslim and Christian communities, which had resulted in more than 2,000 deaths since 2001. An interim administrator, Army General Chris Ali (Rtd), a native of Plateau State, was appointed to replace Dariye.

On May 14, 2013, President Goodluck Jonathan declared another state of emergency, this time in the northern states of Adamawa, Borno, and Yobe, following a surge in insurgency and insecurity. Jonathan’s declaration led to an increased military presence and security operations in the affected states. However, unlike previous instances, the governors of these states were not removed from office.

Earlier, in 2011, Jonathan had imposed a state of emergency in select local governments in Borno and Plateau states due to rising security concerns.

The former Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Adoke, in his new book-Burden of Service: Reminiscences of Nigeria’s former Attorney General, spoke on that development.

According to Adoke, Jonathan’s refusal to deploy the emergency rule declaration to oust the three opposition governors from office was widely criticised by top government functionaries, including ministers and PDP supporters.

The ex-AGF, however added that he advised Jonathan against the sack of the three governors, since according to him, there is no law in Nigeria that supports such action by the president.

Adoke said: “President Jonathan came under criticism from commentators who felt he should have removed the local government chairmen as well as the governors in the affected states. The opportunity for Jonathan’s foes to describe him as a weak leader emerged yet again.

“Historically, the state of emergency was employed more as a political weapon to settle scores with opposing forces, not necessarily to address issues of actual or imminent threat to security. Nigerians were more familiar with that nefarious employment of the provision. The fact that governors in Nigeria cannot be held responsible for any breakdown of law and order is not lost on these critics.

“Governors are the Chief Security Officers of their states only in name; they do not have the requisite constitutional power of control over the security agencies. Removing them during emergency, to my mind, was simply illogical,” Adoke said in the book.

Adoke added, “While the 1961 State of Emergency Act allowed for the removal of Premiers, the 1979 Constitution and subsequently, the 1999 Constitution, spelt out how to declare a state of emergency. The removal of a governor is definitely not included in the provisions”.

However, credible sources told the Daily Trust that at that time, the National Security Council (NSC) advised Jonathan against removing the governors of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa.

Also, the leadership of the National Assembly, including then Senate President David Mark and Speaker Aminu Tambuwal, were reportedly against the removal of the governors, arguing that it could set a dangerous precedent.

Besides, there was also international pressure as some western countries and diplomatic partners, including the United States and the European Union, cautioned against dissolving democratic structures, emphasising the need to respect elected mandates even during crises.

ACN, CPC faulted emergency declaration in Adamawa, Borno, Yobe in 2013

The defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), which was then led by the current president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, had faulted the declaration of a state of emergency in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe States by former President Goodluck Jonathan in 2013.

Jonathan had, at that time, declared a state of emergency in the three states following deadly attacks by Boko Haram terrorists.

The then spokesman of the ACN, Lai Mohammed, had said the declaration lacked original thinking and, therefore, asked the National Assembly to reject it.

“If the medicine given to a patient has not cured his or her illness, is it not futile to prescribe more of the same medicine for the patient? If the declaration of a state of emergency in 15 local government areas in four states in 2011 has not curbed the activities of the insurgents, why extend such measure to other areas? If the use of force in the affected states has failed to curtail the activities of the insurgents, why send in more troops?”

Similarly, Tony Momoh, the then national chairman of the Congress for Progressives Change (CPC), led by General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd), who also later became president, had said the declaration of the emergency state by Jonathan could never achieve peace in the three states.

2 arrested as explosion rocks Trans Niger Delta pipeline

The Rivers State Police Command had earlier yesterday said two persons were arrested in connection to the Monday Trans Niger Delta pipeline explosion near the Bodo-Bonny Road under construction.

The TNP is a federal transport line that supplies gas to the Bonny  Export Terminal in Rivers State.

The Rivers State Police Command Public Relation Officer, SP Grace Iringe-Koko said in a press statement issued in Port Harcourt on Tuesday that the Command  had commenced a thorough investigation to determine the cause of the fire. Daily Trust learnt that hours after that initial explosion, another occurred, making them two.

A militant group,  Niger Delta Rescue Movement, had,  two weeks ago, threatened to attack oil installations in Niger Delta over the seizure of the allocation due to Rivers State.

The group also called on all non-indigenes living in Rivers State to leave in their own interest and safety, pointing out that hostilities are about to begin.

A trending  social media  video which surfaced two weeks ago  showed  the militants, numbering about eight with AK-47 and other assorted riffles in an unknown forest chanting and singing war songs.

They alleged that the action of the Martin Amaewhile- led assembly was to cause anarchy in the state and pave the way for the declaration of a state of emergency.

Ijaws youths block East-West road

Ijaw Youths, under, the umbrella of the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC), earlier on Tuesday,  blocked the East-West Road (Mbiama Axis) of Rivers State in a peaceful protest to express their dissatisfaction over the political developments in Rivers State.

Past militants’ attacks on oil facilities

The agitation for the control of oil facilities started several years ago by Ijaws youths who were not happy over the under-development of their communities despite billions of naira that emanated from oil exploration activities. Several militants groups such as Niger Delta Volunteers Force headed by Alhaji Asari Dokubo, Niger Delta Vigilantes Group headed by Ateke Tom and so many others were formed to agitate for better deal for oil producing communities.

Oil workers, especially the expatriates working in multinational oil companies, were taken hostage; while oil facilities were seized.

Respite came the way of the militants when the late president Yara’dua granted amnesty to the various militants groups and their weapons were bought off by the federal government.

State of Emergency: What the 1999 Constitution says

Chapter 8. Part 2. Section 305 explains the procedure for proclamation

(1) Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, the President may by instrument published in the Official -Gazette} of the Government of the Federation issue a Proclamation of a state of emergency in the Federation or any part thereof.

(2) The President shall immediately after the publication, transmit copies of the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation containing the proclamation including the details of the emergency to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, each of whom shall forthwith convene or arrange for a meeting of the House of which he is President or Speaker, as the case may be, to consider the situation and decide whether or not to pass a resolution approving the Proclamation.

(3) The President shall have power to issue a Proclamation of a state of emergency only when ¬

(a) the Federation is at war;

(b) the Federation is in imminent danger of invasion or involvement in a state of war;

(c) there is actual breakdown of public order and public safety in the Federation or any part thereof to such extent as to require extraordinary measures to restore peace and security;

(d) there is a clear and present danger of an actual breakdown of public order and public safety in the Federation or any part thereof requiring extraordinary measures to avert such danger;

(e) there is an occurrence or imminent danger, or the occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity, affecting the community or a section of the community in the Federation;

(f) there is any other public danger which clearly constitutes a threat to the existence of the Federation; or

(g) the President receives a request to do so in accordance with the provisions of subsection (4) of this section.

(4) The Governor of a State may, with the sanction of a resolution supported by two-thirds majority of the House of Assembly, request the President to issue a Proclamation of a state of emergency in the State when there is in existence within the State any of the situations specified in subsection (3) (c), (d) and (e) of this section and such situation does not extend beyond the boundaries of the State.

(5) The President shall not issue a Proclamation of a state of emergency in any case to which the provisions of subsection (4) of this section apply unless the Governor of the State fails within a reasonable time to make a request to the President to issue such Proclamation.

(6) A Proclamation issued by the President under this section shall cease to have effect ¬

(a) if it is revoked by the President by instrument published in the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation;

(b) if it affects the Federation or any part thereof and within two days when the National Assembly is in session, or within ten days when the National Assembly is not in session, after its publication, there is no resolution supported by two-thirds majority of all the members of each House of the National Assembly approving the Proclamation;

(c) after a period of six months has elapsed since it has been in force: Provided that the National Assembly may, before the expiration of the period of six months aforesaid, extend the period for the Proclamation of the state of emergency to remain in force from time to time for a further period of six months by resolution passed in like manner; or

(d) at any time after the approval referred to in paragraph (b) or the extension referred to in paragraph (c) of this subsection, when each House of the National Assembly revokes the Proclamation by a simple majority of all the members of each House.

[DailyTrust]

There has been no dull moment in Rivers State since 2023 when Siminialayi Fubara upon inauguration chose to fight his own government. But with the Supreme Court’s February 28 declaration that there has been no government in Rivers in the last two years, in spite of all the drama, including bombing of the assembly complex, conducting LGA election in defiance of court order, and presentation of budget to a three-man assembly, we now know all have been noise without substance or ‘a tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing’ (William Shakespeare).

 No thanks to Rivers fair weather friends led by the likes of Ikenga Ugochinyere, an Imo member  of the House of Representatives, who today claims to speak on behalf of opposition lawmakers coalition in the House. His undefined mission during most of his N6.5m one-hour “news commercialization’ appearances, seems to be targeted at further destabilization of PDP or prolonging the nightmare of people of Rivers State. Of course, we also have sympathisers of Labour and PDP in borrowed toga of Arise TV journalists whose motive for fighting Fubara’s war like a slave is Wike, his estranged impetuous and abrasive godfather.

Fubara by virtue of the February 28 Supreme Court ruling had an opportunity to dig himself out of the hole. President Tinubu’s call on him to stoop to conquer because ‘compromise is democracy’s highest badge of honour was another chance. Fubara however chose to keep huffing and bluffing because of backing by meddlers like Ugochinyere and Arise TV. Last Thursday, the former gave vent to this by first taking an hour slot of “news commercialisation” in TVC and later the same day in Arise platform to embark on his usual monologue.

 And what did he fritter the N6.5m on? The assembly’s alleged intention to seek court order to stop the conduct of the local government and, the assembly’s plan to amend the Rivers Independent Electoral Commission law.

It is sad Fubara thinks some windbags from outside his state love his state more than the state’s elected lawmakers who by the way, do not need permission of interlopers to make laws.

And as for Arise TV, its last Thursday’s analysis of Wike’s Wednesday chat with some journalists was a disservice to journalism. There were misrepresentation of facts, outright lies, odious comparisons and an attempt to set the Ijaw nation against other nationalities in the Niger Delta region.

First, Arise TV along with Jake Epelle, their invited quest, agreed that Governor Fubara has been thoroughly humiliated, ridiculed and dishonoured because of his humility. They all agreed Fubara needs to become more Machiavellian since his humility has become a burden. They declared with shocking finality, that Tinubu was behind the crisis in Rivers even without proof.

They falsely claimed Rivers House of Assembly locked out the governor. How do you lock out someone who was not being expected? Governor Fubara himself confirmed he was on a road show or out to play to the gallery by branching at the assembly quarters when he was scheduled to commission some projects in Okirika at 10am. He left with the following parting words “maybe they are still working on the letter and will later get in touch with me”.

On impeachment, it was unfair to impute meaning to what Wike said in an answer to Arise TV question. He had said impeachment which is enshrined in our constitution is not criminal and that heaven will not fall if anyone who committed impeachable offence is impeached. In any case, if anyone slammed with impeachment charges is a good politician, he will know what to do, he added.

It was also pure mischief to give the impression that Wike was disrespectful of the Ijaw nation during the chat. In fact what can be taken away from what he said was that those making threat to destroy pipelines are politicians in government; that Ijaw whose sons including Tompolo secured the contract to protect the oil pipelines cannot at the same time be threatening to blow off the pipeline. He said people should stop arrogating power to blow off the pipelines only to Ijaw as other groups within the Niger Delta are also capable of doing the same.

The fact that the Ijaw national body has denounced the Ijaw Youths making such reckless statement seem to have vindicated Wike’s claim that such threats were planted by politicians in government

I am not sure the issues of the population of Ijaw nation, the fourth largest group in Nigeria was the focus of discussion. Wike’s reference to Ijaw during the media chat was to the effect that except in Balyelsa State, the Ijaw nation does not constitute a majority in Akwa Ibom, Delta, and Rivers; that in the spirit of live and let live, he and some illustrious Ijaw elders agreed the gubernatorial ticket should be ceded to Ijaw in 2023. Arise TV only demonstrated its partisanship by exhibiting such  disdain for Wike who they said does not know Ijaw constitutes the fourth largest population because of what they attributed to his academic deficit!

Finally, attempt by Arise TV to draw a parallel between the tragic mismanagement of our crisis of nation-building by President Nnamdi Azikiwe and Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa which led  to the collapse of the first republic and current crisis in  Rivers where an elected governor is at war with an arm of his government is borne out of mischief.

And what are the facts?

S. L. Akintola, the Premier of Western Region was legally removed by his party, a decision upheld by the Privy Council in London, the highest judicial body at the period. Akintola then sought the help of Zik and Balewa, coalition partners at the centre against his principal.  The duo had been bitter enemies of the West out of envy for her giant strides and for leading the battle for the creation for the Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers (COR) and Middle Belt states from the east and the north respectively.

Zik and Balewa, who did not see the need to declare state of emergency in the east or in the north where Isaac Boro’s Niger Delta Uprising and Tiv’s popular uprising had to be suppressed by the military, illegally declared state of emergency in the West because a few NCNC member started throwing chairs just as vote of confidence was about to be passed on Adegbenro by the Western House as enshrined in the constitution. (Premiers Ahmadu Bello and Okpara had earlier breached the constitution by their refusal to recognize Adegbenro).

The first victim of the state of emergency was Awo who was detained in mosquito-infested Lekki while Akintola who had been constitutionally removed and Fani-Kayode of NCNC were imposed as Premier and deputy premier of Western region by Balewa and Zik.

In breach of constitutional provision which disallowed the centre from interfering in the affairs of the regions, Zik and Balewa decided to probe the administration of Western Region between 1952 and 1962. At the end Awo was indicted and  accused of theft while his deputy who single-handedly controlled the affairs of the region from 1959 was let off the hook because he served as the prosecution witness.

To ensure Awo will be too old to ask how Nigeria was being run by the time he gets out of prison, he was slammed with  treasonable charges which provided an excuse for Zik and Balewa, the coalition leaders, to send Awo and his colleagues to 10 years imprisonment.

The Yoruba waited patiently for the 1964 Western Regional election to liberate themselves but Fani-Kayode publicly swore he and Akintola would win the election whether the people voted for them or not. Zik and Balewa, as coalition leaders, went on to massively rig the 1964 election in favour of their stooges – Akintola and Fani-Kayode.

It was at this point the people of the West resolved that ‘those who sowed the wind must reap the whirlwind’. Violence, code-named “Operation wet e” broke out with dead bodies littering major streets of major towns in Yoruba land. The battle was against those Yoruba identified as traitors.

We cannot trivialise the above historical facts by attempting to draw a parallel between it and Fubara’s self-inflicted 2023 crisis when he blindly decided to fight his own government. And except for those engaged in mischief to give a false narrative of our past history, there is no basis to compare Zik and Balewa’s malevolent handling of Western Region crisis with President Tinubu’s handling of Fubara’s disagreement with an arm of his government.

President Tinubu did what a statesman should do by making Fubara sign a truce with the warring members of an arm of his government in the presence of Rivers elders. If he breached his undertaking, it was because he, as an office holder, who does not know that in a democracy, rulers rule but others dictate the tune, allowed himself to be misled by Arise TV and non-politicians in politics who probably do not know better.

There are several merchants of death prowling the nooks and crannies of Nigeria. They range from bandits, kidnappers, ritual murderers, and manufacturers of fake and substandard products. All of them deserve severe punishment including life imprisonment at the correctional centres. I shudder reading the press statement by the Director General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control, Prof. Moji Adeyeye, on the recent efforts of her agency to rid Nigeria of fake, expired and substandard drugs.

NAFDAC said it evacuated over 100 truckloads of substandard, falsified, and banned medicines and narcotics from the Idumota Market in Lagos State, Onitsha Market in Anambra State, and Aba Market in Abia State, in six weeks. The NAFDAC director general said if the substandard and banned medicines were allowed in circulation, they could ruin the nation by reducing the quality of life of millions of Nigerians. Adeyeye made the remarks in Lagos on Friday, March 14, 2025, at a briefing while giving an update on the unprecedented enforcement exercise carried out in the three markets, where unregistered, banned, expired or medicines with other violations worth over a trillion naira were confiscated.

She further disclosed that the agency concluded the enforcement exercise in Idumota and Aba on February 28, 2025, while the exercise still lingered in Onitsha until March 8. She was quoted as saying, “What we have found could ruin a nation. What we have found could destabilise a government. What we have found could reduce the quality of life of millions of Nigerians. If you have diabetes, or hypertension, which need daily treatment, such people could die easily with what we have found.” The NAFDAC boss stated that with a large population of Nigerian youth below 40, the narcotics seized could take their lives, and fuel banditry, and terrorism.

She said over 100 40-footer truckloads were evacuated with 27 truckloads from Idumota, already destroyed while in Aba and Onitsha markets about 80 40-foot truckloads of unregistered, banned medicines and narcotics were seized and evacuated. For Aba and environ, she disclosed that 14 truckloads of violative medicines were evacuated from the Osisioma warehouse alone, four truckloads from the Ariara Road warehouse and 10 truckloads of the medicines were seized from the markets.

According to her, in Onitsha, there are 110 lines where they sell drugs, aside from the plumbing market, and the wood plank markets. From the plumbing section, Prof. Adeyeye explained that warehouses were filled to the brim, without windows, with temperatures more than 40 degrees Celsius, subjecting the medicines to degradation before the user starts to use them. She said the agency evacuated 10 40-foot truckloads of tramadol from the plumbing, wood plank and the fashion lines of the market, also noting with dismay that about four truckloads of syrup with codeine that was banned almost seven years ago were also evacuated.

In last Saturday, March 15, 2025, edition of this newspaper, the President of the Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria, Tanko Ayuba, in an interview with The PUNCH correspondent Ajibade Omape gave insights into the menace of counterfeit and substandard drugs. According to him, the World Health Organisation reports that substandard antibiotics have contributed to over 169,000 deaths from childhood pneumonia globally. Furthermore, a 2018 study published in the American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene estimated that 64,000–158,000 deaths from malaria in Sub-Saharan Africa were linked to counterfeit or substandard anti-malarial drugs.

The PSN president further said that a study in The Lancet found that 1.27 million deaths worldwide in 2019 were directly caused by antimicrobial resistance, with many cases linked to counterfeit antibiotics. In Nigeria, malaria resistance to first-line treatments like artemisinin combination therapy is growing due to counterfeit anti-malarial drugs. Similarly, multi-drug-resistant tuberculosis is rising because of the proliferation of fake TB medications. If left unchecked, this trend could make common infections untreatable.

Ayuba traced some of the causative factors to include the following:  weak enforcement, corruption, and the high demand for affordable medications. Many Nigerians, due to poverty, opt for cheaper drugs without verifying their authenticity. A 2017 study by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime reported that West Africa accounted for 40 per cent of the world’s trade in falsified medicines. Nigeria’s porous borders allow counterfeit drugs to enter from China, India, and neighbouring countries. Furthermore, limited funding for regulatory agencies like NAFDAC and the Pharmacists Society of Nigeria makes it difficult to combat the sale of fake drugs.

The PSN president said under Nigeria’s Counterfeit and Fake Drugs (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, offenders can face a fine of N500,000, or five years imprisonment. That is a mere slap on the wrist!  By comparison, China imposes the death penalty for drug counterfeiting, while the US enforces life imprisonment for offenders under the FDA’s Drug Supply Chain Security Act. PSN advocates for harsher penalties, including a minimum of 20 years imprisonment and asset forfeiture for large-scale counterfeiters.

Kudos to NAFDAC on the unprecedented seizures! However, I am concerned that there was no mention of arrests of the merchants of death who engaged in these illicit activities that are inimical to human health. Is it that NAFDAC is contented with seizure of the illicit drugs while the perpetrators are allowed to go back to illicit trade? That is tantamount to mopping a leaking roof. Unless and until the perpetrators are arrested, investigated and jailed for life, they will not desist. Imagine the entire country being exposed to public health challenges because of the inhumane activities of hundreds of greedy businessmen and women who care less about the welfare and well-being of their fellow human beings.

It is heartrending that the WHO Global Surveillance Report on Substandard Medicines identified Nigeria as a major transit point for counterfeit drugs. I fully endorse the position of the Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria on the need for severe penalties, including asset forfeiture. Not only that, PSN’s recommendation of pharmacovigilance and pharmaceutical manufacturers investing in tamper-proof packaging, holograms, and blockchain tracking are also well thought out. Wholesalers must ensure that their supply chains are monitored through regulatory-approved distribution networks to prevent flaws and breaks in their supply chains.

The PSN president’s suggestion to the Nigerian public is very instructive. When asked about how consumers can identify counterfeit drugs, he said, “For the public, I would advise that when purchasing drugs or medication, they should buy only from registered pharmacies. This will drastically reduce the consumption of counterfeit pharmaceutical products. Secondly, the public should be wary and always check for NAFDAC registration numbers on the packaging of drugs to ensure that they are not counterfeit or unregistered. There is also an avenue to use SMS authentication codes (MAS—Mobile Authentication Service) to verify the authenticity of the drugs after purchase to avoid using counterfeit drugs to treat illnesses. According to a 2021 WHO report, MAS has reduced counterfeit malaria drug sales by 30 per cent in Nigeria since its implementation.”

The National Assembly needs to amend our laws to tighten the nuts and bolts by prescribing stricter punishments for the merchants of deaths who engage in the sale of counterfeit and substandard drugs, beverages, water, wines and spirits. Media and civil society need to intensify public enlightenment by collaborating with the Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria. PSN should intensify routine raids of drugstores and pharmacies for counterfeits, expired and substandard drugs and drinks. Better funding of NAFDAC is a must. A stitch in time saves nine!

After seeing the quantum of decontamination work being done by the Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project to remedy the heartless damage done to the soil of Ogoniland, it became difficult to pick which title best suits this article.

The first title that came to mind was “In Limbo in Ogoni Death Row”. Then came “Ogoninisation of Nigeria” and, finally, “Nigeria is a Crime Scene”. The first title uses death row cells, where condemned criminals await the hangman, as a metaphor for Ogoni people awaiting the death of their lives and livelihood, from the contamination of their land.

It is reminiscent of the way Saro-Wiwa and other members of the Ogoni-nine patiently waited for the hangman sent by General Sani Abacha to snuff out their lives under the supervision and watchful eyes of a military administrator.

“Ogoninisation of Nigeria” is a way of saying that the scorched earth that became the fate of Ogoniland awaits other communities with oil wells, petroleum refineries, crude and refined petroleum pipelines, petrol depots and stations. Petroleum products, with low viscosity, spread faster, wider and deeper than crude petroleum with higher viscosity.

“Nigeria is a Crime Scene” describes the continuous, cavalier, defilement of oil-producing communities by players in Nigeria’s oil sector, like International Oil Companies, Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited and its predecessor, regulators, and other government agencies and private organisations.

If you took a flying boat from Goi to Bomu, bent down to plant a mangrove tree, felt dizzy and had to be rushed back to the shore, after water was poured on your head, you will understand the depth of the injustice done with the hanging of Saro-Wiwa and the damage done to the soil, water, health and livelihood of the people of Ogoniland.

Apart from extremely hazardous health implications, the contamination degrades the soil, waterbodies and residential areas. This greatly impaired the lives and livelihood of farmers and fishermen in Ogoniland.

The irony is that fishmongers in Rivers State now get their fresh fish supply from Lagos State, a negation of the assumption that you cannot bring coal to Newcastle, whose last deep mine was incidentally closed in 2005 after the decline that started in the 1980s.

In 1993, the Federal Military Government, probably mindful of the irresponsible negligence of NNPC, IOCs and illegal artisanal refineries, asked United Nations Environment Programme to assess the level of degradation of the Niger Delta, using Ogoniland as a focal point. The UNEP study, which started in 2009, submitted its report to the Federal Government in 2011.

Among other things, the report found that the observed level of contamination was higher than the Nigerian government’s stated threshold, which suggests that the government was negligent in enforcing its own safety policies. Also, the failure of biological processes and surface crusts, resulting from burning, greatly hampered natural and cheaper pollution attenuation processes.

When spilled oil gets to their roots, plants die. And fish die in polluted rivers or move to safer regions. Poisonous volatile organic compounds, like benzene, toluene, ethylbenzene, xylenes, alkanes, and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons become more prevalent in affected communities.

These cause cancer, respiratory and neurological problems, infertility and blindness. Benzene, a carcinogen, was detected in both Ogoniland soil and the groundwaters. When inhaled, its particles, generated from illegal refineries, lead to the premature death of patients with underlying heart and lung diseases.

UNEP’s recommendations included decommissioning of drill assets that failed integrity assessment tests: discouragement of illegal refineries (but because of competition against IOCs, the report did not suggest trade cooperatives for the illegal refineries under government supervision); immediate oil spill remediations; and regular cleanup of contaminated soil and sediments.

In 2016, the Federal Ministry of Environment established the Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project to implement the UNEP Report to remediate and restore polluted Ogoniland soil and groundwaters. The mandate included initiating and developing work programmes to remedy hydrocarbon-impacted areas; ensuring full recovery of the ecosystem; providing appropriate technologies for remediation of the soil and groundwater; and responding to future remediation needs.

HYPRED demarcated the pollution-impacted areas into three zones that could either be the low-impacted sites that affect only lands that include farmlands; the medium-impacted sites that include land and groundwater areas; and the high-level impacted sites that include residential areas where people reside.

By the way, anyone living in Lagos and other such high population density urban centres in Nigeria should be aware that, by this definition, they are indeed living in the high-level impacted areas with the petrol stations, petroleum product depots and petroleum products pipelines in their neighbourhoods.

With the potentially nationwide cleanup that HYPREP is likely to embark upon in the future, the $1bn said to have been earmarked for the cleanup cannot complete the job. HYPREP, the special-purpose vehicle set up to do the job, has already embarked upon a lot of activities that will require a lot of money in Ogoniland.

Some of the projects are a 100-bed hospital with facilities to treat cancer, a cottage hospital, and several solar-powered waterworks schemes to deliver potable water to both pollution-impacted communities and those free of pollution. It is also planning a power plant project.

The highly ambitious Centre of Excellence and Environmental Restoration, recommended by the UNEP Report, is under construction. Its mandate is to train experts in environmental and monitoring skills; teach livelihood skill sets; assist members of the community with business plans; and, where necessary, enable local and foreign training for qualified members of the communities.

Yet HYPREP is carrying out its core responsibility of land and water remediation, replanting of mangroves in the rivers that have been cleaned, and training youths that have been forcibly weaned away from land and fish farming livelihoods by the oil pollution.

If no one will mind what may appear to be a repetition of facts, it is necessary to reiterate that the purpose of the decontamination project is to get the people back to their original occupation of farming and fishing.

The good news is that grass is already re-growing in some parts of highly-impacted Ogoniland, even in the dry season. This work, though very expensive, must continue so that the lives and livelihoods of the communities in Ogoniland can be restored.

Though the international green lobby insists that fossil fuels must be phased out, because of its negative global warming effect, it will take a long time to phase it out. But NNPCL and the IOCs must dedicate funds to research for technology that can prevent or control future contamination of the soil and water of petroleum mining, refining and storage communities.

The government should increase the decontamination budget; intensify and extend the cleanup to the other parts of the Niger Delta and the rest of Nigeria; encourage the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency to be prompt in monitoring and ensuring remediation in affected communities.

In addition, state governments should discourage private boreholes and empower municipal water corporations to take responsibility for potable water. Because pollution is practically nationwide, state waterworks should drill water from aquifers far below contaminated soils in communities that host petrol depots and stations.

Australian poet, Gemma Troy, who said, “Your words can plant gardens or burn whole forests down,” may be telling players in Nigeria’s petroleum sector to be more cautious in the way they carry out their operations.

The Rivers State House of Assembly has endorsed President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in the state.

This was contained in a statement issued on Tuesday, by the Speaker of the House, Martin Amaewhule.

Amaewhule said the Assembly would abide by the president’s decision, even though it was not what they had hoped for.

“We assure our constituents that we will abide by this declaration, even though it is not what we prayed for. Mr. President has acted in the best interest of the country,” Amaewhule said.

The Speaker blamed Governor Siminalayi Fubara for the crisis in Rivers State, accusing him of ignoring court judgments and failing to govern in line with the constitution.

“The condition of our dear Rivers State today is mainly because of the malfeasance of the governor, who serially disobeyed court judgments and obstructed the Rivers State House of Assembly,” he stated.

Amaewhule called on residents to remain calm and cooperate with the Sole Administrator appointed by the president to oversee the affairs of the state.

“We urge everyone to remain calm as the Sole Administrator assumes duty. Rest assured that the Assembly will give him all the necessary support to restore order,” he added.

The Speaker also thanked the people of the state for their patience, prayers and support during this period of emergency.

On Tuesday, Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State and suspended Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu and all elected members of the state House of Assembly for six months.

He said the decision was taken to restore stability in the state that has been witnessing political turmoil as a result of the disagreement between the state governor and the state lawmakers.

Following his declaration, the president appointed a former Chief of Naval Staff, Admiral Ibokette Ibas, as an administrator for Rivers State.

[Punch]