Prominent politician, Alhaji Sule Lamido, in his upcoming book, titled, Being rue to Myself, details the intrigues that dogged the return to democratic rule in 1999.

According to him, the South of the country would have lost power to the North at the outset of the Fourth Republic if not for intervention.

The Foreign Affairs Minister under the Obasanjo administration who later became the governor of Jigawa State also speaks on the June 12 impasse, the confrontation with the military, the Interim National Government, the Abacha self-succession plan, the fallout, his time as minister and governor, and his ‘worst political experience’ under the Jonathan administration, among other issues in the polity. Excerpts:

MANAGING JUNE 12 FALLOUT

In my discussion with Babangida, being the first time we met, he found me genuine, with no pretentions and even maybe naïve.

Then he asked me, “Sule what do I do?” In my naïve and innocent way, I told him frankly, “Sir, you must resign and leave office.” Immediately I said that his countenance changed. I saw fire in his eyes; for some minutes he was speechless.

During the discussions, the government was very clear on what it wanted.

The chairmen of the parties spoke for us throughout.

I must commend Tony Anenih, whom I found extremely courageous…

He spoke the truth to the military powers, clearly, and I was extremely proud of him and knew then that we had in him a leader who was courageous, firm, and honest…

Tony Anenih certainly made us proud that day, he stood up for justice and our party.

The core agenda was to make sure that we agreed to form the Interim Government.

As for us, so long as it was going to lead to the exit of Babangida, we were relieved…It was a meeting of three independent groups, the two political parties and the military government.

Two political parties went for elections; one won and the other lost…The government had already made a commitment by a military decree.

They said, “Let us nullify Abiola’s electoral victory”, then they turned round to ask, “How do we get out of this cul-de-sac?” … because the issue was now outside the control of the government.

ABIOLA PLAYED INTO ABACHA’S HAND

Abacha had courted Chief Abiola, the presumed winner of the previously annulled presidential election, before he eased out Shonekan.

Shortly after the takeover, Abiola formally paid Abacha a solidarity visit, and the military leader told him that all he desired was to arrange and hand over the government to him.

Maybe that was Abacha’s initial plan, but, certainly, Chief Abiola welcomed the takeover.

He endorsed Abacha and paid glowing tribute to him in public.

I knew Abacha before he became the military head of government.

I first met him way back in 1980, when I was in the House of Representatives during the Second Republic.
He was a very good friend to late Sarki Adamu, my colleague in the National Assembly.

CONFERENCE

Another issue considered at the conference was the novel idea of three vice presidents, where one would be active and the remaining two would be nominal, or inactive.

Thus, if the president was a southerner, he would have a northerner as vice president, with another pair of inactive vice presidents, one a northerner and the other a southerner.

ABACHA TRANSITION

To protest what we regarded as an unfair attempt to exclude us from politics, we announced straightaway that we would not be part of the transition programme.

We explained that Abacha did not intend to hand over power to the politicians, but was simply planning to succeed himself.

The fact of the matter was that the political parties that had prominent members with political antecedents and a deep-rooted history could not fancifully be jettisoned away, while the new inventions that had no past were said to have qualified above them.

One could not imagine that political upstarts, such as Gambo Lawal, who began his career as a local government chairman during my tenure as the National Secretary of the SDP, could suddenly metamorphose into a leader of a national political party.

BOLA IGE ON NORTHERN AGENDA

Gana was interrupted by Bola Ige, who said: “Look Sule, before going into details about this G9, you see, Rimi is my good friend, my colleague. Adamu Ciroma is my friend … The North has got an agenda and, therefore, Rimi, Lar, Adamu and all the other members here present, I don’t trust you. You are trying to use us to create a kind of moral force, a national momentum, but you have a private agenda behind it. Otherwise, if you want me to believe you, go back to the North and create a fresh group to challenge Abacha’s military government. Only if you do that, will I believe in you.”

G18

Back to the formation of the G18, I remember that it was almost entirely composed of ‘Yan Arewa’ (Northerners). Having written and signed the petition to General Sani Abacha, the Head of the Military Government, to explain our position concerning his political transition programme, we immediately sent it off.

It was a response to the challenge by Chief Bola Ige and demonstrated that the G9 was now a national movement.
We, therefore, wanted to come back from Lagos to start our revolt from the North; that was how we convened the G18 meeting for Northern members only.

G34 IS BORN TO COUNTER ABACHA

Subsequently, the G34 was born, comprising people from all parts of Nigeria, setting in motion the political opposition to Abacha’s self-succession agenda.

However, that night, I was arrested together with Abubakar Rimi.

We had returned home about 10:30p.m., but unknown to us, the secret police, which was known as the State Security Service (SSS), had monitored our movements throughout that day.

They had followed us from Kaduna to Abuja; that was how they picked us up, as soon as each of us arrived home.
I had not quite become conditioned to my detention centre, but I plainly explained, to the startled SSS Director: “I am not going anywhere until I am told the offence I committed which warranted my detention!”

He did not reply me, but simply placed a call to Gadzama, the Director of Operations at the SSS headquarters in Abuja: ”We have a problem here, Sir.”

“What’s the problem?” Gadzama asked.

“Sir, Sule Lamido said he’s not leaving here until he is told the offence he committed in the first place that led to his detention”, he explained.

“Tell him we only acted according to the instructions of the National Security Adviser, Isma’ila Gwarzo. We have no idea what he did; we only acted upon instructions. And now we have been directed to release him”, Gadzama said.

HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSE

There are some basic human rights, which government, as an institution, must protect.

Otherwise, if any government denies these rights to its citizens, it will simply crash, because it loses all legitimacy. My human rights were abused under the Abacha regime, which I opposed.

The government did not come to power through democratic means, nor was it accountable to anyone.
It could not therefore be expected to defend citizens’ rights or accord them respect.

LEADER WITH NO JUSTICE

Being Chairman of the NACB was the first time I came to work in what could be called a government institution or parastatal.
This was an eye-opener to me, as I began to observe how government bureaucracy and decision-making operated; and how different intrigues, complexities and interests were played out.

That was the first time I came to know government as an instrument of patronage.

Unfortunately, when any institution yields to the pressure of patronages, it eventually becomes destroyed.
I then said something that must have shocked him: “Sir, thank God you didn’t win the presidency of Nigeria. We thank God, because you would have been a leader with no justice, because you could have someone killed based on ordinary hearsay. If somebody comes to you and says, ‘Mr President, Mr A has killed somebody’, you would send your men to go and kill that person without any investigation. Sir, is that the legacy you are leaving to Barewa people?”

PARTY FORMATION

At the same time that we were discussing the formation of the political party, we also looked at future arrangements for the allocation of positions.

Some felt that, for the Nigerian nation to be able to move forward, we had to find a way to heal the injuries caused by the June 12 election annulment.

I agreed with the consensus that, unless the issue was properly addressed, we could not move forward.

Thus, in allocating the positions to contest for, during the coming elections, we agreed to give the opportunity for the Presidency to the Southwest geo-political zone.

I have often explained that we had to do that for strategic national reasons, so as to be able to restore trust and move forward.

The effort then was to support Obasanjo, as the presidential contestant in the PDP.

The Yoruba saw through our moves and wanted to ask to be given the choice to nominate one of three possible persons: Chiefs Olu Falae, Bola Ige or Abraham Adesanya, but none of these could make a fair and effective president in Nigeria.

We wanted to find a Yoruba Nigerian president; thus, to have a Yoruba man as the Nigerian president, not a president of the Nigerian Yoruba.

Some people may today find this funny, but for us, the distinction was quite important at that time.

However, we thought that Obasanjo could effectively function as a Yoruba Nigerian president and not president of the Nigerian Yoruba.

The choice of Obasanjo as the PDP candidate for the presidential election was to heal the June 12 wound.
We, as nationalists, seeking for quality leadership and unity, saw it that way…We were concerned about the welfare and unity of the country …

We, therefore, reached the consensus to unite the country by appeasing the majority of the Yoruba people, but not their political flag-wavers…They were not with us when we fielded Abiola for the June 12 election, but had later taken unto themselves the leadership of the ‘struggle’ to declare him the winner.

Like I had often asked, “Where were they on June 11?”

INTERLOCUTORS

All of these interlocutors had no idea how Abiola defeated Bashir Tofa in Kano, and even at his polling unit.
The June 12 was a national accomplishment.

The elements in NADECO simply snatched away the finished product, at the end of the mill, and by so doing sectionalized, trivialized and diminished an otherwise national sacrifice…

ABDULSALAMI’S ‘GENUINE’ TRANSITION

General Abdulsalami Abubakar rolled out a sincere and genuine transition plan, to hand over power to civilians.
It was straightforward; there was no hidden agenda or any kind of confusion or ambiguity.

This was a sharp contrast to what Nigerians had seen under Generals Babangida and Abacha.

Citizens were allowed free hand in the formation of political parties, as General Abdulsalami was disinterested.
All he wanted to do was to successfully handover to anyone that Nigerians truly decided they want in a free and fair election.
If democracy were to be allowed to take its course, if all citizens were allowed to exercise their freedom without constraint, another northerner would become president.

We, therefore, pointed out to them the consequence of the events on our national unity and development.
That was why when the PDP decided to zone the presidency to the Southwest the other major parties had no option but to follow its example.

There were only two main parties, the PDP and the APP, but the key Yoruba politicians who withdrew from the embryonic PDP later formed the Alliance for Democracy (AD), making a total of three.

WHAT GEN GUSAU TOLD ME ABOUT OBASANJO

So, although I was part of the national consensus mentioned earlier, General Aliyu Gusau called me up and said: ”Look, in order to ensure Nigeria’s security and survival, we need a transition that should be all-inclusive; with the government, the parties and the entire political agencies working in tandem, to be able to address this problem we are into. Of course, Babangida is also talking to Abdussalam Abubakar.”

After a pause, he continued, “Therefore, Sule, we are opting for Obasanjo for a number of reasons.”

RUNNING MATE

The young man greeted me in the traditional respectful salutation for elders, “Rankayadade (May you live long), Sule!” He then continued, gesturing to his companion, who extended his hand for a handshake, saying:

“This is Abba Kyari, my companion. He wants to be allowed to serve as the running mate to Obasanjo, on the PDP platform. He has brought a bank draft for the sum of 160 million naira, as a contribution to the party, to meet the campaign expenses.”

Rimi and I were stunned. We couldn’t believe what we just heard. We were both in shock as we stared at the two men, who also stared back at us with a straight face.

LIFE AS MINISTER

When I became minister, I became conscious of the urgent need to construct a befitting building for our operations.
My duty as minister has exposed me to befitting structures and edifices in many countries, which serve as their foreign affairs ministries.

Whenever I returned home to Nigeria, after I have been to other ministries abroad, it was always embarrassing to see our own building. Within the majestic complex of offices at the Federal Secretariat, the plot reserved for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was vacant; meanwhile, the ministry was accommodated in a temporary and cramped structure elsewhere in the city.
I resolved that we should develop our own ministerial secretariat at the piece of land at the Federal Secretariat.

“Well, I am going out now to meet Obasanjo, the Nigerian president. I am leaving this house as a minister in the government, but do not know if I will come back still as a minister after meeting the president. Oh Allah, give me the strength and courage to stand up to whatever he says. Don’t allow me to fear losing my position and abandon my principles. Please, Ya Allah, strengthen my faith. I am leaving this house as a minister; I may not come back as a minister. I have no problem with that, but God guide me, save my faith”.

From day one, I was lucky being Foreign Minister under President Obasanjo, who is an astute diplomat in his own right. Concerning how effective he was as a leader, I cannot speak for other ministers; but I recall explaining to him that I needed total autonomy, to function in my role as minister and in running my office, so long as I remain his minister; this I got from him.

In all issues concerning the continent, Obasanjo was an unwavering pan-Africanist; he did not need to seek any counsel.
He and I shared the same progressive position about Africa and Pan-Africanism; and he trusted my judgement.

Towards the end of our first tenure, having noticed what I was doing, President Obasanjo called me one day to the Villa.
He said to me, “What a great work you are doing, Sule. I want to thank you very much for being a very, very loyal Nigerian, for believing in Nigeria, for standing for Nigeria. I found in you a partner like I said when we first met at Tahir Hotel. And after the election, if we come back, this government is yours; whatever you want out of it, it’s your government.”
I thanked him and left.

SUCCESSOR

Obasanjo gave an account of his presidency and declared that he wanted a disciplined person, someone of character and integrity to succeed him.

There and then he ordered all aspirants to step down their ambitions for their brother, Governor Umaru Yar’Adua.

Up to that point in time, Governor Yar’Adua had not indicated any interest in that office. At the minimum, anyone aspiring to that office must purchase and fill the party’s nomination form and secure the endorsement of PDP members from two-thirds of the States of the Federation.

All these he did not do, the requirements were just waived for him.

When Obasanjo gave this order, there was pin drop silence. President Obasanjo’s countenance revealed a very clear message – the order was sacrosanct!

JONATHAN’S ATTITUDE TO GOVERNANCE

I said to him, “Sir, we have a problem.”

“Ah, Jigawa, what is it?” he [President Jonathan] asked. Then I said: “Somebody called me, a very senior cleric showing concern about the attitude of this government. A bomb exploded in a church in Suleja, which is very close to the seat of your government, yet you have not shown any concern, by issuing any statement on the bomb, not to talk of going there to commiserate with the victims. Was it because you really do not feel safe, as rumoured, or is it your security officials that advised you not to go there? If you don’t feel safe to visit the place and you are the Nigerian President, who then should be safe in the country? As the president, is there any part of the country where the people live that you cannot go to?…”

The fact is that I still think Jonathan and I had an honest and sincere relationship, although inside him he had some misgivings about me.

Could it be because he did not know my political history or because I could speak my mind to him, or due to some other reasons? I do not know.

‘WORST POLITICAL EXPERIENCE’

The biggest humiliation and pain was of being docked along with my children; apart from being tagged “anti-Islam”, “anti-North” and “a pastor”, it was the worst experience I suffered politically.

The PDP’s philosophy of ‘One Nigeria’ suggested inclusiveness; hence, the principle of zoning, in order to embrace all sections of the country.

At the centre was political reconciliation, meaning that zoning was a cardinal principle of the party, even though some of us from the left of the political spectrum did not support that, but only believed in selecting the best always. We adopted zoning as a temporary measure, as a cure to the peculiar ‘disease’ that was ravaging the nation at that time.

CHARTING A NEW COURSE AS GOV

When I came into office as governor in Jigawa, I wanted to chart a new course by changing the narrative.
The young state had been governed largely on whimsical instincts, with no knowledge of where it was coming from and no idea of where it was headed for.

As leaders in the society and our various communities, we are often distant from the people we govern; we do not even know them.

It is a paradox that we are there with them in the same country, state, local government or other administrative units, yet, we do not even know them.

We derived the philosophy of our government from the programmes the people wanted, in addition to those in the PDP manifesto.
We were perpetually on our toes trying to catch up with the public demands and wanted to be responsive to the yearnings of the masses, who had high expectations of our government.

We were determined not to fail, because to us failure was not an option.

I had been part of the political family since 1979 and had worked together with the local people very well. Wherever I went, they went together with me; and wherever they were, that was where I was also found.

My problem had always been with the elite, who were often not comfortable with me.

For me, government should all be about providing service to the people and promoting human development.

It should be able to look after its own citizens, always exploring how their life can further be enhanced and developed for their optimum pleasure.

Thus, leadership is very important and anyone given the responsibility should have the ability to use it with imagination, and in such a way that everyone could attain the loftiest heights in the society.

From our first day in government, I resolved to have a social benchmark for my society, below which no one must sink.

The vulnerable and the disadvantaged among us, including the blind, crippled, lepers, the mentally-ill and the poor, must be given a pride of place in whatever policies and programmes our government would adopt.

We believed that everyone had a role to play in the shaping and re-orientation of the society; it was not for the governor or those in government alone, but included everyone in all positions – religious

I did not accept that the disagreements between the farmers and herders were reduced to an ethnic conflict between the Fulani and the Hausa.

Because even in far away America, there are farmers and rangers, and neither is a Fulani or Hausa; same as in Denmark.
Farming and cattle-rearing (animal husbandry) are merely professions that any people could adopt; and should not be reduced to an ethnic identity in our own context.

Political parties are not an end in themselves, but only a means of acquiring power and establishing government; they are only a means to an end…Ideally, there should be no tension between the party supporters and officials elected to run the government, because they are two sides of the same coin.

“I know Nigerian politics and I know how petty and myopic our political leaders could sometimes be.
No matter how beneficial to the people a project conceived by another government or leader that preceded them is, they may not want to sustain it.”

I had never tampered with the grants allocated to local governments in the state; each received its own funds promptly after authorized deductions, provided by law.

Prior to my tenure as governor, they did not know what money was due to them every month; or how much would be given to them in the daytime and how much they would be asked to return at night!

A person who is hungry has no focus; his primary concern is to eat and satiate his hunger and will do the bidding of whoever gives him food. Poverty, illiteracy, ethnicity, religion are all used to manipulate our people, by unscrupulous politicians.
The idea of the government borrowing money to work for the people did not even cross my mind as I was aware of the fact that when I leave office, another governor would come with his own mandate.

Therefore, I did not want to incur any expenditure for him in advance and, thus, curtail his own programmes.

That was my philosophy, so that by the time I go, I would not leave behind any liability in the state account.

I would apply the resources of the state to public service, as they came, up to the end of my tenure; I believed that was how it should be.

Today, looking back at my past, coming from a village, I feel deep gratitude to God for all His favours.
I have held positions of a legislator, a minister and a governor, I thank Him for making me what I am, for guiding me and for the gift of my life.

I also thank Him for giving me the strength to be able to do what I think is my maximum best, such that I have no regrets whatsoever in life.

God has really blessed me. I also feel happy that God had used me to make a difference in some people’s lives.

I believe in Nigeria. I love Nigeria and cherish what Nigeria has done for me. I am pained to see some of her key leaders consciously, knowingly and deliberately abandoning the country; to pursue their own interests, to the detriment of the national interest.

We pray that Allah SubhanahuWaTa’ala (God All Mighty be Praised and Exalted) will guide us all, and enable us to plan well for our nation, ourselves and the generations to come.

QUOTE: If democracy were to be allowed to take its course, if all citizens were allowed to exercise their freedom without constraint, another northerner would become president

[Vanguard]