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Nasir el-Rufai, former governor of Kaduna, says the north must forge an alliance with the south-south to “save” Nigeria.
Speaking on Friday during a condolence visit to the family of Edwin Clark, the late elder statesman and Niger Delta advocate, who died on February 17, el-Rufai said the north and south-south had a strong historical political partnership.
“In the 60s, 70s and 80s, the traditional political partners of the north was the south-south. Let us not forget that. Let us go back to that. Let us save this country because it really requires saving. We need a rescue operation,” el-Rufai said.
Ahead of the 2027 general election, there have been talks of coalitions and alliances with politicians across opposition parties holding “strategic meetings”.
El-Rufai, who was led to the condolence visit by Atiku Abubakar, said the former vice-president deserves credit for spearheading economic reforms during the Olusegun Obasanjo administration.
Abubakar was vice-president to former president Olusegun Obasanjo government from 1999 to 2007.
The former governor has been meeting members of opposition parties in recent weeks.
In January, el-Rufai met with Hamza Al-Mustapha, ex-aide to late Sani Abacha; Shehu Gabam, national chairman of the Social Democratic Party (PDP); and other politicians in the nation’s capital.
Segun Showunmi, a former spokesperson of the Atiku Abubakar campaign organisation, said the meeting was to strategise ahead of the 2027 elections.
There have been speculations that el-Rufai has been working to pitch his political tent elsewhere.
Last month, el-Rufai said the distance between him and the All Progressives Congress (APC) is “widening”.
[TheCable]
•Narrates how he disarmed Dimka during 1976 coup
FORMER Military President, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, has disclosed that former President Olusegun Obasanjo opted to leave the Army after he was asked to succeed former Head of State, Murtala Muhammed, following the failure of the 1976 coup that claimed Murtala’s life.
IBB made this disclosure in his autobiography, A Journey in Service while giving accounts of the events that followed the attempt to forcefully take over the Murtala’s military administration by a group of mutineers led by Lieutenant-Colonel Bukar Dimka.
Following Murtala’s death, IBB, in chapter 5 of his book entitled “The Murtala Muhammed Years,” narrated that the Supreme Military Council met the following day to discuss the succession plan but the council was divided over the choice of Obasanjo and Theophilus Danjuma, both of whom, at the time, were Lieutenant-Generals and most senior military officer.
IBB disclosed that though the pendulum of the SMC swung in Danjuma’s direction, he rejected the offer and suggested that Obasanjo, who was Murtala’s deputy and a ‘senior’ Lieutenant-General, should succeed Murtala.
According to him, Obasanjo, instead, opted to retire from the Army to pave the way for Danjuma’s ascension as Head of State, but such move led to a stalemate as Danjuma rejected the suggestion, insisting that Obasanjo should succeed the late Head of State.
IBB narrated on page 99 of his book: “The next day, the SMC met in Lagos to pick a successor to General Muhammed. We knew it would be either General Obasanjo or General Danjuma since, as Lieutenant-Generals, they were the most senior. As I recall, the pendulum swung in favour of General Danjuma at the start of the deliberations. Everyone present, including Obasanjo, thought Danjuma should take over.
“But somehow, Danjuma cast his lot with Obasanjo, insisting that as Muhammed’s deputy and a ‘senior’ Lieutenant-General, Obasanjo should succeed Murtala Muhammed. Obasanjo refused and offered, if I recall accurately, to retire from the Army to enable Danjuma to emerge as Head of State. There appeared to be a momentary stalemate. But that soon faded away. Faced with the insistence of Danjuma, everyone caved in, and Obasanjo accepted the challenge to succeed Murtala.
“With the question of the Head of State settled, the choice of substantive Deputy to Obasanjo and Chief of Staff (Supreme Headquarters) had to be resolved. I don’t recall that it was tabled before the SMC. But I suspect that General Danjuma, as Chief of Army Staff and ‘de facto’ deputy to Obasanjo during those early days, decided, presumably after consultations, to name Lt-Col. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua as Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters. And in an exercise that would have rattled a few within the military, especially those senior to him, Yar’Adua was promptly promoted to Brigadier and, subsequently, Major-General.”
The elder stateman also narrated how he disarmed late Dimka and other mutineers who had taken over the Radio House, adding that in the ensuing gunfight, Dimka escaped but his aide-de-camp, 2nd Lt Garba, was killed among other casualties.
“Meanwhile, I returned to General Danjuma to give him a report of my encounter with Dimka. Danjuma was furious. He ordered me back to the Radio House with a reiteration of his earlier instructions to ‘flush Dimka out of place immediately.
“I returned to Radio House with Chris Ugokwe, better equipped and prepared. By now, we had been joined by, among others, Mike Otuwa, James Ojokojo, John Shagaya and Jack Iketubosin.
“But first, I had to reach out to my friend and classmate, Sani Sami, who commanded the Brigade of Guards, to handle a difficult assignment. The Brigade of Guards’ barracks provided easy access to the Radio House. But again, I had to be careful since I wasn’t sure whether the Brigade was still loyal to the government.
“Sani Sami and I consulted and agreed that there should be minimum destruction. And that we would do what we were taught as cadets in situations involving a civilian population to ensure that civilians got out of the way and didn’t get injured.
“Once that was done, we moved in, cordoned off the area and engaged the mutineers in a gun battle. There were casualties in the ensuing armed confrontation, including Dimka’s ADC, 2nd Lt Garba. Also, one of the other vital plotters, Major Ibrahim Rabo, was arrested by Major Yomi Williams as he tried to escape and was promptly taken to the Bonny camp for interrogation. But, somehow, Dimka, quite inexplicably to this day, managed to escape from the scene unharmed,” IBB recalled.
He added that “Later that evening, the Federal government announced that the coup attempt had been quashed and declared seven days of national mourning in Murtala’s honour. The next day, February 14, General Muhammed was buried in Kano at a ceremony witnessed by thousands of mourners and members of the SMC, including Major-General Bisalla, who would later be implicated in the coup attempt.
“The national outpouring of grief and support following the assassination of Murtala was unprecedented. In his short six months in office, Murtala Muhammed had become a folk hero, endearing himself to many. Angry, grief-stricken students of the Universities of Ibadan, Benin and Lagos held violent street demonstrations in protest against his killers.
“Organised Labour movements, civil society organisations and even market women issued statements of solidarity for the Murtala Muhammed administration. Afterwards, the GOC of the 1 Division in Kaduna, Major-General Alani Akinrinade, issued a strong statement of support from Lagos for Murtala, and virtually all other military installations in the country followed suit by disassociating themselves from the coup.”
[Nigerian Tribune]
Lagos State Police Command has confirmed the rescue of six abandoned children in a residential apartment in an estate in the Ejigbo area of Lagos.
The state Police Command’s spokesperson, CSP Benjamin Hundeyin, confirmed this to newsmen yesterday in Lagos.
He remarked that, “On 18/2 /2025 at about 1200hrs, the case was transferred from Ejigbo police station to the Gender Unit Ikeja in which there was information received that six children were staying alone in a residential house, within an estate in the Ejigbo axis of Lagos.
“The children aged 7-13 years have been rescued and are currently in protective shelters through the Ministry of Youth and Social Development.
“Information so far revealed their mother is currently abroad for medical treatment and left them in the care of a caregiver.”
He added that effort was in top gear to reach out to their mother while investigation is ongoing to get more facts about the matter.
He, however, affirmed that a case of conspiracy and defilement was transferred from Okokomaiko Police Division to the Gender Unit desk in Ikeja.
He narrated that a woman simply identified as Deborah aged 32 years reported that her daughter (name withheld) aged 14 was defiled by her husband, Samuel Alfred (her stepfather) aged 38, and his friend Ikechukwu Obi aged 30.
Meanwhile, he stated that the survivor is about nine months pregnant.
Former military president, General Ibrahim Babangida, has disclosed that he was not an ‘A’ class student in his secondary school years.
He said in Chapter 2 of his new book, “Journey of Service”, while recalling events at his secondary school days at Provincial School Bida, now Government College, Bida.
He said, “Looking back now, some 62 years after we left school, it is evident that we enjoyed ourselves at Bida. We studied hard but also enjoyed ourselves. I was far from being an ‘A’ student. At best, I was a good average student! Even at that time, I had no illusions about my capabilities. I knew what I thought my strengths and weaknesses were.
“But I also knew that collectively, the class of ’62 made the best of its years at Bida, partly because, as I said earlier, our teachers compelled us to soar even beyond heights that seemed hitherto unattainable.”
IBB said his classmates would remember him for different reasons.
They include, “The so-called ‘rebellion’ I led, I believe, in 1959 when we were in Form 3 (or was it Form 4). At that time, Bida was unbearably hot.
“Whenever that happened, senior students would camp their beds outdoors at night to escape the heat, abandoning us, junior students, in our steaming hot rooms.
So, one day, in defiance of the seemingly unfair established rule, I led the junior students to move their beds outside to enable them enjoy the cool air too. Suddenly, all hell broke loose.”
The former military president recalled that the head boy, Garba Paiko (Dada), the son of his primary school Arithmetic teacher, Yakubu Paiko, confronted him.
“The head boy had known me from Minna, and his father had put me under his care. But that
didn’t stop him from taking umbrage at me for ‘leading’ the protest and breaking an established school convention,” he said.
General Babangida said after they deliberated on the matter, he gave in to his point of view and allowed the junior students to stay outside whenever it was unbearably hot, saying the incident probably earned him the respect of a handful of students.
An on-air personality, Chinedu Ani Emmanuel, also known as Nedu Wazobia, has denied recent allegations of fraud and financial misconduct regarding the Nedu Scholarship Foundation (NDSCHF).
At a press conference held in Lagos, Nedu reaffirmed his unwavering dedication to education, philanthropy and social impact, while announcing decisive legal action against false claims aimed at tarnishing his reputation.
Allegations against Nedu began after a reality TV star and comedian, Aderombi Adedayo Martin, better known as Deeone, alleged on a podcast that social media critic, Martin Otse, popularly known as VeryDarkMan, was gay.
Subsequently, several accusations surfaced online claiming that Nedu had misappropriated donations meant for the scholarship initiative.
Nedu, while addressing the allegations through the agency that manages his brand, Tokindrumz, emphasised that all funds for the NDSCHF initiative were managed by a globally recognised social enterprise, ensuring full accountability and at no point did Nedu personally handle or control donations.
Chief operations officer of Tokindrumz, Sarah Williams said, “For the sake of clarity, I’d like to state that I don’t know where they got this information from. But I’d like to state that Mr Nedu did not commit any form of fraud or mismanagement of funds.
“Mr Nedu did not handle any of the funds that were made available for this project. It wasn’t paid to him; he did not see the money. He made it clear that he did not want any donations sent to his personal account to maintain transparency and build his legacy,” Williams emphasised.
The Special Adviser to Ekiti State Governor on Political and Inter-party Affairs, Chief Jide Awe, has expressed confidence that President Bola Tinubu would serve out his two terms of eight years, saying serving eight years of two terms have since become a norm in the country.
He also said that all Nigerian systems and institutions will be rid of corrupt practices when there are stiffer penalties and sanctions for those found wanting.
Speaking in an exclusive interview with LEADERSHIP Sunday in Ado Ekiti, the state capital, Awe posited that it has become a sort of norm for anybody who emerged as president from any of the six geo-political zones to against all odds rule the country for eight years.
The special adviser to the governor who was reacting to the opposition from some quarters to the call by the APC national chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje that the North should support President Tinubu’s reelection bid in 2027 said the continuity would stabilise the country’s democracy.
He said, “It is becoming a norm that each of the geo-political zones in this country will spend two terms, and that of Bola Tinubu will not be an exception. If he is able to clear all the ugly tables within a very short time, which I believe he is doing, the second term is sure for him. And if we are doing that in this country, it will make our democracy stable. Whoever is there will try as much as possible to do his best possible so that when he comes out again seeking people’s votes, willingly they will render it.”
The APC chieftain added that there will always be opposition in any democratic setting which makes democracy to flourish.
“When there is opposition, that will keep the government in power on its toes and move forward. Opposition will have their say but the majority of the people will have their way.
“So, if people are opposing and criticising the government of the day, it is a good radiance and it is welcomed and that will keep whoever is in the position of authority abreast of all the activities.
So, I think our democracy is okay with whatever level of opposition that we have. All we need is that the opposition will not get to the level of destruction.”
Director-General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), Prof. Mojisola Adeyeye, conducted an inspection of the agency’s Enforcement Office in Apapa, Lagos, on Saturday, focusing on illicit pharmaceuticals seized from the Idumota Open Drug Market.
During the visit, Adeyeye noted that the NAFDAC warehouse had reached full capacity, with the overflow of confiscated drugs spilling into the director’s office due to the sheer volume of seized items.
Speaking to journalists after the inspection, she highlighted that the agency’s primary mission is to protect public health.
“We are not disturbing trade; we are protecting lives. We cannot, because of trade, let people continue to die needlessly. What NAFDAC is doing is exactly what it is mandated to do. There is no politics in this operation!” she asserted.
Adeyeye also revealed that many shops within these markets operate illegally, lacking proper registration with the Pharmaceutical Council of Nigeria.
Justifying the agency’s heightened enforcement activities in Onitsha, Aba, and Idumota, she disclosed that over 1,000 personnel are actively engaged in removing counterfeit, expired and unregistered medicines from circulation.
ON JUNE 12: How civilian governors plotted against military Handover
Former military president, General Ibrahim Babangida, retd, has said that former Head of State, Major General Muhammadu Buhari, retd, was overthrown in 1985 because he personalised leadership.
Sunday Vanguard recalls that Buhari was one of the leaders of the military coup of December 1983 that toppled ex-President Shehu Shagari.
But 40 years after Babangida seized power from Buhari through a palace coup, the former military administrator who ruled for eight years between 1985 and 1993, said Buhari and his deputy, the late Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, displayed a “holier-than-thou” attitude, which led the country to a brink.
Babangida, who revealed this in his book: ‘A Journey in Service’, explained that Buhari opposed the civil populace and his constituency, the military.
Change in leadership was necessary
His words: “The change in leadership had become necessary as a response to the worsening mood of the nation and growing concern about our future as a people. All through the previous day, as we flew from Minna and drove through Lagos towards Bonny Camp, I was deeply reflecting on how we as a nation got to this point and how and why I found myself at this juncture of fate. By the beginning of 1985, the citizenry had become apprehensive about the future of our country.
The atmosphere was precarious and fraught with ominous signs of clear and present danger. It was clear to the more discerning leadership of the armed forces that our initial rescue mission of 1983 had largely miscarried.
We now stood the risk of having the armed forces split down the line because our rescue mission had largely derailed. If the armed forces imploded, the nation would go with it, and the end was just too frightening to contemplate. Divisions of opinion within the armed forces had come to replace the unanimity of purpose that informed the December 1983 change of government.
In state affairs, the armed forces, as the only remaining institution of national cohesion, were becoming torn into factions; something needed to be done lest we lose the nation itself. My greatest fear was that division of opinion and views within the armed forces could lead to factionalisation in the military. If allowed to continue and gain root, grave dangers lay ahead.
Antagonise the civil populace
“My predecessor in office, Major General Muhammadu Buhari, and his deputy, Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, had separated themselves from the mainstream of the armed forces by personalising what was initially a collective leadership. They both posited a ‘holier than thou’ attitude, antagonising the civil populace against the military. Fundamental rights and freedoms were being routinely infringed upon and abused. As a military administration, we were now presiding over a society that was primarily frightened of us. We were supposed to improve their lives and imbue the people with hope for a better future.
Instead, we ruled the nation with a series of draconian decrees. An administration intended to reflect the collective will of the armed forces as a national institution came to be seen as the private personal autocracy of a stubborn few. Like most military coups, our leadership change was informed by widespread disquiet among the civil populace. Ordinary people were experiencing severe economic hardship. The general economic and social conditions the people lived under were worsening by the day.
Essential goods and supplies were scarce.
“Yet arbitrary controls in all aspects of economic life and an ancient resort to barter in international trade meant that the nation’s financial woes would not end soon. Draconian decrees led to the abuse and severe limitation of basic freedoms as people were clamped into indefinite detention, most times for minor infractions. Punishment for crimes against the state had led to the pursuit of mechanical legalistic justice against the dictates of natural justice. As the Chief of Army Staff, I was under undue pressure from the rank and file to seek ways of reconnecting the government to society lest we lose the nation itself.
Integrity of the Armed Forces
“On several occasions and instances, even the very integrity of the armed forces was being called into question. A disciplinary case involving allegations of divided interest against some senior officers was decided without due recourse to the Army Council. Instead of waiting for a report and investigation from the Army leadership, the affected officers were unceremoniously relieved of their commission, and their military career of so many years was abruptly ended without any input from the Army as their institution of origin. I objected to this arbitrariness and disregard for due process. I confided in some senior colleagues that I would rather resign my commission than continue in office as Chief of Army Staff without input into decisions that concern the careers of personnel under my command.
Surveillance
“In response, I was placed under surveillance, with the privacy of my communications and those of my family constantly monitored. This tense atmosphere culminated in the unanimous decision of a broad spectrum of senior and middle-level officers to change the nation’s leadership. The processes associated with this change were completed without bloodshed by midnight on August 26, 1985. ON AUGUST 27, 1985, I assumed office as the nation’s new leader, fully aware of the many challenge confronting the country. I had no illusions about the direction in which to move the country. I had long-standing convictions about Nigeria born of many decades of comprehensive consultations with a broad spectrum of compatriots from nearly all walks of life. Having been part of all previous government changes, I had become quite familiar with the wishes and aspirations of our people and developed a template of what needed to be done, at least from my modest perspective. The new administration’s determination was informed by a genuine desire to end the cycle of instability in both the politics and general history of the nation. I made this clear in my inaugural address to the nation.”
The former military leader also expressed regret leaving behind the late General Abacha, as the most senior military officer to work with the Interim National Government led by Earnest Shonekan, describing his action as a ‘grave mistake’.
Babangida denied knowing or having anything whatsoever to do with ABN, led by Senator Nzeribe, whose activities contributed immensely to the annulment of the June 12 election won by MKO Abiola.
Babangida admitted in the book: “While mapping out our strategies for the way forward, our credibility deficit persisted, compounded by several seemingly unrelated events. In March 1992, a hitherto unknown group named Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) emerged, headed and funded, we later found out, by the wealthy Igbo maverick Arthur Nzeribe, calling for four more years for the administration.
“The emergence of the group personally took me by surprise. But we were, as a government, so immersed in our credibility crisis that no one believed that I, or a member of our government (at least, to my knowledge at that time), had a hand in the group’s activities, especially also, as Chief Arthur Nzeribe was personally known to me. It was difficult in the circumstances that we now found ourselves having to persuade an already sceptical Nigerian population that we were not behind the campaign for an extension to military rule.
“It was a bewildering experience, even more so because, as we later found out, ABN was not even a formally registered organisation then. As I will show later, figuring out the real forces behind this shadowy organisation took a long time.
“Our problem of what to make of ABN’s activities was compounded by behind-the-scene pressure from various groups, including the political class, for us to remain in office! Recall that the elected State Governors had assumed office in January 1992.
“Suddenly, in our search for a way forward, some of the State Governors who had been elected through a process that we were trying to fine-tune for the Presidential elections were telling us, like ABN, to postpone the Presidential elections. I was alarmed. Yet, the same governors (with the possible exception of one or two) went back to their party Conventions to say that I had a hidden agenda to extend my stay in power! At moments like that, being President of a beautiful country like Nigeria became frustrating. You wished you didn’t have to confront these challenges in those rare, lonely moments.
“But our challenges were far from diminishing. If anything, they multiplied. While still engulfed by the shadowy activities of ABN and troubled by the unsolicited ‘advice’ of some state governors to extend our stay in office, we were suddenly confronted in May 1992 by a wave of communal, industrial, labour and student unrest on a scale that was frighteningly disturbing. The communal conflict in Zangon-Kataf in Kaduna State quickly spread like wildfire to other parts of the state. In Lagos and other parts of the country, violent protests over the effects of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) had claimed lives.
Confession
Babangida alos recalled all the attempts made by Abacha and other unnamed senior military officers to truncate the transition programme in Nigeria at the time and confessed that he made a big gaff by allowing the former head of state to remain in power after he left office in 1993.
Babangida noted: “Without question, one of my biggest headaches at this time was Sani Abacha. I knew that Abacha was ambivalent about a return to civil rule. But I thought, in retrospect now, naively, that he would support our transition to civil rule programme.
“As I said earlier, Abacha and I had come a long way. We were good friends, and he had indeed been nice to me. As I have said elsewhere, he saved my life once and also risked his life to ensure that I took over in 1985. I could never forget those details.
“I obviously didn’t know everything about him! For instance, I was alarmed to discover that he and a handful of others mobilised negative opinions against me within the military, portraying me as the problem. That campaign was geared towards a violent military coup to remove me as President forcefully.
“Without question, the idea of an ING was a contraption, something of a compromise between the fierce Abacha-led opposition to the June 12 election results and the position that the election results be allowed to stay, one that will succeed our government after the August 27, 1993, exit date.
“To legally actualise that decision, the government directed Professor Ben Nwabueze and Clement Akpamgbo to draft an enabling law, Decree 61 of 1993, the legal framework for the ING. Although the political parties had suggested a few other names for headship of the ING, we, as a government, were okay with letting the Transition Council Chairman, Chief Ernest Shonekan, head the ING.
“Desirous of not being a stumbling block of any type, and as a personal sacrifice, on August 17, 1993, I announced my desire to ‘step aside’ and go into retirement during my address to a joint sitting of the National Assembly.
“The outgoing government also felt that it would be proper for the Service Chiefs to retire, namely Lt-General Ibrahim, Air Vice-Marshal Akin Dada, Vice-Admiral Dan Preston Omatsola, and Aliyu Attah. One didn’t need to be a soothsayer or an astute political scientist to see that Chief Shonekan would have a tough time on the job.
Although a former Chief Executive of UAC/Unilever, I feared he might lack the political astuteness to handle the impending national challenges. The situation was further complicated because, like Abiola, Shonekan was an Egba-Yoruba, which meant the new Interim government would be unpopular in Abiola’s strongest hold, southwestern Nigeria.
“Partly for the reasons stated above, we decided to provide adequate support to the new government by retaining critical top military officers from the outgoing Transitional Council I had headed, essentially as ‘enforcers’ for the new interim government.
“Accordingly, Lt-Generals Joshua Dogonyaro (as Chief of Defence Staff), Aliyu Muhammed Gusau (as Chief of Army Staff), and Brigadier John Shagaya (as GOC First Division) were retained.
“Problematic as it seemed, General Abacha also retained his position as the Chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff and, presumably, as enforcer-in-chief for the new government! But as we all now know, that was a grave mistake,” Babangida admitted.
Babangida also reflected on the controversial cancellation of the governorship primaries of the two political parties in 1991, saying that it was marred by allegations of rigging and other electoral malpractices.
He gave justification for the cancellation, saying, “The rescheduled primaries were successfully held in five states on December 3, 1991, but only after we had arrested and detained some 13 political ‘godfathers’ within the two parties, among them Maj-General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, Alhajis Abubakar Rimi, Maitama Yusuf, Lateef Jakande, Lamidi Adedibu, Chiefs Bola Ige, Jim Nwobodo, C. C. Onoh. Arthur Nzeribe, Olusola Saraki and Solomon Lar”.
The world of billionaires showcases a fascinating dichotomy with many of the youngest billionaires inheriting their fortunes from family wealth.
Some, however, are self-made individuals who have managed to carve out their own financial success through innovation, entrepreneurship, and strategic investments.
Regardless of how they attained their wealth, these young billionaires are not just amassing fortunes—they are shaping industries, influencing economies, and redefining the future of business.
Here is a closer look at the five youngest billionaires in the world, according to the Forbes Real-Time Billionaires List as of January 2025:
1. Clemente Del Vecchio (Age: 20 | Net Worth: $5.8 Billion | Country: Italy)
Clemente Del Vecchio, the youngest billionaire in the world, inherited his wealth as the son of the late Leonardo Del Vecchio, the founder of EssilorLuxottica, the world’s largest eyewear company. With a controlling stake in the business empire, Clemente has joined the ranks of Italy’s wealthiest individuals at a remarkably young age. While much of his fortune comes from inheritance, he has also shown interest in investment opportunities, particularly in luxury brands and fashion startups.
2. Livia Voigt (Age: 20 | Net Worth: $1.3 Billion | Country: Brazil)
Livia Voigt’s fortune comes from her family’s stake in Weg S.A., a multinational company specializing in electrical equipment and automation. Her grandfather, Werner Ricardo Voigt, co-founded the company, which has since become one of the largest industrial manufacturers in Latin America. Despite her young age, Livia is expected to play a more active role in the family business in the future, with interests in corporate governance and industrial innovation.
3. Kim Jung-youn (Age: 20 | Net Worth: $1.2 Billion | Country: South Korea)
Kim Jung-youn is one of the youngest billionaires in South Korea, inheriting her wealth from her late father, Kim Jung-ju, the founder of Nexon, a leading video game company. Nexon is responsible for developing popular online games such as MapleStory and Dungeon & Fighter. Despite inheriting her stake in the company, Kim has remained largely private about her future plans in the gaming and technology sectors.
4. Kevin David Lehmann (Age: 22 | Net Worth: $3.2 Billion | Country: Germany)
Kevin David Lehmann inherited a controlling stake in dm-drogerie markt, Germany’s largest drugstore chain, from his father, Guenther Lehmann. The family business, founded in 1973, has grown into a retail giant with thousands of stores across Europe. Although Kevin maintains a low profile, his wealth continues to grow as the company thrives in the highly competitive retail sector.
5. Luca Del Vecchio (Age: 23 | Net Worth: $5.8 Billion | Country: Italy)
Luca Del Vecchio, like his younger brother Clemente, inherited a vast fortune from their father, Leonardo Del Vecchio, the legendary Italian businessman behind EssilorLuxottica. With their family’s deep roots in the eyewear industry, both brothers hold significant stakes in the company, which dominates the global market for luxury eyeglasses and lenses.
President Bola Tinubu on Saturday launched the completed and ongoing 24km section, alongside the upcoming 48km section, of the Lagos-Ibadan dual carriageway.
This includes Section One and the Lagos-Sagamu route in Lagos and Ogun, Phase Two.
Tinubu highlighted the importance of road infrastructure for socio-economic development.
He reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to improving the country’s transport network to enhance mobility and economic growth.
The president stated, “There is no doubt that road infrastructure plays a fundamental role in the socio-economic development of any nation.”
Quoting Norman Foster, he added: “Infrastructure is much more than roads and bridges; it is the foundation that sustains economic growth, facilitates mobility, and enhances the quality of life.”
He stressed his administration’s commitment to linking rural roads to urban centres, commercial hubs, and industrial corridors to maximise the nation’s resources and mineral deposits.
Tinubu, represented by Ogun governor Dapo Abiodun, said: “This strategic approach aligns with the Federal Government’s Renewed Hope Agenda.
“We are committed to rebuilding, expanding, and modernising our national road networks, railways, and airports, all vital to economic prosperity.”
He praised the Minister of Works, Sen. Dave Umahi, for his dedication. He described Umahi as “the actualiser of our vision on road infrastructure” and “a right fit for purpose.”
Umahi noted that the president, represented by the Ogun governor, will inaugurate both the completed/ongoing 24 km section and the upcoming 48 km section, ensuring momentum in spite of incomplete procurement.
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He confirmed that palliative work had been undertaken as temporary repairs. “What we are doing today is part of the Lagos-Ibadan project, Phase Two,” he said.
Umahi outlined key components, including the Ogun River, Marlboro underpass, Wawa underpass, Arepo underpass, Sagamu-Iperu (24 km), RCC Church interchange, two flyovers, and five pedestrian bridges.
“The next phase, which the representative of the president will flag off, is 48 km by two, extending from Iperu to Ijebu Ode along the Sagamu-Ore route,” Umahi added.
He confirmed that the full 96 km (48 km by two) would be inaugurated, alongside completed palliative works, to maintain project continuity.
Umahi explained that the second part of the 48 km stretch (Iperu to Ijebu Ode) faced a procurement issue. The process was flawed and required resubmission to the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) with a 30-day turnaround.
“The second leg of Phase Two, Section Two, of Lagos-Ibadan was wrongly procured. I directed its resubmission to the BPP, and in 30 days, work will commence.
“The governor of Ogun, representing the president, will flag off both phases, even though Phase Two is not fully procured. In 15 days, the project will be awarded.
“It is better to flag off both today from Iperu, where the first 24 km stops, to Ijebu Ode,” he said.
Umahi thanked the governor for his support and emphasised the project’s national significance. (NAN)
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As Osun State conducted local government council elections across the state, low turnout of voters, as well as absence of security operatives in polling units highlighted the exercise.
Although some wards and polling units witnessed a large turnout of voters, majority of the units where voting took place recorded low turnout compared to the last governorship election in the state.
Voting did not take place in some polling units in Osogbo, Olorunda local government areas and in most polling units of Ilesa-West, Ilesa-East, Irewole, where Remi Abass was killed during the council takeover crisis, Isokan and Ayedaade local government areas.
Most places visited showed that voting took place in most of the local government areas where there are elected or appointed officials, including Ede-South, which houses the governor’s residence, Ede-North, Egbedore, Odo-Otin, Boripe, Ejigbo, Ifelodun, Irepodun, Orolu, Obokun, Oriade, Ife-Central, Ife-North and Ife-East.
Also, it was observed that security operatives were not at any of the polling units visited by our reporters while voters conducted their activities peacefully.
Police were, however, sighted on the major ways mounting roadblocks and checking vehicles passing through the barricades.
It was gathered that one person was killed at Ilesa-East local government but it was not clear if the reported death was connected to the election.
Meanwhile, a trending video on social media showed that polling officials in Ejigbo were arrested with polling materials and were not allowed to proceed to the polling units.
The OSIEC Chairman, Mr Hashim Abioye described the process as peaceful, lamenting the arrest of some of its polling officials across the local government in a bid to disrupt the election.
“I want to assure our people that those who are still awaiting the arrival of our electoral officials, I want to tell them that it was because the Police arrested some of our officials for committing no crime at all, against no lawful order of any court, but as it is we have deployed materials to those polling units because we have enough on ground. As I am talking to you, voting is ongoing in those places”, he said.
Meanwhile, in most of the polling units visited there was an early opening and closure of polls, with some concluding the exercise as early as 9 am.
A voter at Ward 1 Unit 1 in Iragbiji, Boripe local government, Abayomi Abiodun, disclosed that polling started as early as 7:30 am and closed around 11 am. The polling official, Ibrahim Adewale disclosed that accreditation and voting were carried out simultaneously.
A voter at Ward 4, unit 15 in Osogbo local government disclosed that he was surprised when he got to the units and discovered that voting had been concluded, saying many electorates in the area were disenfranchised.
Findings also showed that early opening and closing of voting occurred in many polling units as Governor Ademola Adeleke voted at his Sagba/Abogunde ward 2, polling unit 9 around 7:50 am.
Meanwhile, the All Progressives Congress, APC, described the exercise as a charade and the state sliding into the stone age, adding that the OSIEC boss is a PDP-card-carrying member.
A party chieftain, Jamiu Olawumi, who spoke on behalf of the Party Chairman, Tajudeen Lawal, said, “What they did in Ife-Central local government is not an election. Some people were thumb-printing ballot papers for the electorates ditto for Egbedore where a school principal and a PDP member were snatching ballot boxes from one polling unit to another to stuff ballot papers into it. This is nothing but a charade and we are resolute in our decision in line with the Appeal Court judgement that there is no vacancy in the 30 local government council areas of the state”, he said.
Similarly, the Allied Peoples Movement, APM, Chairman, Adewale Adebayo said what happened in Osun was not an election but a lockdown.
“What we experience in Osun State today is not election but lockdown because people refuse to participate in the illegal poll except Ede town where only a few members of the PDP voted in some polling units of top political appointees of the governor.
“Our party is vindicated with this exercise of our earlier apprehension that OSIEC can never conduct any meaningful election since its chairman, Hashim Abioye is a card-carrying member of PDP and serves Adeleke as Special Adviser Legal matters and served as PDP caretaker Secretary.”
Meanwhile, like Governor Adeleke, the Speaker of the House of Assembly, Hon Adewale Egbedun voted at Asi Ward 9 unit 5 in Odo-Otin local government; former Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola also voted at his Okuku home town polling units while House of Representatives member, Hon. Bamidele Salam voted at his Unit 1 Awo/Abudo ward, in Egbedore local government.
Also, the Chief of Staff to the Governor, Kazeem Akinleye, perform his civic responsibility at Alusekere Ward 5, Unit 9. The Deputy Governor and Chairman, Uniosun Governing Council Chair, Professor Wale Oladipo voted at the same Ilode ward 1, Unit 1 in Ife-Central local government.
As at the time of filing this report, journalists did not know where the results would be announced as the OSIEC headquarters is still under seal since Thursday by the police
Chainlink price has crashed this year, continuing a trend that started in December when it peaked at a multi-year high of $30.78.
Chainlink 
LINK-6.14%Chainlink dived to $17.4 on Saturday, down by 43% from its highest level in December. Its crash mirrors the happenings among altcoins as most of them have retreated in the past few months.
Still, there are three key reasons why the LINK price may bounce back later this year.
First, there are signs that many Chainlink holders are not selling their coins. One piece of evidence is that balances on exchanges have continued falling this year. CoinGlass data shows that these balances have dropped to 138.8 million LINK coins, the lowest level since September last year. They plunged from 160 million in December.
Falling centralized exchange balances is a sign that investors are optimistic about the coin, with most of them holding them steady in their self-custody wallets. In most periods, CEX balances jump when investors are moving them from their wallets to sell them.
The confidence among Chainlink holders is likely because many of them expect that the Securities and Exchange Commission will approve a spot LINK ETF later this year. Such a fund would lead to more inflows and boost its price.
Chainlink price may also rebound because of its positioning in the crypto industry, where it is the biggest oracle network. It has a total value secured or TVS figure of $35 billion, making it much higher than other oracles like Chronicle, Pyth, and RedStone.
Chainlink is also a big player in the Real World Asset tokenization industry through its cross-chain interoperability protocol. CCIP is a key component in the industry that provides solutions to build, scale, connect, and send assets across various blockchains.
Chainlink price analysis
Third, Chainlink price may bounce back because of its strong technicals. The weekly chart shows that LINK has remained slightly above the 100-week Exponential Moving Averages even after crashing by 43% from its highest point in November.
LINK has also formed a giant megaphone chart pattern, which is characterized by two diverging trendlines. In most periods, this pattern leads to a strong bullish breakout.
In LINK’s case, the initial target of a rebound will be the November high of $30 followed by the 61.8% retracement point of $35. A drop below the lower side of the megaphone will invalidate the bullish LINK outlook.
Weekly crypto recap: $1.4B Bybit hack, Solana memecoin drama, and Microstrategy's plan to raise $2B
Admin
It’s the week of Feb. 17, Bitcoin plunged and we might be experiencing another crypto contagion.
The biggest news of the week is that the crypto market is reeling after Bybit suffered the largest hack in industry history, with over $1.4 billion in Ethereum (ETH) and staked Ethereum (stETH) drained from the exchange.
The attack has triggered a wave of liquidations, particularly in Ethereum futures markets, as panic sets in.
On Feb. 14, the president of Argentina, Javier Milei, promoted the launch of a new Solana memecoin called LIBRA, which pumped and dumped. The story is still developing, but so far there have been multiple allegations of market manipulation and insider trading.
I'll be posting updates to The Street and Roundtable next week, so make sure you follow me there to get the latest.
Now for some good news! President Donald Trump shared an XRP-related article from Coindesk on his social media platform, Truth Social, which is spurring bullish sentiment. The article discussed the CEO of Ripple, Brad Garlinghouse, and his optimism about U.S. deals and hiring after Trump's election win.
Also, Brazil’s securities regulator approved the world’s first spot XRP ETF, which is managed by Hashdex, a global crypto asset management firm with over $1 billion in assets under management.
Brazil may have beaten the U.S. with a spot XRP ETF launch, but the U.S. SEC has acknowledged filings from multiple asset managers, including Bitwise, for their spot XRP ETF applications. The acknowledgements have initiated a 21-day public comment period before final decisions are made. According to Bloomberg analysts, there is a 65% chance of approval in the U.S.
For Bitcoin, Asset management firm Bitwise has pledged to donate $150,000 from its Bitcoin ETF (BITB) profits to support Bitcoin open-source developers. This initiative is part of an ongoing commitment, with 10% of BITB’s gross profits allocated annually to Bitcoin development.
Meanwhile, Strategy also known as MicroStrategy announced a plan to raise $2 billion through 0% convertible senior notes to purchase more Bitcoin.
This move is part of their "21/21 Plan", aiming to raise $42 billion over three years for Bitcoin acquisitions. The company now holds 478,740 BTC, and despite reporting a $670.8 million net loss in Q4 2024, its stock has surged 372% over the past year.
As of Feb. 18, the Bitcoin memecoin DOG, is now tradable on Solana, thanks to a two-way bridge launched by MineLabs. This bridge allows seamless movement of the token between Bitcoin and Solana, enabling fast trades with fees under a penny inside a Meteora liquidity pool.
Next, Grayscale has introduced the Pyth Trust, offering exposure to PYTH, a Solana-based governance token. Pyth is a decentralized oracle network that provides real-time financial data to blockchains and is used by 95% of Solana dApps.
ChainGPT integrated with Hedera, bringing AI-powered blockchain tools to the network. This includes an NFT Generator for low-fee, fast minting and a Smart Contract Generator and Auditor, enabling AI-driven contract creation, auditing, and deployment.
Lastly, Mantra Finance has secured a VASP license from Dubai’s VARA, allowing it to operate as an exchange and provide broker-dealer, management, and investment services. The company specializes in DeFi and Real-World Asset (or RWA) tokenization, with an initial focus on institutional investors and future plans for retail access.
This has been a strange year for the crypto market. Wasn't 2025 supposed to be the year that the world's top cryptocurrencies skyrocketed in value, fueled by all the pro-crypto optimism surrounding the Trump administration? Instead, only a handful of the top 20 cryptocurrencies (as ranked by market cap) are actually up for the year.
Two that particularly stand out are XRP (CRYPTO: XRP) and Litecoin (CRYPTO: LTC). XRP is up 24% for the year, while Litecoin is up 20% for the year. By way of comparison, Bitcoin is up only 2% for the year. That's an anomaly, given that Bitcoin historically leads the market higher. So how much longer can XRP and Litecoin maintain their momentum?
XRP
Let's start with XRP, which stands out as the clear winner in the crypto market right now. It is the best-performing large-market-cap crypto of 2025. And, over the past three months, it is up a head-spinning 400%.
There's a good reason for this spectacular performance, and it has to do with the pro-crypto, pro-business approach of the Trump administration. Keep in mind: Ripple, the company behind the XRP crypto token, has faced regulatory questions about the status of XRP for more than four years now. A Securities and Exchange Commission court case lodged against Ripple has been ongoing since December 2020.
So the thinking here is that all of these regulatory headaches are going to disappear in 2025. Paul Atkins, the newly appointed pro-crypto head of the SEC, could end the case once and for all. And a new regulatory framework for crypto will make it easier for Ripple to get back to business as usual. All of that bodes well, of course, for XRP, which is the crypto token powering Ripple's blockchain-based payment operations.
XRP has a second major catalyst, as well. This is the anticipated approval of spot XRP ETFs sometime by mid-2025. After the spectacular success of the spot Bitcoin ETFs in 2024, it's easy to see why there is so much optimism in the market right now.
One could argue that the arrival of the new spot Bitcoin ETFs was the key reason why Bitcoin more than doubled in price last year. So XRP bulls are clearly hoping that XRP also has the potential to double in price.
In terms of being able to maintain its market momentum past 2025, XRP seems to be in a good position. It would be nice to see a few more positive signals from the Trump administration regarding Ripple and XRP, of course. But it looks like the regulatory shackles are finally coming off this year, and that could send XRP soaring in value for at least the next 12 months.
Litecoin
Just like XRP, Litecoin is being sent higher by anticipation surrounding potential spot ETF approvals. Currently, analysts at Bloomberg think that Litecoin has a 90% chance of gaining approval from the SEC. As a result, Litecoin could become the first cryptocurrency to get a new spot ETF in 2025.
That's the good news. The bad news is that it is unclear just exactly how much demand there is for a Litecoin ETF. If you take a look at a chart comparing the performance of Bitcoin and Litecoin over the past two years, you'll understand why. In that time period, Bitcoin is up 363%, while Litecoin is up only 51%.
And that has generally been the story for Litecoin for much of its nearly 15-year history. Litecoin has historically underperformed Bitcoin, and that's what makes the current period of outperformance such an anomaly. Right now, Litecoin is running circles around Bitcoin, and, if history is any guide, that shouldn't be happening.
So, from my perspective, Litecoin is going to have a hard time maintaining its momentum past 2025. Sure, it might get a bump in price before the new spot ETFs are approved, but that is likely to be short-lived, given how little demand there might be for those ETFs.
What happens to the crypto market in 2025?
Right now, Bitcoin is struggling to get back above the $100,000 mark, and many of the most valuable cryptocurrencies in the world are in the red. Ethereum is down 20%, and so are many other Layer 1 blockchain networks used to power the blockchain economy.
Against this backdrop, it's easy to see why investors are flocking to XRP and Litecoin. They are just about the only top cryptocurrencies with any momentum behind them right now, and they will likely continue to go up. Both are clear beneficiaries of the buzz and speculation surrounding new spot crypto ETFs.
But just keep your expectations in check: Once Bitcoin gets its mojo back, both XRP and Litecoin may lose some of their appeal. Over the long haul, neither of these two cryptos may be able to keep up with a soaring Bitcoin.
[The Motley Fool]