A  RECENT report that the Federal Government has approached the World Bank for a fresh loan of $400 million for a conditional cash transfer for supposedly 15 million households is raising serious concerns among many Nigerians. The new $400 million loan will bring to $1.2 billion the amount that the Federal Government is borrowing from the World Bank for its cash transfer programme aimed at cushioning the harsh impact of removing fuel subsidies and floating the Naira, having earlier secured a loan of $800 million for the same purpose. 

The government claims that the Conditional Cash Transfer scheme, part of its National Social Investment Programme, will “transform the lives of millions of Nigerians living in extreme poverty, upgrade their standards of living and improve the economy”. The government said it would commence the payment of N25, 000 monthly to the said 15 million households for three months, from October to December 2023. It further claims that the scheme, now rechristened “the Renewed Hope Conditional Cash Transfer for 15 million households”, will get to 62 million Nigerians.

There are several issues raised by the scheme – from its design to the likelihood of its effective implementation down to its broader implications for the Nigerian economy. Some of the areas of concern include: One, is the scheme, as currently designed, capable of achieving the objectives attributed to it? It should be recalled that the government claims that under the‘Renewed Hope Conditional Cash Transfer for 15 million households’ the sum of N25, 000 would be transferred to the beneficiaries on a monthly basis for three months, which amounts to N75, 000 for each of the beneficiaries. 

The Minister of Humanitarian Affairs Betta Edu was quoted in a national daily on October 21, 2023 as saying “the conditional cash transfer was a proven way to alleviate poverty, as it would give households the financial support to start micro and small enterprises, provide basic health care and food, keep their children in school and attend to the immediate needs of the households.” A cynic might justifiably ask: Did the Buhari government not tell us the same thing, in even more elegant language? 

For instance, then Vice President Professor Yemi Osinbajo was quoted in January 2021, nearly three years ago, as declaring in the following words, with respect to the Buhari government’s version of the scheme: “Following the successful activation of the Economic Sustainability Plan’s, ESP’s, Cash Transfer scheme aimed at delivering financial support to at least one million urban-based households using technology, the Buhari administration’s vision of reducing extreme poverty by lifting at least 20 million Nigerians out of poverty in the next two years is now within reach.” 

Despite the scheme, figures from the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics showed that the number of people living in multidimensional poverty had ballooned to 133 million by 2022. In essence, even if there is any proven impact assessment of the previous programmes which suggests the need for its continuation, the fact that more Nigerians have fallen into the multidimensional poverty bracket despite the programme, would negate the conclusion of any of such reports – if they exist.

Two, it is important to underline that the scheme promises more than it can deliver. The scheme, a mere N25,000 per month over three months, does not  just promise to lift people out of poverty but also that it would give the beneficiaries  “the financial support to start micro and small enterprises, provide basic health care and food, keep their children in school and attend to the immediate needs of the households.” Haba, Minister! In addition to this unrealistic objective, the scheme does not even get to up to half of those which the government’s own figures describe as being in multidimensional poverty. For instance, while the NBS’ figures as published in November 2022 said 63 per cent of Nigerians (or 133 million people) suffer from multidimensional poverty, the government claims that the 15 million household it is targeting covers 62 million Nigerians. This raises the question of what happens to the remaining 71 million Nigerians that were regarded as being in the multidimensional poverty bracket as at November 2022 – not to talk of the additional millions that must have slipped into that bracket since the removal of fuel subsidy and flotation of the Naira by the Tinubu government.

Three, there is equally a related question of what happens to the beneficiaries after the three months duration of the scheme have elapsed. Is the government suggesting that within three months it would have stabilised the economy enough that there would no longer be a need for this extra financial support or that the beneficiaries, from supposed savings from the cash transfers, would have been able to set up viable micro businesses that would sustain them? I feel that the conditional cash transfer scheme would actually increase rather than attenuate the misery of the recipients. For instance, let us assume that prior to the cash transfer the recipients were able to feed only once a day but that with the  cash transfer, they would be able to eat twice a day or would start adding a piece of meat to their meals. My belief is that when the transfer is stopped and they have to revert to eating once a day or without meat, their sense of deprivation would actually increase and they would feel worse off than if they had not benefitted from any cash transfer at all. In essence, the conditional cash transfer is very unlikely to achieve its ascribed goal of alleviating poverty or even effectively cushioning the harsh effects of the current economic hardship exacerbated by the removal of fuel subsidy and flotation of the Naira.

Four, given the Nigerian factor and despite all the talks about improving the efficiency of delivery of the cash transfer and  the debate about the authenticity or otherwise of the social cash register, chances are that many politicians and government agencies will see the huge sum borrowed for the scheme as just another opportunity for primitive accumulation. For many politicians, their ability to get their minions and constituents as beneficiaries of the scheme will count as part of their achievements. 

This means that administrators of this fund are likely to be an important locus of the struggle for state capture by politicians and other people of influence in the country. Five, following from the above, is a question of the economic logic of borrowing for consumption. It is trite that when we borrow for consumption rather than for productive ventures, we will struggle to find means of repayment. I feel it is right for the government to continue the conversation started under the Buhari government on how to reduce the number of people in the extreme poverty bracket. I feel, however, that a better option is to start developing a social security programme, especially given the weakening of our extended family system that in the past performed that function. The government can decide to start this with a known demographic (say people caring for the aged or terminally sick individuals who have no relatives to care for them) and then gradually add more demographics as it learns from practices and mistakes. But this should not be funded from borrowed funds. Borrowing $1.2 billion to fund the so-called cash transfer is, in my opinion, money just flushed down the drain. The money would have been better utilised if it is used to train, support and mentor about 100 young people from each of the 36 states of the federation and the Federal Capital, with each getting about N2 million to help them take off effectively. Even if only 50 per cent of beneficiaries succeed and go on to employ other staff, it would still be considered a success. It is certainly easier to monitor 100 beneficiaries of a scheme than to search for 15 million (mythical?) households that the government claims will benefit from its cash transfer scheme. 

Six, is that the Conditional Cash Transfer scheme seems to be an opportunity for the Tinubu government to uncritically continue with the brand of economics of the Buhari government which hinged on debt binge and ingratiating itself to the Bretton Woods institutions (the IMF and the World Bank). For instance, the World Bank is Nigeria’s biggest multilateral creditor, with the country owing about $14.51bn as of June 30, 2023. The Debt Management Office recently said the country’s total public debt stood at N87.38tn at the end of the second quarter of this year, representing an increase of 75.29 per cent or N37.53tn compared to N49.85tn recorded at the end of March 2023. A major issue with this huge accumulation of debt is its sustainability and the country’s ability to repay.  In its 2022 Debt Sustainability Analysis Report, the DMO warned that the Federal Government’s projected revenue of N10tn for 2023 could not support fresh borrowings. Despite this warning, the Tinubu government seems intent on continuing with the Buhari government’s debt binge.

My feeling, therefore, is that the logic used to justify the conditional cash transfer scheme is at best derived from motor park economics. 

The Nigeria Labour Congress has said that the health condition of its President, Joe Ajaero, is very critical and may be flown abroad for a full medical examination.

This followed his brutalisation on Wednesday in Owerri, the Imo State capital, during a pre-strike meeting.

Speaking on the state of health of Ajaero, who was said to require comprehensive check after discharge from the Federal Medical Centre in Owerri, the Assistant General Secretary of the NLC, Chris Onyeka, lamented that his situation had worsened and could hardly talk.

According to Onyeka, the Chief of Staff to the NLC president: “The Congress President is in a very critical condition. 

“He is so weak and can hardly talk. He almost passed out last night. 

“The Congress is considering flying him abroad for a full medical examination. 

“There is high apprehension and fear that he might have been injected with a substance. 

“Like you may have seen, he was brutally beaten, brutalised and battered in addition to confiscating his phones, monies and other personal belongings. 

“We have suspended the action in Imo State because besides the President, other Labour leaders suffered similar fate. 

“They need to take care of themselves and recover from the injuries inflicted on them by agents of the state government including operatives of the Imo State Police Command.”

[EagleOnline]

I finally caught up with Senator Ekong Sampson last Monday in Abuja. Scheduling a meeting with him is an arduous task given his busy agenda. He represents Akwa Ibom South in the 10th Senate, is the Vice Chairman of Basic & Secondary Education Committee; Vice Chairman of FCT Committee and a member of about 14 other committees, including NDDC and Appropriation. Although he is a fresh man in the Senate, Sampson is not new to the grounds of the National Assembly. Between 1999 and 2003, he served as a legislative aide to Senator Udoma Udo Udoma, who was then Chairman of the Appropriation Committee; and later, Minister of Budget and National Planning in the first term of the Buhari administration.

‘’Senator Udoma is one of the greatest influences in my life; a role model and teacher. He taught me a lot on how to develop self-dignity; a sense of self-worth and ability to stay focused’’, Sampson told me as I settled into the couch in his modest apartment. ‘’Udoma is a delight to work with; very focused and intelligent with a deep grasp of issues’’. Sampson is one of the handful former Senate staffers to end up as a member of the august body. The other is Senator Aminu Tambuwal, immediate past governor of Sokoto, who was an aide to Senator Wali at the same time with Sampson. But this evening, my focus is the Akpabio leadership and why the Senate seems to be in turmoil since he was elected its President on June 13. So, I asked him pointedly, ‘’What is it with Akpabio that seems to upset some senators, particularly Ali Ndume? Ndume was on TV Sunday night, saying that he is more experienced than the Senate President. There were even impeachment rumours some weeks ago. Why do they dislike this Senate President?’’.

Sampson contemplated his answer for a brief moment. ‘’I don’t think senators do dislike him. The Senate is a mix of divergent interests; a collection of our diversity in one room and is made up of people with strong characters from every part of the country. What appears as a turmoil to the public is just a manifestation of the strong views that members express unambiguously. It is not an easy place to lead, but Akpabio is doing his best in providing leadership’’. He paused momentarily. ‘’Aniekan (referring to the other Senator from his state who actually represents my district) and I will do the best we can to support the Senate President. His success is our success and pride’’. Sampson was a member of the Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly for the eight years Akpabio was governor. The two have had a close relationship for a long time, dating back to pre-1999 when Sampson was a lawyer and journalist in Lagos. He started his political career as a councilor and later Chairman of his LGA, before he became House of Assembly member and commissioner, supervising four different ministries.

With a Ph.D in law from the University of Calabar, Sampson is a very brilliant politician, yet self-effacing and disarmingly modest. ‘’I have no police orderly or escort. I drive myself sometimes and I live like an ordinary Nigerian’’, he chimed. He is the author of the book, ‘’Law and Statesmanship: The Legacy of Sir Udo Udoma’’, published in 1996. Late Sir Udoma, a former justice of the Supreme Court and former Chief Justice of Uganda, is the father of Senator Udoma. I asked Senator Sampson about the new Prado SUVs that had been acquired for the members of the House of Representatives and may soon get to the Senate. What sense does it make to spend so much on imported vehicles? Why couldn’t we support Made-in-Nigeria vehicles?

With this importation, we are essentially importing inflation and unemployment and exporting jobs. In a challenged economy such as ours, it makes sense to consume what you produce and produce what you consume, I lectured. He listened calmly. ‘’ I came to Abuja with my car and I drive myself to work some days. A new vehicles for committee work shouldn’t cause so much controversy’’, he said, and went on to talk about the constituency office he opened in Eket last month, and how it is serving as a point of contact for his constituents. ‘’At the National Assembly, my office is a meeting point for our people. Even those who come to see the Senate President sometimes report to my office to take a rest’’, he quipped.

You are a lawyer. What did you make of the Supreme Court judgement last Wednesday on the Presidential Election Appeal filed by Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi? I asked Senator Sampson, himself a staunch PDP member. His answer: ‘’Our electoral processes still needs a lot of reforms and we must do everything we can to protect our democracy; avoid tendencies that can weaken public confidence in our democracy or derail it’’.

The conversation then shifted to Akwa Ibom politics, Gov. Umo Eno’s agenda and the new Akwa Ibom Traditional Rulers Council law which has thrown the state into some kind of turmoil. He commended former governor Udom Emmanuel for his good attitude to punctuality and time management and Gov. Umo Eno for his maturity and bridge-building.

On the controversial law on the traditional institution in the state, Senator Ekong said that he has a lot of respect for the traditional institution. He refused to be drawn into the raging debates on the law because ‘’my constituency is very diverse. I represent various and diverse interests and I must respect their sensibilities’’. The new law creates a new chieftaincy position known as President-General. A section of the people is aggrieved that the President-General position is occupied by only one particular ethnic group in perpetuity, instead of rotating it.

A Federal High Court in Kano presided by Justice Samuel Amobeda has directed the Kano State Government to pay N30 billion within seven days in the unlawful demolition suit filed by the Incorporated Trustees of Masallacin Eid Shop Owners and Traders, against the state government.

The amount is to be paid into the court’s interest-yielding account pending the determination of the case.

Following an earlier ruling by the court that the Kano State government pays N30 billion to the victims of demolition that filed a case against it, the Kano State government has appealed the case.

 However, the state government in violation of the court’s judgement went further to tamper with the property in question that is located at the Filin Idi Ground.

The stage government went further to file a stay of execution before the court to which the court gave the condition that it will respond only when the state government deposits the N30 billion in the court’s interest yielding account.

Justice Amobeda has conditionally ruled that the sum of N30 billion be deposited in the court’s bank account within seven days.

The applicants have earlier drawn the attention of the court to the violation of the proceedings of stay of execution by the state government when it tampered with the property in question.

The court said the payment is a condition set by the court before granting a motion filed by the state government for stay of execution on the previous judgement it delivered on 29th September, 2023.

It would be recalled that the court had ordered the Kano State Government to pay the Incorporated Trustees of Masallacin Eid Shop Owners the same amount for the unlawful demolition of their shops without following proper legal procedures.

It was also reported that the commissioner of works, Marwan Ahmed, had continued to tamper with the properties despite the court’s judgement, leading to a notice of consequences being issued by Justice Amobeda against Ahmed. The notice warned of potential contempt and imprisonment if the order was violated.

Justice Amobeda, in his response, granted the motion with the condition that the Kano State government pays the sum of N30 billion. The presiding judge ordered the funds to be deposited in the court’s bank account within seven days.

The court order states that the execution of the judgement from suit number FHC/KN/Cs/208/2023, involving the Incorporated Trustees of Masallacin Eid Shop Owners and Traders Association, shall be stayed pending the appeal determination.

Therefore, the applicants were instructed to pay the N30 billion judgement sum into the Court’s interest-yielding account within the specified period of time.

The details of the account were directed to be obtained from the Deputy Chief Registrar of the Court.

[Leadership]

Following public outcry over the allocation of N5.095 billion for the purchase of a presidential yacht in the 2023 supplementary budget, the House of Representatives, on Thursday, said it had scrapped the budgetary allocation.

Chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, Abubakar Bichi, disclosed this in an interview with journalists on Thursday. He said the budgetary allocation for student loans was also increased from five billion to N10 billion.

He said the committee also increased the budgetary allocation of Ministry of Defence from N 476 billion to N546 billion.

Bichi also disclosed that the minimum wage for workers was considered and approved for onward transmission to the executive. He promised proper legislative oversight to ensure 100 per cent implementation.

The yacht budget

In the supplementary budget sent to the National Assembly by the President, the Federal Government had allocated N5 billion to purchase a presidential yacht.

The proposed sum was under the capital expenditure of the Nigerian Navy’s budget.

According to the breakdown, the Navy will require N62.8 billion for its operations, with recurrent expenditure and capital expenditure gulping N20.4 billion and N42.3 billion, respectively

But Bichi said the five billion naira for the presidential yacht has been yanked off from the budget.

He said: “Actually We have submitted our reports to the House and after careful consideration, the House has approved our submissions and the breakdown is as follows:

“As you know, the budget is about N2.1 trillion and the Ministry of Defence has about N456bn but currently the Ministry of Defence has the largest share because we know how important our security is. As you are aware, we had interactions with them yesterday. Currently, we have increased their budget from N456 billion to N546,209,099,671 billion.

“For Police formation and command, we gave them N50bn while the FCT has about N100bn. You know FCT is very important to us, so we want to make sure that FCT can compete with any state in the world. That is why we gave them N100bn.

“On the Office of National Security, their initial budget was N27bn but currently we have increased it to N50bn. For the state house, their initial budget was N28bn and we maintained that.

“On Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security, you know how important that ministry is. We maintained their initial figure of N200bn as well. For the Ministry of Housing, you know we have a serious housing deficit in the country and Mr President’s agenda, he wants to build as much as he can, so we have approved N100bn for housing.

“Service-wide votes initially was N615 but currently we reduced to N515bn.

INEC budget

“For INEC, initially their budget was N18bn, and yesterday we had an interaction with the INEC Chairman and he convinced us with his submissions and we maintained their N18bn.

“So far, we have approved N2,176,791,286,33. We will continue to support the government so we can deliver democracy.

On the presidential yacht, Bichi said: “Actually, as far we are concerned, we don’t have that anymore. We have increased the student loan.

“Initially, student loan was N5bn in the budget but we have increased it by N5bn so that our students can access that facility in order for them to go to school. We don’t have the yacht anymore in budget.”

He assured that lawmakers would ensure adequate oversight over the way the funds are spent.

He added: “Our members, especially those standing committees, oversight those projects and ensure the money is used judiciously. From now till three months time, we are going to call them and ask them what they have done with the money.”

[Vanguard]

The bright stars of Nigeria shown again when two famous African-Americans and two illustrious Africans last Saturday received the Medal of Glory Award, MOGA, in Miami, United States. It is a prestigious award by the Foundation for Democracy in Africa. Past recipients include former Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, Bingu Wa Mutharika of Malawi, Abdou Diouf of Senegal and Alpha Omar Konare of Mali.

The new recipients included Reverend Jesse Jackson, the protégé of Martin Luther King, who in 1984 came third in the Democratic Party Presidential nomination and second, four years later, behind Michael Dukakis.

The second was Dr Condoleezza Rice, the first African-American to serve as the US Secretary of State. She had previously been American Security Adviser.

The third recipient was His Excellency Kingsley Jeremiah Nyamane Mamabolo, the United Nations and African Union, AU, Joint Representative to Darfur. He had been the South African High Commissioner to Nigeria and, now, to the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland.

The fourth recipient was Ambassador John Kayode Shinkaiye, a giant in African diplomacy. He had been Nigeria’s Ambassador to Equatorial Guinea from 1989, to Ethiopia and Djibouti from 2000 and Permanent Representative to the OAU/AU and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa.

As Nigeria’s Ambassador in Addis Ababa, he was intimately involved in the transformation of the Organisation of African Union, OAU, to the AU between 2000 and 2003. This was aimed at transforming the OAU from what the Pan Africanist and former Vice President of Kenya, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, used to call a “Trade Union of African Heads of State” into a peoples union.

Given his role in this transition, the new African Union snatched Shinkaiye and he became a sort of legend in the continental body. He served as the Chief of Staff of two AU Chairpersons: President Alpha Omar Konare of Mali, from January 2006 to April 2008; and Dr. Jean Ping of Gabon from May 2008 to October 2012.

As Chief of Staff, among other duties, Shinkaiye had the responsibility for coordinating the various partnerships between Africa and several countries and organisations. These included those with the European Union, the US, India, Turkey, China, South America and the Republic of Korea.

The new awardees on Saturday, October 27, 2023, received the awards for “their extraordinary contributions to democracy, good governance, and advancing trade, investment, and cultural ties between the United States and Africa.”

In the specific case of Shinkaiye, who is also the National President of the Association of Retired Career Ambassadors of Nigeria, ARCAN, his plaque was for: “Extraordinary leadership and a lifetime commitment to Democracy, the Advancement of Peace, Security, Stability, Economic Integration and Diaspora Engagement in Africa.”

In his acceptance speech, he paid tribute to Reverend Jackson and Dr Rice for helping “to uplift the profile and status of the Black Race in the United States and all over the world.” He also described Ambassador Mamabolo as a “worthy son of Africa”.

Shinkaiye said the award is not just a personal one, but also a testament to the collective efforts of people, including diplomats, statesmen, activists and ordinary citizens “who have strived to build a bright future for our continent”. He said recent reversals of the democratic process in some countries like Gabon indicate that democracy is not yet a given in the continent and that there is still a lot of work to be done.

Shinkaiye posited that: “There is need to safeguard the principles of good governance, human rights, and the rule of law.”

The Ambassador had in recognition of his contributions in strengthening relations between Nigeria and Britain, been awarded the Lieutenant of the Royal Victoria Order, LVO, by Queen Elizabeth II and was also awarded in December 1993, Equatorial Guinea’s highest National honour: the Medal of the Grand Cross of the Order of Independence, GCOI, by President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo. At home, he was awarded the Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic, OFR, in 2001.

A delegate to the 2014 National Conference, the country continues to tap into the rich reservoir of Shinkaiye. In February 2017, Nigeria suffered a humiliating defeat when it ran for the headship of the Peace and Security Commission, PSC, the most influential commission in the AU. Despite its campaign team being made up of heavy weights like former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, Nigeria’s candidate, Ms. Fatima Kyari Mohammed, was easily defeated by the Algerian candidate, Ambassador Smail Chergui.

Then President Muhammadu Buhari reached out to Ambassador Shinkaiye and four other special envoys to restore the country’s honour. So Nigeria re-contested the post in February 2021 with Ambassador Bankole Adeoye as candidate. This time, the Nigerian candidate got 55 votes out of 55; a first in in the history of the OAU/ AU.

A man of immense foresight, nine days before this latest award, Shinkaiye was the Distinguished Guest of Honour at the Society for International Relations Awareness, SIRA, lecture on: “Africa in the Turbulence of a World in Search of Direction”. At that occasion, he told the audience which included ambassadors and diplomats from 41 countries thus: “As we gather here, the world is marked by unprecedented change and uncertainty, and the quest for direction and stability is a challenge that transcends borders and continents. Africa, a continent of immense diversity and potentials, finds itself at the crossroads of this global turbulence.”

He pointed out that: “Africa’s diversity is one of its greatest strengths but paradoxically, that diversity creates challenges in achieving unity and common purpose. However, in a world where cooperation is increasingly essential, the turbulence in the world driven by economic, political, and environmental factors, affects Africa profoundly.”

In suggesting solutions, he submitted that: “In pursuit of direction, Africa should, therefore, not only focus on external factors but also on internal dynamics. Inclusivity, justice, and the empowerment of all segments of society, are essential components of a thriving Africa. As the world seeks direction, Africa can also lead in shaping global discourse. It has valuable insights into sustainable development, and in conflict resolution that can influence international policies and cooperation.”

Shinkaiye concluded his submission by telling the distinguished audience: “Let me say that the turbulence in a world in search of direction is a challenge that we all face. Africa, with its unique set of opportunities and challenges, can play a vital role in the quest for the right direction. For this to happen, African leaders, policy makers and the citizens must harness the continent’s potentials, promote unity, and engage with the global community to find shared solutions.”

I have no doubt that Ambassador Shinkaiye has a lot more to offer Africa and the international community; all that might be required is to ask.

The most painful aspect of the behaviour of contemporary Nigerian political and bureaucratic elite (as represented by the national assembly and the judiciary) is its confirmation of the worst biases and prejudice of imperialist and colonialist writers on African politics and governance. The one such article, I find particularly galling is “Democracy and Prebendal politics in Nigeria” authored by Richard Joseph. ‘Prebendalism refers to political systems in which elected officials and government workers feel they have a right to a share of government revenues, and they use them to benefit supporters, co-religionists and members of their ethnic group’. 

Before the rave of the ‘Prebendal Politics’ nomenclature, there was similar excitement over its older relative called Neopatrimonialism- defined as a “system of social hierarchy where patrons use state resources to secure the loyalty of clients in the general population. It is an informal patron–client relationship that can reach from very high up in state structures down to individuals in small villages”.

I have recalled these two definitions in order to make one or two points. First, other than playing around with words, how do these two concepts essentially differ from one another? Are both not repetitive descriptions of public service corruption in Nigeria? Why do they need to keep on restating the same problem over and over again as if in an endless competition on the use of the English language. In response to the problems they pose, how is the policy prescription (contingent on the prognosis) of one, different from that of the other? Above all, in what ways were the stewardship (premiership) of Obafemi Awolowo, Ahmadu Bello and Nnamdi Azikiwe typical of neopatrimonial and prebendal politics?. 

I readily assert that the dominant trademark of the politics and governance of these three outstanding personalities is neither Prebendalism nor Neopatrimonialism. On the contrary, they were an advertisement of development oriented and utilitarian leadership. To put it in the horse’s mouth, this was an attestation by Awolowo himself. In an instructive encounter between him and 

John Gunther of the Inside Africa magazine in 1955, here was Awolowo at his frank and assertive best “the British did not have the true interests of the country at heart. In fourteen months, under the present government, we have done more for Nigeria than the British did in 120 years.” 

In the defunct Eastern region,”after the implementation of Arthur D Little’s recommended growth plan, the East’s economy grew at more than 9.2%, starting from 1958 till 1967 when the war tragically interrupted the sterling momentum…At over 9%, the Eastern Region in this period, had the fastest growing economy on earth consistently for 9 years and was estimated to equal Western Nigeria by 1978 (in terms of total gross capital formation)”

My agony is that their prodigal descendants, (the children of perdition) progressively from the Second Republic, largely conform to the degrading stereotypes of the racist western scholars. Matters have only gotten worse in quantum proportions, retroactively lending credence to the lunacy of the Hamitic hypothesis (in which Africans were the sons of Ham cursed by Noah to serve forever the children of Shem and Japhet, particularly Japhet”). In varying degrees and shades, this hypothesis has survived down to the present age thriving on the oxygen provided by the real time culprits. 

Representative of the racist genre of writers were the likes of Jean Jacques Rousseau who concluded that “The black people are unable to think in any reflective manner. Their engagement in arts is, therefore, a thoughtless activity which is the ant-thesis of the intellect.”. They even contemplated the genocidal option of ridding the world of blacks altogether. ‘In order to preclude a weakening miscegenation of the superior race by the inferior race, John Hobson advocated the establishment of an international organisation to supervise the “gradual elimination” of inferior races. He was of the opinion that ‘a rational stirpiculture require a repression of the spread of degenerate or unprogressive races”. 

Nigeria had the dubious distinction of playing host to Henry Townsend who believed white superiority was part of the ordained natural order. He applauded the complementarity between the ‘white man and the Negro who feels a great respect for the white man whom God gives a great talent to the end that it may be used for the Negro’s good’. He rhetorically pondered “Shall we shirk this responsibility without offending God? And logically concluded ‘it would amount to unpardonable sin to contravene at any stage or level in the missionary work the principle of African subordination to the European”

And as recent as 2010, former President of France, Nicolas Sarkozy remarked “The tragedy of Africa is that the African has not fully entered into history…. They have never really launched themselves into the future. . .The African peasant only knew the eternal renewal of time, marked by the endless repetition of the same gestures and the same words. … In this realm of fancy .. . there is neither room for human endeavour nor the idea of progress”.The tragic irony is that, compelled by the gross and remorseless perversion of the ruling elite amongst us in Africa and Nigeria, we are nearly coming to terms with the possibility that there is something fundamentally wrong with Africans. 

In the estimation of World bank economic experts “fuel subsidy removal is estimated to increase the national poverty rate by 3–4% on average..the complete removal disproportionately affects low-income citizens. The low-income citizens face greater financial strain to meet their basic food needs’. Now, recall that before this stark reality, Nigeria was all along rated the overty capital of the world with multidimensional poverty rate at 63% and unemployment at 33.3%. According to the same institution, 96% of Nigeria’s revenue is spent on debt servicing. Is it not then inhuman for a set of Nigerian public officials to prioritize the acquisition of 160 million naira vehicle per national legislator? It gets worse. Recall that they are committing Nigeria to the double jeopardy of funding this greed with borrowed money whose repayment will last well beyond this generation. If they do this openly, it is left to anyone’s imagination what they do when no one is watching. 

Justifying the depraved profligacy, the Senate spokesman, Sunday Karimi stated that ‘Nigerians were picking on lawmakers but ignoring ministers.. afterall, some ministers have more than three Land Cruisers, Prado and other vehicles and questions are not asked’. No better ambassador for the rogue behaviour can be found better than the Senate president, Mr Godswill Akpabio, easily, one of the most disreputable public officials in the annals of Nigeria’s history, no Senate president can personify this brigandage more than Akpabio. 

Expectedly, as the judgement on the petitions of Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar goes, the appeal court panel has reproduced itself in the Supreme Court prompting this remarks from one of the presidential election petitioners, Vice President Atiku Abubakar. “If the Supreme Court decides that the Electoral umpire, INEC, can tell the public one thing and then do something else in order to reach a corruptly predetermined outcome, then there is really no hope for the country’s democracy and electoral politics”. While Supreme Court Judge Okoro (who presided over the Supreme court panel on the appeal from petitioners Obi and Atiku) was raining plaudits on the Court of Appeal, for a job well done, he took out time to threaten those who engage in “media trials”. In the event he underestimated the backlash. The rejoinder to the threat, came, not from the media but from a senior colleague at the Supreme Court itself. And it was appropriately devastated. 

Senator Adamu Bulkachuwa had played John the baptist to Justice Dattijo Mohammed. Earlier in the year, the unguarded Senator, had ratted on his wife who was the President of the Federal Court of Appeal. At an open session of the Senate, he had revealed, in a kiss and tell fashion, of how he regularly suborn his wife to pervert the course of justice. He dropped the hint so casually that it was impossible not to get the drift that this was regular and routine misconduct of the Nigerian judiciary. Any shred of doubt on the culture of judicial corruption and impunity was blown away by no less the number two man in the Supreme Court, Justice Dattijo Mohammed, at the occasion of his retirement from the highest court. It was one for the archives. Here he goes 

“At the Court of Appeal, it is asserted, presiding Justices are now being appointed out of turn. And there is the further issue of the unpredictable nature of recent decisions of the courts as well. A number of respected senior members of the bar (inter alia, citing the Ahmed Lawan, the former President of the Senate and the Imo Governorship appeals), claim that decisions of even the apex court have become unpredictable, they contend. In some quarters the view is strongly held that filth and intrigues characterise the institution these days!

Public perceptions of the judiciary have over the years become witheringly scornful and monstrously critical”.

“It has been in the public space that court officials and judges are easily bribed by litigants to obviate delays and or obtain favourable judgments.

It is asserted that the process of appointment to judicial positions are deliberately conducted to give undue advantage to the “children,spouses, and mistresses” of serving and retired judges and managers of judicial offices.”“To ensure justice and transparency in presidential appeals from the lower court, all geo-political zones are required to participate in the hearing. It is therefore dangerous for democracy and equity for two entire regions to be left out in the decisions that will affect the generality of Nigerians”. 

“Although it can be posited that no one expected the sudden passing of Nweze JSC, yet, it has been two years and seven months since previous Justice from the South East died and no appointment was made. Ditto for the replacement of Eko JSC of North central who exited nearly two years ago. Sidi Bage JSC, now his Royal Highness the Emir of Lafia, from the North Central, had earlier voluntarily retired. He equally is yet to be replaced. Also,it was clear ab-initio that I would be leaving the court this day on attaining the statutory age of 70. It is then not in doubt that there has been sufficient time for suitable replacements to have been appointed. This is yet to occur.”

Minister of Federal Capital Territory needs to apply political maturity in the prevailing crisis in his home state, writes Bolaji Adebiyi

 There is a saying among the Yoruba that it is the kingmaker that the king first kills. What is the wisdom behind that? They say it is because it is the kingmaker that knows where all the bodies are buried hence the need to neutralise him before he spills the beans. Was that what played out in the early hours of Monday morning in Port-Harcourt, the capital city of Rivers State? Maybe.

The nation woke up to the news of an arson attack on the House of Assembly Complex of Rivers State. By noon, it became clear that a power struggle for the soul of the state had begun between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his godfather, Nyesom Wike, his predecessor and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Events happened quickly. The Majority Leader, Edison Ehie, was said to have been removed by 23 of the 32 members of the house. Soon, the assembly issued a notice of removal to the governor. Hours later, the Speaker, Martins Amaehwule, was reportedly removed and replaced by Ehie.

Even as the bewildered public tried to comprehend the issues in contention, Siminalayi appeared on national television networks with a defiant speech that he was ready to resist an attempt to intimidate him, challenging his traducers to publish his wrongdoing. From faraway Abuja, Wike replied that he was not prepared to be shoved aside, stating clearly that he was battle-ready to retain his relevance in the state. President Bola Tinubu, himself a tested godfather of many political sons, intervened and advised both sides to relax and face the reality on the ground.

Save for snippets from Fubara and Wike as well as a statement by elders of the state who had intervened on both sides, the substantive issues remain vague. The governor hinted he was being intimated by his godfather and was ready to resist his bully. The godfather told the peacemakers who met him in Abuja on Tuesday that no one would be allowed to make him an unknown quantity in the state he had made all the current office holders. The elders think Fubara misunderstood a pure power struggle within the legislature and misconceived it as a move against him.

Obviously, the elders in blaming the governor for the crisis were being realistic. With 24 out of 32 members of the legislature and the Chief Judge of the state presumed to be in Wike’s corner, there is little or no room for Fubara to manoeuvre, hence their pacifist approach to the crisis.

What is clear from all these is that the unravelling crisis that threatens the state has nothing to do with public policy. None of the combatants has stated that they disagree on any governance policy or its implementation. The fight, therefore, is essentially over the spoils of office as an effective tool of attracting and retaining the loyalty required to maintain political relevance in the state.

This is unfortunate but within the context of real power politics, the fight is understandable even when it is unnecessary. If politics is a game of interests, then the control of power and the critical machinery of the state becomes necessary if those interests are to be achieved and protected. Ideally, those interests ought to be those of the people that the politicians are placed to serve. If the interests that are sought to be accomplished and protected are those of the people, it becomes laudable and efforts to seize control of the levers of power become legitimate.

Now, the principle is the same even when those interests are those of an individual or a group of individuals, for they could only be so protected while the promoters are in power, not before or after exiting power. This is why the power struggle in Port Harcourt is understandable. But it is unnecessary because there are no interests, whether public or individual, that could not be accommodated and managed if there is political maturity or enlightened self-interest that should dictate the need for consensus.

This is more so when it is realised that politics being the allocation of scarce resources is bound to generate conflicts, which have to be managed. So, political conflict is not a problem in itself but the failure of its management. It is the failure to realise this that breeds intractable conflicts in the polity.

It is against this background that Tinubu’s intervention in telling Wike to appreciate that Fubara is now the governor of the state while admonishing the governor to respect the contribution of his predecessor to his political ascendancy. The president spoke from his experience of managing three political godsons. It was not that there were no anxious moments in his 16-year post-governorship leadership of the politically sophisticated Lagos State. There were, but the template and the structures that he put in place to manage them helped him to manage the potential crises.

Tinubu put in place a 25-year development plan that became a policy plank that everyone in his political family could relate to commit to and aspire to implement. Once elected, you were bound to pursue its realisation. There also seems to be an established dichotomy between political management and governance, where the former was left in the hands of the political leadership, while the latter was handled by the governor who understood that the political leadership had supervisory powers. This worked for 12 years without any serious complications until Akinwunmi Ambode moved to disrupt the equilibrium in 2015, with an unsavoury consequence.  

It is doubtful if this template would have worked if Tinubu had been overbearing by failing to understand the limit of political leadership in matters of practical governance. Yet it is not true that there were no tense moments. The rebellion was averted at least twice by the political leadership bowing to the agitations of the followers who aligned with the godsons.

Wike, who now works with Tinubu, may do well to attend some lessons from his boss. The main one is that it is not every time that you insist on providing leadership. At times, you follow your followers even when you are convinced that you are right, and they are wrong. It is better you allow them to learn from their mistakes than risk rebellion. After all, you are only a leader when you have followers.

Adebiyi, the executive editor of Western Post, is a member of the Editorial Board of THISDAY Newspapers

The House of Representatives has dropped the N5 billion presidential yacht from the 2023 supplementary budget.

The chairperson of the House Committee on Appropriation, Abubakar Bichi (APC, Kano) announced this on Thursday after the passage of the N2.17 trillion supplementary budget by the House.

Mr Bichi, while speaking to journalists, said the committee removed the item and moved the money to the student loan section to make it N10 billion.

Details later…..