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Lagos’ high capital spending doesn’t always benefit city’s poorest – AfDB
The African Development Bank (AfDB) has said that high capital spending in Lagos does not always benefit the city’s poorest people.
This was contained in a report by the bank titled, ‘From Millions to Billions: Financing the Development of African Cities,’ which was obtained by Nairametrics.
According to the report, Lagos state has an approved budget of $2.1 billion for 2023/24, with $1.3 billion (58% of the entire budget) targeted at capital projects.
It, however, lamented that Lagos’s budget does not always lead to basic infrastructure and services for the poorest in the city.
The report read:
- “The relatively high capital component of Lagos State’s budget (58%) does not always translate into implementation of basic infrastructure and services for the city’s poorest people, but Lagos is deliberate in trying to attract multinational companies and foreign investment.”
On the budget breakdown and the source of revenue for the state, the report added:
- “Lagos State’s approved budget for 2023/24 (the ‘Budget of Continuity’) totalled $2.31 billion or $144 per capita, of which $1.33 billion (58%) is for capital projects and 27% specifically for new infrastructure. The balance (42%) is spent on personnel and debt servicing. This equates to a $48.22 capital budget per capita.
- “Own-source revenue in 2023/24 was estimated at $1.83 billion, with the 25-30% shortfall filled by borrowing (20%) and transfers from the federal government (10%). An estimated five million people (31% of the population) pay some form of tax or revenue to Lagos State, but only 400,000 entities are registered for PAYE. Non-compliance with tax obligations is a critical issue. Efforts are underway to change this, and an 18% growth in local revenue was recorded in 2022.
- “Currently, Lagos generates 70% of its revenue from its sources, most of which comes from PAYE (45% of revenue) and property taxes. Other sources of revenue are more volatile and include sales proceeds, rents, land-use charges, fees, and fines.”
Lagos’ PPP for the rich more than the poor
The report also noted that development in the state has been driven through public-private partnerships (PPP) with federal government tax breaks for private-sector property developers.
However, such partnerships were described as “less effective in ensuring universal access to basic services; 65% of Lagosians do not have access to electricity and 85% rely on informal sanitation.”
It also added that infrastructure spending is targeted more at those in the upper class, resulting in zero impacts on economic multiples and poverty reduction.
The report noted:
- “Lagos State has been deliberate in seeking private sector partners for capital investment with the federal government offering tax incentives (20% of the cost of providing basic infrastructure is tax deductible) to private sector investors financing road, water, and electricity infrastructure.
- “Infrastructure planning has been criticized as top-down and unable to generate the economic multipliers and poverty alleviation impacts that might be hoped for from infrastructure investments.”
On Lagos’s debt
The AfDB in its report stated that by the end of 2022, Lagos State owed $1.7 billion, and with the currency depreciating in 2023, the expense of servicing this debt was only going to increase. The state’s standing with domestic bond markets, which accounted for 20% of its debt in 2022, remained unchanged.
Although ‘balanced budgets’ are not mandated at the federal level, states must keep their deficits below 3% of GDP. Since 2016, the state of Lagos has had access to a $653 million bond, note, and other securities facility (in Nigerian Naira). As of December 2022, bonds formed 20% of Lagos State’s debt.
While Lagos currently has the most domestic revenue and foreign debt of any state in the country, it also has the highest internal revenue.
The state owes N812.4 billion to domestic creditors and another $1.3 billion to foreign creditors, according to figure provided by the Debt Management Office (DMO).
More Insight
Some major expenditures in the Lagos State Government (LASG) 2023 budget were recently made public thanks to the efforts of Funso Doherty, a professional accountant and politician residing in Lagos.
It has been disclosed by the Action Democratic Congress (ADC) gubernatorial candidate Doherty that the budget allocates massive sums of money on things like charter planes, SUVs, diffusers, and significant infrastructure.
In an open letter to Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, Doherty listed certain allocations that, in his opinion, merit closer examination, including calling attention to a register of public procurement awards by LASG for the second and third quarters of 2023.
The replacement of liquid fragrance at the Governor’s office cost N7,475,000, while the purchase of brand-new Lexus LX 600 bulletproof sport utility vehicles cost the Chief of Staff’s office N440 million. Not only that, but the state government set aside a hefty sum of money (about N400,000,000) to cover any unexpected charter jet costs.
Doherty also voiced doubts about the N69.9 billion budgeted to rebuild and enhance a stretch of the Eti Osa/Lekki Motorway, calling the sum an excessive expenditure for road maintenance. He expressed his displeasure with wasteful expenditures and investments in infrastructure and called for greater openness and responsibility from those in charge of the country’s coffers.
The news caused a major reaction on Twitter, Facebook, and other social media sites, with many Nigerians expressing their dismay and fury at what they see as wasteful spending on the part of the Lagos State Government.
Labour Party candidate for governor of Lagos state Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour voiced his dismay at the “irresponsible squandering of our commonwealth in such difficult times.” He criticized the misalignment between government goals and the pressing needs of the people, stating that these funds could have been used to create jobs and provide a social safety net for Lagosians.
[Nairametrics]
Morocco 2024: Nigeria Invite Ajibade, Nnadozie, Oshoala, 18 Others For Cape Verde
Coach Justin Madugu has called 21 players to the Super Falcons’ camp ahead of next week’s 13th Women Africa Cup of Nations final qualifying round, first leg clash with the Senior Women National Team of Cape Verde.
The nine-time African champions will host the Cape Verdians at the MKO Abiola National Stadium, Abuja on Thursday, 30th November, before both teams trade tackles in a return leg in Praia on Tuesday, 5th December.
To be eligible for this final round, the Super Falcons accomplished a commanding 5-1 aggregate win over their counterparts from Ethiopia, with the first leg in Addis Ababa ending 1-1 before a 4-0 lashing of the ‘Lucy’ in Abuja.
All invited players have been advised to report to the team’s camp in Abuja between the 25th and 27th of November.
The Falcons have never failed to reach the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations since the competition was launched as the African Women’s Championship in Nigeria in 1998, and have swept nine out of 12 titles that have been contested so far.
ALL THE INVITED PLAYERS:
Goalkeepers: Chiamaka Nnadozie (Paris FC); Tochukwu Oluehi (Shualat Alsharqia FC, Saudi Arabia); Christiana Obia (Edo Queens)
Defenders: Osinachi Ohale (Pachuca FC, Mexico); Glory Edet (FCF TP Mazembe, DR Congo); Rihanat Kasali (Bayelsa Queens); Oluwatosin Demehin (Stade de Reims, France); Akudo Ogbonna (Remo Stars Ladies); Rofiat Imuran (Stade de Reims, France)
Midfielders: Christy Ucheibe (SC Benfica, Portugal); Esther Onyenezide (FC Robo Queens); Peace Efih (Sporting Club de Braga, Portugal); Rasheedat Ajibade (Atletico Madrid FC, Spain); Deborah Abiodun (University of Pittsburgh, USA); Toni Payne (Sevilla FC, Spain); Jennifer Echegini (Florida State University, USA)
Forwards: Omorinsola Babajide (Coasta Adeje Tenerife Egatesa, Spain); Asisat Oshoala (FC Barcelona Feminine, Spain); Esther Okoronkwo (Coasta Adeje Tenerife Egatesa, Spain); Uchenna Kanu (Racing Louisville, USA); Gift Monday (Coasta Adeje Tenerife Egatesa, Spain)
[DailyTrust]
Benue: ‘No one will go away with APC’s mandate again’ – Akume speaks on alleged rift with Gov Alia
The Secretary to the Government of the Federation ,SGF ,and leader of the All Progressives Congress, APC, in Benue State, Sen .George Akume, has warned that the party will no longer condone any form of indiscipline from members.
Akume issued the warning over the weekend during the second stakeholders meeting of the APC at the New Banquet Hall of Government House, Makurdi.
He spoke against the backdrop of the defection of the immediate past governor, Samuel Ortom, who was elected on the platform of the party but switched to the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP , after some irreconcilable differences with APC leaders in the state.
Akume, who was represented by an elder of the APC, Çhief Simon Shango, dispelled the rumors of reported rift between him and Governor Hyacinth Alia.
Sango said insinuations of a rift between the SGF and the governor only exist in the imagination of mischief makers as the duo enjoy very cordial working and partisan relationship.
He said Akume is totally in support of Alia ‘s administration and there was no basis for acrimony between them.
Sango noted that he understands the situation in which Alia found himself because he is coming from a non-political background.
“In the Church all you need to say is an Amen but he wants the Governor to appreciate our situation and that as politicians, we may be anxious and may not wait for Amen but will start agitation and argument.
“This is to say that no one will go away with our mandate again but we will be meeting at the center,” he said.
He emphasized that the situation whereby Benue State was an orphan at the federal level for eight years should not occur again as the APC is in control at both levels again.
[DailyPost]
Nine female Vice-Chancellors in Nigeria
Over the years, women have shown that they are great leaders. Studies and experience have shown that women bring unique perspectives to leadership roles.
Women are constantly evolving and reaching new milestones across a wide spectrum of human activities. Women are flexible and empathetic. They are also good builders, good listeners, good communicators and emotionally intelligent.
In the world of academia, some women who have been entrusted with leading roles to manage human and material resources have more often than not, proved that given adequate backing, they can perform creditably.
In this piece, The Nation’s ALAO ABIODUN presents some of Nigeria’s most excellent amazons that are making invaluable contributions to the world of academics as female Vice-Chancellors. In no particular order, they are:
1. Prof. Lilian Salami – UNIBEN
2. Prof. Florence Obi – UNICAL
3. Prof Nnenna Oti – FUTO
4. Prof Ibiyemi Bello – LASU
5. Prof Kaletapwa Farauta – ADSU
6. Prof. Adenike Oladiji – FUTA
7. Prof. Folasade Ogunsola – UNILAG
8. Prof. Bidemi Lafiaji-Okuneye – LASUED
9. Prof. Stella Chinye Chiemeke – University of Delta, Agbor
1. Lilian Salami – UNIBEN
Prof. Lilian Salami is the 10th substantive vice-chancellor of the University of Benin, Edo State. She was born in Jos, Plateau State, on the 8th of August, 1956.
A home economist and former Dean of the Faculty of Education, Salami became the second female vice-chancellor of the institution after Grace Alele Williams, who was also the first female vice-chancellor in Nigeria.
Last year, she was elected as the chairman of the Committee of Vice-Chancellors of Nigerian Federal Universities. With her appointment, Salami became the second female to occupy the position.
2. Florence Obi – UNICAL
Professor Florence Obi is the 11th Vice Chancellor of the University of Calabar and the first female to head the institution in 45 years.
Obi, a Professor of Special Needs Education in the university, was appointed the VC of the institution on September 10, 2020, replacing Prof. Zana Akpagu, whose tenure ended on November 30, 2020.
Before her appointment, she was the deputy vice-chancellor of the university (academic), as well as a one-time Commissioner for Women’s Affairs in Cross River State.
Obi, who has a PhD in the Psychology of Education from the University of Calabar, started her academic career as an assistant lecturer at the Institute of Education, the University of Calabar in 1990.
3. Prof Nnenna Oti – FUTO
Nnenna Oti is professor of Soil Science and Environmental Conservation. She emerged as the vice chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, Owerri (FUTO), beating six other candidates for the position.
She is the first female and eigth substantive vice-chancellor of the 41 years old university. She was formerly the deputy vice chancellor (Academics) of the institution.
She was also a two-time dean of post-graduate school and a three-time head of department of soil science and technology in the School of Agricultural and Agriculture Technology (SAAT).
Oti holds a Bachelor of Agriculture degree (B.Agric) in Soil Science from the University of Nigeria Nsukka, UNN; (First Class Honours), Masters in Soil Science (Soil Biology and Biochemistry Option), UNN; a Postgraduate Diploma in Irrigation Engineering (Distinction) from Katholic University Leuven, Belgium and capped her academic laurels with a PhD in Soil and Environmental Conservation from FUTO.
4. Prof Ibiyemi Bello – LASU
Prof. Ibiyemi Olatunji-Bello is the ninth Vice Chancellor of Lagos State University (LASU). She is the second female VC to occupy the exalted post in the Lagos State-owned tertiary institution.
She is the wife of the Lagos State Ex-Commissioner for Environment and Water Resources, Tunji Bello,
Ibiyemi, a Professor of Physiology, had served as Acting Vice-Chancellor of the institution before her appointment The 57-year-old academic was born on April 23, 1964, in Lagos.
5. Prof Kaletapwa Farauta – ADSU
In 2020, Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri approved the appointment of Prof Kaletapwa Farauta as the substantive Vice-Chancellor of the Adamawa State University Mubi.
Until her appointment, she was the acting Vice-Chancellor of the institution. She had contested for the position alongside 25 others, out of which three top contenders emerged.
6. Prof. Adenike Oladiji – FUTA
Professor (Mrs) Adenike Temidayo Oladiji is the eighth substantive vice chancellor of Federal University of Technology, Akure.
She holds a B.Sc Biochemistry, Second Class Upper Division degree from the University of Ilorin, 1988; MSc. Biochemistry, University of Ilorin, 1991 and Doctor of Philosophy degree in Biochemistry from the University of Ilorin, 1997.
She joined the services of the University of Ilorin in July 1992 as Assistant Lecturer and was appointed a Professor in September 2011.
7. Prof. Folasade Ogunsola – UNILAG
Professor Folasade Ogunsola is the 13th substantive Vice Chancellor of the University of Lagos (UNILAG). Ogunsola, the daughter of the late eminent geographer, Prof. Akin Mabogunje, has served the university in various capacities.
She was at a time the Provost of the College of Medicine in Idi Araba, Lagos and also served as a deputy vice chancellor to Ogundipe.
Ogunsola, a professor of clinical microbiology, is the first female vice-chancellor in the school’s 60-year history.
8. Prof. Bidemi Lafiaji-Okuneye – LASUED
Prof Lafiaji-Okuneye, a professor of Health Education, is the Ag. Vice –Chancellor Lagos State University of Education
She was born on February 2, 1972, on Lagos Island, Lagos State.
She obtained Doctor of Philosophy (Health Education) from University of Ibadan (2005), Master of Education (Health Education), University of Lagos (1999), Bachelor of Science (PHE), Lagos State University (1995) and Diploma in Physical and Health Education from Lagos State University (1991).
Lafiaji-Okuneye joined the service of Lagos State University as a Lecturer in the Faculty of Education. She was later appointed the Provost, Adeniran Ogusanya College of Education, Ijanikin until her appointment as the Ag. Vice –Chancellor, Lagos State University of Education Oto/Ijanikin.
9. Prof. Stella Chinye Chiemeke – University of Delta, Agbor
Prof. Stella Chiemeke began her academic voyage in Lagos State, Nigeria where she obtained her Primary School Certificate from Lagos Progressive Primary School, Surulere Lagos State.
Soon after, she proceeded to the renowned Anglican Girl Grammar School, Surulere Lagos State for her Secondary Education.
Prof. Chiemeke holds a Bachelor of Science Degree in Computer Science from University of Lagos and a Master of Science Degree in Computer Science from the same University. She obtained her PhD in Computer Science from the Federal University of Technology, Akure in 2004.
She started her professional career first as a programmer (1986-1987), and later the Head of Computer Centre of the Edo State University (Now Ambrose Alli University), Ekpoma (1987-1994).
In 1994, she joined the services of the University of Benin, Benin City, as an Assistant Lecturer and rose to the position of a Professor in 2009 at the same time the second Female Professor of Computer Science in Nigeria and First in the University of Benin.
She has supervised over eighty (80) Master of Science students and Sixteen (16) Doctoral of Philosophy (PhD) students in the Department of Computer Science, University of Benin and has published over 124 publications in national and international reputable journals.
Prof. Chiemeke has 12 academic books in the area of Computer Science and Programming. She is Fellow of Renewable and Alternative Energy Society of Nigeria (REASON), Fellow, Nigeria Computer Society (NCS), Fellow of Strategic Institute for Natural Resources and Human Development (FRHD).
She is also a member of Computer Professional Registration Council of Nigeria (CPN), Member, Association of Computer Machinery (ACM), USA, Member, International Network for Women Engineers and Scientists (INWES), Ottawa, Canada, Member, Organization of Women Scientists for the Developing World (OWSDW), Trieste, Italy, Member, International Association of Engineers, (IAENG), UK, Member, Society for Women Engineers (SWE), Chicago, Member, Nigerian Women in Information Technology (NIWIIT).
Prof. Chiemeke has served in various administrative capacities both in the University of Benin and beyond.
She was Assistant Dean of the Faculty of Physical Sciences, University of Benin from January 2006 – June 2007, Acting Head of Department of Computer Science (2002-2004 and 2006-2009), Director of ICTU/CRPU, University of Benin in July 2010 to February 2015, Director of Intellectual Property and Technology Transfer office (IPTTO) and The pioneer Vice-chairman of the Committee of Directors of ICT in Nigerian Universities (ComDICT) etc.
Prof. Chiemeke was immediate past Rector, Delta State Polytechnic, Ogwashi-Uku Delta State from 2017-2021.
With the establishment of University of Delta, Agbor by the Government of Delta State, in 2021, she was appointed the Pioneer Vice Chancellor to steer the affairs of the new institution.
In view of her contributions towards the advancement of Computer Science Education in Nigeria, the Nigerian Computer Society, recognized and honoured her with the prestigious IT Personality of the Year, 2021.
Prof. Chiemeke is a devoted Christian, a Knight of St. James Anglican Church, Benin Diocese and blessed with four children.
[TheNation]
FULL LIST: State governors sacked by court so far and reasons
Since the completion of the 2023 general elections, attention has shifted to the courts that are deciding the petitions arising from the elections. In this piece, Okiki Adeduyite looks at the state governors so far sacked by courts and why they were sacked.
In a judgment on Sunday, the Court of Appeal, led by Justice Elphreda Williams-Dawodu, ordered the Independent National Electoral Commission to withdraw the Certificate of Return given to Governor Caleb Mutfwang of Plateau State.
The court declared Nentawe Goshwe of the All Progressives Congress the rightful winner of the March 18 governorship election, ordering INEC to issue a new Certificate of Return to him.
Courts have sacked at least three governors whose elections were contested by opposing parties and deemed one election inconclusive, barely nine months after the elections.
- Abba Kabir Yusuf (NNPP)
The NNPP received 1,019,602 votes to defeat the APC, whose candidate, Nasir Gawuna, received 890,705 votes, according to INEC. As a result, the NNPP candidate won by a margin of 128,897 votes.
The Election Petitions Tribunal, under the leadership of Justice Oluyemi Osadebay, invalidated the election of Governor Yusuf. The tribunal made this decision by declaring 165,663 votes, garnered by Yusuf invalid.
The ballot papers for the 165,663 votes were not signed or stamped, according to the judge, and thus were invalid.
The court ordered that Yusuf’s certificate of return be revoked and that a fresh one be issued to Gawuna.
The Court of Appeal in Abuja also upheld the tribunal’s decision.
The three-member panel, led by Justice M.A Adumeh, determined that Yusuf was not on his political party’s membership list.
He stated that a party must hold the names of its registered members in both hard and soft copies, citing a clause of the Electoral Act.
The judge stated that the tribunal erred in failing to disqualify Yusuf in its ruling.
“The tribunal was wrong not to have disqualified him. The failure to comply with Section 177(c) is fatal to their election. . Where a party carelessly nominates a candidate such is a nullity irrespective of whether he performs well. Sponsorship without membership is like putting nothing on something, it cannot stand. This is a clear example of acting with brazen impunity as if the Constitution is not binding,” he held.
Yusuf has, however, vowed to reclaim his mandate at the Supreme Court.
- Abdullahi Sule (APC)
The Nasarawa State Governorship Election Petitions Tribunal sacked the state governor, Abdullahi Sule, in October and ordered INEC to revoke his Certificate of Return and give it to David Ombugadu of the PDP.
Ombugadu had taken Sule to court to contest INEC’s announcement of Sule as the winner of the election.
He told the tribunal that his actual votes were unfairly lowered while Sule of the APC’s votes were boosted to help him win, notably in the EC8Bs of Gayam and Chiroma Wards of Lafia Local Government Area.
The tribunal, led by Justice Ezekiel Ajayi, in its decision deducted the incorrect votes added to Sule and added back the votes which were reduced from the overall votes of David Ombugadu. This decision was based on the certified copies of the polling units results (forms EC8A) that were presented by the petitioners.
The Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja on Wednesday, November 15, reserved judgment on the appeal.
- Dauda Lawal (PDP)
INEC had declared Dauda Lawal of the PDP as the winner of the Zamfara State governorship election, defeating the incumbent governor, Bello Matawalle of the APC.
Matawalle had filed a case with the tribunal contesting the results of the governorship election on March 18, but it was dismissed due to lack of merit.
The Court of Appeal issued its decision on Thursday, November 16, declaring the election inconclusive and ordering INEC to hold new elections in two local governments.
According to the appellate court, Matawalle, who is currently the Minister of State for Defence, was able to establish Lawal’s invalid election.
The governor, in a statement by his spokesperson, Sulaiman Idris, said his legal team was reviewing the judgment before taking the next necessary action.
- Caleb Mutfwang (PDP)
Nentawe Goshwe of the APC challenged the victory of Caleb Mutfwang at the tribunal, claiming that the governor was not validly nominated and sponsored by his party.
A three-member panel of the tribunal headed by Justice R. Irele-Ifijeh, in a unanimous decision, dismissed the petition of Goshwe for lacking merit.
The three-member panel of the Court of Appeal led by Justice Elfrieda Williams-Dawodu ruled on Sunday, November 19, that the governor was not legitimately sponsored by the PDP for the election, citing Section 177 of the Constitution.
The judge pointed out that the PDP failed to adhere to a standing High Court order, which mandated the party to organise a legitimate party congress before endorsing candidates for the governorship and other positions.
Mutfwang, who has directed his legal team to submit an appeal with the Supreme Court, expressed hope that the mandate bestowed upon him by the people of the state would be reinstated.
[Punch]
[OPINION] Judicial mercenarism - Chidi Odinkalu
IN July 1977, the Organisation of African Unity adopted a Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism in Africa. It offered a definition of a mercenary to include someone who “is motivated to take part in hostilities essentially by the desire for private gain and in fact is promised by or on behalf of a party to the conflict material compensation.” The drafters of the Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism in Africa probably did not foresee that it would encompass the conduct of judges.
Yet, at the beginning of this month, the immediate past president of the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA, Olumide Akpata, took to the floor of the International Bar Association, IBA, conference in Paris, the capital of France, to invite the association to take an active interest in a new species of judicial subornation in Nigeria which can best be described as judicial mercenarism.
Carl von Clausewitz, the Prussian General, is credited with the insight that war is the continuation of policy by other means. The converse can also be true: that policy and politics could also be war by other means. Private military contractors, also known as mercenaries, are paid to fight in other people’s wars.
Judicial officers are ordinarily not politicians. So, when they choose to immerse themselves in the theatre of power politics, it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that elements of mercenarism are involved.
This mercenarism can manifest itself in the form of judicial fornication, soliciting, or contumeliousness. Let’s begin with judicial fornication. In his memoir, The Accidental Public Servant, former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, and recent governor of Kaduna State, Nasir el-Rufai, recounts that the Chief Judge of the FCT when he became Minister, Justice Lawal Hassan Gummi, had preceded him to the Barewa College in Zaria.
As Minister, he desired “to ensure the judiciary was fully on board with our reform directions”. Although advised by his staff to invite the Chief Judge to a “briefing” with the Minister, El-Rufai exultantly recalls that he overruled them because “our old boys’ protocol trumped all others they may have in the FCT.” So, in obedience to the supreme law of the Barewa Old Boys Association, BOBA, El-Rufai “visited Justice Gummi, met with his team of senior judges and…. prayed for their support.”
The result, El-Rufai further exults, was that “the FCT judiciary supported us strongly throughout my tenure”, and the official pay-off was a ministerial decision “to budget an annual grant to support our judiciary to procure court recording and automation equipment.”
The reader may note two things. One is that in the narration of the Minister, the FCT judiciary became transformed from an institution established to hold a fair balance between different interests in society to one dedicated to servicing the Minister and his FCT administration. The second is that the judiciary thus became – in his telling – part and parcel of the government of the day to be instrumentalised as the government dared, not an independent institution to hold the government to account.
This was judicial fornication at ministerial beck-and-call. After the publication of this book, some non-governmental organisations under the aegis of the Civil Society Network against Corruption, CSNAC, petitioned against Lawal Gummi to the then Chief Justice of Nigeria, CJN, Aloma Mukhtar, who also chaired the National Judicial Council, NJC.
In response, the CJN issued a disciplinary query to the Chief Judge of the FCT “seeking explanation over an annual grant made to the FCT judiciary by the FCT administration during Nasir el Rufai’s administration.” Reluctant to be dragged through the process, Lawal Gummi took early retirement and promptly got translated to the stool of the Gummi Emirate in Zamfara State.
One decade later, the current successor to the seat of the Chief Judge of the FCT, Husseini Baba-Yusuf, preferred to take matters a notch higher by showcasing his skills in judicial soliciting. Rather than have the Minister pay him a visit, the Chief Judge went to promenade for the Minister of the FCT instead, and took the opportunity to show off his plumes. Assuming the role of a judicial vuvuzela, he began by hailing the Minister as having “exceeded the level that people had thought you would perform”, before reminding him that “as the judiciary, we are part of the government and we expect that we should be able to do things that will make government work.”
In claiming that the judiciary is “part of the government” the Chief Judge was fully aware that he was inviting the Minister into an intimate transaction.
So, the Chief Judge let it be known that he had issued directions to the judges under him that “all cases involving the FCT will only be assigned by the Chief Judge….” A suitably tingled Minister of the FCT happily nodded “thank you”, while the judges and sundry hangers-on accompanying the Chief Judge clapped uproariously in full expectation of full-on consummation.
While the conduct and verbiage of the current Chief Judge were even more egregious than those of his durable predecessor from one decade ago, few expect him to suffer anything like the consequences that followed the revelations in The Accidental Public Servant. The reason is because these days judicial mercenarism occurs in the full glare of the records.
Judicial decision making is ordinarily deliberative and its language, even in the pen or keyboard of the colorful, is usually clothed with dignity. These days, however, some judges in Nigeria are not shy about announcing which political side has penetrated their judicial orifices. They are not merely contumelious but choose to advertise it.
When it decided to nullify the election of Governor Ademola Adeleke of Osun State earlier in the year, for instance, Justice T.A. Kume, who sat as part of the Governorship Election Petition Tribunal relied on the high authority of Kizz Daniel’s popular single, Buga, to hold that Adeleke “cannot ‘go lo lo lo lo’ and ‘buga won’ as the duly elected governor of Osun State.
In the Kano State governorship election petition decided last September, Benson Anya, a judge on the tribunal went one further. Relying on matters that were never in evidence or in dispute before the Tribunal, he described one side to the case as “bandits in politics” and decided “to condemn the gang of Red Cap wearers (a reference to the supporters of the second respondent in the case) who, like a violent and terrorist cult, chased us out of Kano and put us in the fear of our lives. We believe that only Allah is the giver of power. Those who believe in Allah must bow to his (sic) will and submit to the authority of Governmental (sic) power.”
For the avoidance of doubt, the author of this insightful theological distraction is a Christian from Abia State in South-East Nigeria and no question about Allah or His supremacy was even remotely in contention in the case. It did not require any imagination to understand that the god under reference by Benson Anya existed entirely in his head, probably from vanities he harboured about the finality of the judicial vote in determining election outcomes.
It is no surprise that this kind of thing only happens in political and election disputes where politicians chase judges with money and induce open trades in the outcome of judicial proceedings. This is why judicial mercenarism is often accompanied by unconcealed hubris. Just this past week, a Justice of Appeal, informed the appellants in the judicial contest over the governorship of Lagos State that they “came empty-handed and left empty-handed. They merely enjoyed their day in court.”
The courts no longer even pretend to tether their pronouncements to any sense of principle, precedent or proportion. To use an expression originated by our neighbours in Cameroon, judicial mercenarism now manifests itself in an open jurisprudence of “buy am; sell am.”
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
[OPINION] Let us reset by deporting Saudis - Owei Lakemfa
A DOZEN years ago when I first lodged at the prestigious Corinthia Hotel, Khartoum overlooking the confluence where the White Nile River and Blue Nile River are in eternal embrace, a waitress approached me. She was intrigued by my dressing and as such, could not place where I came from. I told her I was wearing a unique Nigerian dress. She told me I have a Nigerian brother working in the hotel who is always excited to meet Nigerians.
She gave me his name and the floor his office was located, and I checked him on my way downstairs. When I enquired about him, this Sudanese emerged from his office and when I introduced myself as a Nigerian, his face lit up. I told him he looks every inch a Sudanese. He said he was born Sudanese but that his father had migrated from Kano. As a Muslim trying to fulfil his religious vows to visit Mecca on a pilgrimage, his father had travelled by road to Sudan trying to reach Mecca. Unable to continue, he had settled in Sudan and raised a family. However, his father always told the children they were originally Nigerian.
He told me that since his father could not proceed to Mecca, he had dreamt of returning home to his larger family in Nigeria, but never did until he passed away. So, he decided to search for his extended family in Kano to fulfil his father’s wish to link the lineage.
I collected as much information as I could from him and made a search. But unfortunately, the information he had was quite scanty; the names he provided were common amongst people in Kano and the quarters he guessed his father came from, too large for his extended family to be located. I relayed back the information.
I discovered there are many Nigerians trying to reach Mecca who eventually settled in places like Sudan.
The Nigerian faithful have made the pilgrimage to Mecca for hundreds of years now, and our aviation system is quite familiar with the protocols of flying to Saudi Arabia, including on non-Hajj flights.
It was therefore shocking when on Monday, November 13, 2023, the visas of 177 of the 264 passengers who landed in Saudi Arabia abroad a Nigerian Air Peace Airline from Kano, were cancelled on arrival.
Two days later, the Saudi Arabia Embassy in Abuja issued a statement claiming that: “The passengers whom were denied entry, and subsequently deported to their initial destinations, didn’t fulfil the entry conditions and requirements in accordance with the applicable rules and regulations of the Kingdom, as they submitted incorrect information to obtain a category of visa that doesn’t apply to them, which was discovered upon their arrival.”
However, the airline through its Chief Operating Officer, Oluwatoyin Olajide, clarified that Air Peace was on a scheduled flight to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.
Air Peace then presented a lucid, logical and verifiable response to Saudi Arabia’s claims. It included that the visas of all passengers on the said flight were “checked and verified through the requisite procedures and were vetted to be valid before departure.”
It stated that the visa confirmation platform provided by the Saudi Foreign Ministry was also used for the verification. “Which confirmed the validity of each passenger’s visa before passengers were allowed to check-in for the flight.
“All the Visas of the 264 passengers were duly verified, confirmed, and accepted as authentic for the trip.” The airline said the visas were further passed through the Visa Portal provided by the Saudi Authorities.
The airline also said that it used the Advanced Passenger Information System, APIS, to determine the admissibility or otherwise of each passenger on the flight.
Air Peace added: “Furthermore, the Passenger manifest containing the names of all passengers on board the flight was sent ahead to the Saudi Arabia National Travel Security Centre Carrier Portal before the flight departure, yet no Notice of Visa cancellation was received against any of these passengers.”
The Saudi Arabian statement is bland and clearly showed a country in search of excuses. It could not deny the authenticity of the visas and indeed, it is quite disingenuous for it to claim that 177 passengers in a single flight used “ incorrect information to obtain” valid visas. Are the Saudi visa officers and Foreign Ministry staff so ignorant that such a number in one flight would be given valid visas based on false information?
That clearly is an attempt by Saudi Arabia to present Nigerians as scammers who are so crooked that the alleged incorrect information they supplied could not be detected. So, how come the Saudis detected the incorrect information supplied by the 177 passengers only within the less than seven hours flight time between Kano and Jeddah?
The Saudi excuses are so childish and unintelligent that even a moron could show they ooze falsehood. What that country has done is what in Nigeria we call ‘See finish’: that is having no iota of respect for Nigeria and telling us to go to hell.
Sadly, it will not be very difficult for Saudi Arabia to try sticking the claim of Nigerians being crooked. Just four days before the deportations, the Nigerian Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, issued a statement claiming that Saudi Arabia had pledged to invest in revamping Nigeria’s refineries. He added that: “To support the Central Bank’s on-going reforms of Nigeria’s foreign exchange regime, the Saudi Government will make available a substantial deposit of foreign exchange to boost Nigeria’s forex liquidity.” These claims, tragically, have proven to be unverifiable.
The Saudi Arabia deportations are coming on the heels of the over one-year-long visa ban on Nigerians by its neighbour, the United Arab Emirates, UAE. President Bola Tinubu had personally intervened to get the ban lifted. This happened on September 11, 2023 when he met UAE leader Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. The Presidency then issued a statement announcing the lifting of the ban. However, the UAE countered the statement to say the ban remains in place.
It is sad that Nigerians are being subjected to such indignities by countries that claim to be our friends. So who pays for such mass deportations? How can the deportees be compensated and by who?
Diplomacy has a lot to do with reciprocity; so while we may be searching for answers why the mass deportations, we should pick out all Saudis arriving in Nigeria, cancel their visas and deport them in the same aircraft bringing them. We did it with South Africa and it worked. If we do it with Saudi Arabia, it will work like magic. Nigeria may not be able to stop people disrespecting us, but we can refuse to be disrespected.
We’ve no money to fire Peseiro, says NFF
The Nigeria Football Federation, NFF, would fire coach Jose Peseiro if they had the money to pay him off after two poor performances in World Cup qualifiers, according to executive committee member Nse Essien.
Nigeria’s qualification for the 2026 World Cup is already in serious jeopardy after they managed only two draws in their first two qualifiers against Lesotho and Zimbabwe.
Walter Musona scored direct from a free kick to put Zimbabwe ahead in the first half and Leicester forward Kelechi Iheanacho equalised midway through the second half.
Portuguese coach Peseiro has been singled out for criticism for the Super Eagles’ slow start to qualification.
“If we had the money (to pay for compensation), we will be willing to relieve him of his job. We’re not happy,” NFF member Essien told reporters.
“Everybody is asking for the sack of the head coach. It’s unfortunate that from a possible six points, we only have two points. We’re in a very precarious situation.”
South Africa lead Group C of the 2026 World Cup qualifiers with three points. And they will be expected to widen the gap on Tuesday when they visit Rwanda, while Lesotho host Benin in South Africa.
Nigeria, who failed to qualify for the 2022 World Cup in Qatar, have two points from as many matches.
The qualifiers will resume in June 2024 with Nigeria hoping to make up lost ground when they welcome South Africa to the southern city of Uyo. Then, a tricky trip to Benin.
[Vanguard]
Democracy was forced on Africa — Obasanjo
Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, on Monday, in Abeokuta, Ogun State, said democracy has not been working as a system of government in Africa because it was “forced” on the continent.
Obasanjo stated this in his address at a high-level consultation on “Rethinking Western Liberal Democracy for Africa”.
The former president said the Western style of democracy failed in Africa because it did not take into consideration the views of the majority of the people.
Obasanjo described Western Liberal Democracy as a “government of a few people over all the people or population”.
”These few people are representatives of only some of the people and not full representatives of all the people.
“Invariably, the majority of the people were wittingly or unwittingly kept out. This is why we should have ‘Afro Democracy’ in place of Western Liberal Democracy.”
Obasanjo said African countries have no business operating a system of government in which they have no hands in its definition and design.
“The weakness and failure of liberal democracy as it is practised stem from its history, content, context and its practice.
“Once you move from all the people to representatives of the people, you start to encounter troubles and problems.
“For those who define it as the rule of the majority, should the minority be ignored, neglected and excluded?
“In short, we have a system of government in which we have no hands to define and design and we continue with it, even when we know that it is not working for us.
“Those who brought it to us are now questioning the rightness of their invention, its deliverability and its relevance today without reform,” he said.
Obasanjo explained that the essence of any system of government should be the welfare and well-being of the people.
“Here, we must interrogate the performance of democracy in the West — where it originated from — and with us the inheritors of what we are left with by our colonial powers.
“We are here to stop being foolish and stupid. Can we look inward and outward to see what in our country, culture, tradition, practice and living over the years that we can learn from?
“(Something) that we can adopt and adapt with practices everywhere for a changed system of government that will service our purpose better and deliver.
“We have to think out of the box and, after, act with our new thinking.
“You are invited here to examine clinically the practice of liberal democracy, identify its shortcomings for our society and bring forth ideas and recommendations that can serve our purpose better,” he said.
In his remarks, a former governor of Ekiti State, Kayode Fayemi, noted that liberal democracy in Africa was confronted with many challenges.
Fayemi said the improvement of the welfare of the people remained important, saying that democracy faced challenges of delivery in Africa.
“Non-delivery of development outcomes for the people must be adequately addressed so that democracy can deliver,” he said.
(NAN)
[OPINION] Powerful Lagos, powerless Osun State - Lasisi Olagunju
“In all these, we’ve seen how untrue our laws are that Nigerian states are equal. There is no equality of states in Nigeria; there are 22 Supreme Court seats for 37 states, Lagos alone takes two. Why is Lagos investing its men in the courts, particularly the Supreme Court? Lagos may be plain-speaking but it is never plain-dealing; it cheats, and it does it without consequences. I call Lagos the Napoleon of the West; it fights for other Pigs by cheating them. When an elder plays a game of ayò with a younger person, he must win, whatever it takes. Kí ni wón nfi àgbà se? What is the usefulness of age if you cannot deploy it to cheat children? That is the political and moral compass of the political entity called Lagos. If you like, disagree with this and flaunt Osun as the elder because it is the ‘cradle’, the ‘beginning’. But, know this: in Yorubaland, the rich is the elder – Olówó l’àgbà. Anyone with loads of years without money exists to be ignored, cheated and exploited”.
If I were a politician, my devotion hours would be to the courts instead of pouring oil on INEC and voters, deities of limited powers. If the gods complain, I would ask them where they were when ugly death was killing sinners and saints. The buck – our electoral buck – stops at the courts. That is our reality.
A list of candidates for elevation to the Supreme Court was released last week by the Federal Judicial Service Commission. Every Nigerian should be interested in every name on that list; they are the electors of our future presidents and governors and lawmakers. They will decide the price of rice and beans tomorrow. Whether salaries and pensions will be paid and drugs will be affordable for the sick are attached to tomorrow’s decisions of the Supreme Court. It is our electoral college. We should ask questions on its proposed justices. How did the nominated get on the list? What qualified them to be there? What disqualified others who are not there? Why is Lagos on the list when it has already filled its quota?
History is replete with cases of people who went to bed free, slept too much and woke up a conquered people. Conquest used to be by the force of arms; now it is mostly through the courts. In Nigeria, the courts are the new military; they take and distribute power to politicians. To live well, escape poverty and captivity, we should take interest in our law courts and in those who sit in judgement there. How are the courts, particularly the Supreme Court, constituted? Ask questions; insist on answers.
The courts are under threats of abduction, immediate past president of the Nigerian Bar Association, Olumide Akpata, warned at the International Bar Association (IBA) conference in France last week. He described the selection process of Nigerian judges as “bizarre”. He said there was “a deliberate attempt” by the Nigerian political class “to capture the judiciary.” He added that they are “achieving results.” He painted the picture of a helpless nation. I agree with him.
There are 22 jurists on the nomination list released last week, but like in Animal Farm, the chosen are not equally favoured. The big men of power who drew the list put ‘priority’ in front of some; they stamped ‘reserve’ in front of others. What was the criterion (or were the criteria) for giving some priority over the others? Seniority? The seniority list in the Court of Appeal is publicly available on the court’s website; the nominations mock it, particularly for the South-West. Check the nomination list. Crosscheck it with the seniority list of justices of the Court of Appeal. In all the other five zones, seniority appears to have counted in arriving at the recommendations. But, in the South-West, it is a no. So, what was the goal of the appointers? And this is where I am going. I plead that you follow me.
I am from Osun State and I am interested in how it is affected by that list. There are two nominees from the South-West; one was chosen from Lagos and one from Osun State. The one from Lagos has a crown of ‘priority’ placed on it; the gentleman from Osun State is put on the reserve bench. The truth is: Lagos has no slot to fill; it already has Justice Kudirat Kekere Ekun as the number two of the Supreme Court. The slot is ordinarily for Osun State to fill and there is a history to that claim. Justice Emmanuel Ayoola, JSC, was the last candidate from Osun State on the Supreme Court bench. Ayoola retired at age 70 in October 2003. He was 90 last month. In simple arithmetic, for the past 20 years, Osun State has not been represented in the apex court – the result of a deliberate act of misallocation. And I will explain.
Listen. How many justices are supposed to be on the Supreme Court? The court itself answers that question on its website: “The Supreme Court of Nigeria consists of the Chief Justice of Nigeria and such number of Justices of the Supreme Court, not exceeding twenty-one, as may be prescribed by an Act of the National Assembly. Presently, the Supreme Court is made up of the Chief Justice and nine (9) other Justices.” A CJN plus 21 justices cannot go round all the 37 states of Nigeria at the same time. When eight masquerades are on the line and there are six bean cakes, the system has a way to get every ancestral costume round the basket of cakes. There is always a way. For the Supreme Court slots to go round, the states are paired or combined in twos and threes and allotted slots which rotate between or among them. Ekiti and Osun states are a pair here.
Justice Olufunlola Oyelola Adekeye got on the Supreme Court bench representing Ekiti State in March 2009. She retired from the Supreme Court in November 2012. Her exit created a vacancy that should, by right, be filled by Osun State. But smart Lagos, which already had Bode Rhodes Vivour occupying its own slot, got up in July 2013, did a fast one and took what should go to Osun State. It happened and there was no protest from Osun State. You wonder why? It was because Osun State of that era was a colony of Lagos. What happened was a case of olówó gbà’yàwó òle (the rich snatched the fool’s wife). They do that very often. Instead of Osun State’s Justice Jimi Bada of the Court of Appeal moving up to his rightful place at the top, Lagos snatched the slot for its Kudirat Motomori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun. The Centre of Excellence then had two slots while Osun State had zero. It is because of ‘Gbajue’ steps like this that the hinterland people like me (àwa ará òkè) always salute Lagos as Eko Ile Ogbon (Eko, home of wisdom).
The wisdom of Lagos here means craftiness and determination. It gets anything it wants because it is Lagos. If you don’t have money, everything you have amounts to nothing – including your wisdom. Lagos is rich both in means and guile – and that combination is lethal. Osun’s strength is more in needless crises and in acquiescence to rape of all kinds.
The retirement of Justice Bode Rhodes Vivour in 2021 should ordinarily reset justice for Osun State at the Supreme Court. But no; it does not appear this will happen. Instead of returning the snatched slot to Osun State after Rhodes-Vivour, Lagos is now positioned to grab it as an addition to Kekere-Ekun. The Federal Judicial Service Commission headed by the Chief Justice of Nigeria last week nominated Hon. Justice Adewale Abiru from Lagos State as South-West’s ‘priority’ nominee to join Kekere-Ekun who is already representing Lagos. Check the seniority list of the Court of Appeal where all the candidates were drawn from, Abiru has seniors in the South-West; two of them from Osun State. One of the two from Osun is, in fact, the number two in that court -Justice Jimi Olukayode Bada; another is number 15, Justice Tunde Awotoye. The favoured Lagos man, Abiru, is number 22 – far behind those two. They ignored numbers 2 and 15 and went for number 22 – because he is from Lagos. Even if, for whatever reasons, those two seniors refuse to move up and the choice of the commission is Osun State’s Justice Olubunmi Oyewole (number 32), should he be made to be a ‘reserve’ candidate as the commission has done given the fact that the slot is for Osun State to fill?
In all these, we’ve seen how untrue our laws are that Nigerian states are equal. There is no equality of states in Nigeria; there are 22 Supreme Court seats for 37 states, Lagos alone takes two. Why is Lagos investing its men in the courts, particularly the Supreme Court? Lagos may be plain-speaking but it is never plain-dealing; it cheats, and it does it without consequences. I call Lagos the Napoleon of the West; it fights for other Pigs by cheating them. When an elder plays a game of ayò with a younger person, he must win, whatever it takes. Kí ni wón nfi àgbà se? What is the usefulness of age if you cannot deploy it to cheat children? That is the political and moral compass of the political entity called Lagos. If you like, disagree with this and flaunt Osun as the elder because it is the ‘cradle’, the ‘beginning’. But, know this: in Yorubaland, the rich is the elder – Olówó l’àgbà. Anyone with loads of years without money exists to be ignored, cheated and exploited.
I suspect the courts are being eyed by interests because with their gavel, judges confer privileges, advantages and freedoms. They also oppress and subjugate. Check how the original owners of lands in the United States lost their rights over their lands and were converted into tenants. Read Lindsay Robertson’s ‘Conquest by Law’ (2005), how the American Supreme Court awarded “all discovered lands” to European “sovereigns” and gave “occupancy rights” to the original owners. How did it happen? Would it have happened if the judges were not of European origin? The Nigerian people have their feet firmly on that route. Their own conquest by law will be complete and completed soon unless they cap their sleeping hours.
A whole country can be helpless. Nigeria is. My dictionary says ‘helplessness’ means “weak or dependent: a helpless invalid deprived of strength or power; powerless; incapacitated.” A whole people can be helpless, especially if they choose to. The 1823 American case referenced above, Johnson v M’Intosh, gave birth to the Discovery Doctrine which, if applied here, would bequeath River Niger and all its lands to Mungo Park and his descendants. Fortunately, our politicians and the judges have not thought of importing it into our laws complete with affidavits averring that they are heirs to Mungo Park’s estate. They may still do it, once they are through with the construction of the courts in the image of their desires.
The Supreme Court should be the afflicted’s locus amoenus, a pleasant place of refuge, safety and comfort. But how do we tell the story of a court built of blocks of injustice? That is what I see in those who have enough taking from those who have none right inside the temples of justice. Our ancestors had neither good names nor prayers for warlords who pull straws from their neighbours’ roof so that theirs would stop leaking. The current flood from the rains will wash away the house of justice if the owners look on. It is almost a week since that Supreme Court list was out, I have not heard a whimper of protest from those holding the short end of the stick. Osun’s forbearance is legendary. But is it not stupidity to stay in queue when the other party wants everything? Lagos that has Surulere (patience is profitable) has never believed in waiting for its turn.
“He that oppresseth the poor to increase his riches, and he that giveth to the rich, shall surely come to want” (Proverbs 22:16). Enablers of iniquity have not read that verse in their Bible. They have also not read Romans 12:19. – “Let love be without hypocrisy. Abhor what is evil. Cling to what is good.” To those who are Muslims and who excuse evil for reasons of class, creed and ethnicity; to them that teach or plead or enforce acquiescence as evil multiplies itself, I commend the words of the Prophet as reported by Abu Sa’id al-Khudri: The Messenger of Allah (peace and blessings be upon him) said, “Whoever among you sees evil, let him change it with his hand. If he cannot do so, then with his tongue. If he cannot do so, then with his heart, which is the weakest level of faith” (See Sahih Muslim, 49).
Evil will grow and flourish if it is manured with helpless acceptance. And that will be the death of Nigeria, its democracy and our freedoms. Khalil Gibran (1883-1931) was a Lebanese-American writer, poet and visual artist. He warned us never to refuse anything by accepting it; he said we should never nurse half hopes and fight half battles. He wrote many powerful lines, the most engaging are in his book, ‘The Prophet’ with the avant-garde poem ‘Do Not Love Half Lovers’. I reproduce it here: “Do not live half a life/and do not die a half death/ If you choose silence, then be silent/When you speak, do so until you are finished/If you accept, then express it bluntly/Do not mask it./If you refuse, then be clear about it/for an ambiguous refusal is but a weak acceptance./Do not accept half a solution/Do not believe half-truths/Do not dream half a dream/Do not fantasize about half hopes/ Half the way will get you nowhere/You are a whole that exists to live a life/not half a life.”
I pray we listen – and loudly refuse to choose silence.