Controversy has surrounded the reported visit of former Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission headquarters.

While the ex-governor’s media team claimed that their principal honoured the invitation, the anti-graft agency countered these claims, insisting that Bello remains a wanted person.

A statement on Thursday morning by the Director of the Yahaya Bello Media Office, Ohiare Michael, asserted that the former Kogi governor arrived at the EFCC headquarters to honour the agency’s invitation.

According to Michael, Bello’s decision followed consultations with his legal team and political associates.

He said, “Former Governor of Kogi State, His Excellency Alhaji Yahaya Bello, today honoured the invitation of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. This decision was made after due consultations with his family, legal team, and political allies.

“The former governor, who has great respect for the rule of law and constituted authority, had all the while only sought the enforcement of his fundamental rights to ensure due process.”

He explained that Bello intended to use the opportunity to clear his name of the allegations against him.

Michael added, “The case has been before a competent court of jurisdiction, and Alhaji Yahaya Bello has been duly represented by his legal team at every hearing. It is important for the former governor to now honour the invitation of the EFCC to clear his name, as he has nothing to hide and nothing to fear.

“The former governor firmly believes in the efforts of the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to place Nigeria on the path of sustainable economic development and supports the fight against corruption in the country.

“It is on record that he was the first governor of Kogi State to implement an anti-corruption mechanism to curb graft and ensure that the state’s resources benefit its people.

“He was accompanied to the EFCC headquarters by high-profile Nigerians. We hope that the commission will act professionally and respect his fundamental rights as a citizen of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Details of his engagement with the operatives of the anti-graft agency will be disclosed later.”

In a twist, the EFCC countered Michael’s claims, insisting that the former governor was not in its custody and remains a wanted person.

EFCC Spokesperson Dele Oyewale stated, “Media reports today that a former governor of Kogi State, Mr Yahaya Bello, is in the holding facility of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission are incorrect. The commission wishes to state that Bello is not in its custody.

“Bello, who has already been declared wanted by the commission for alleged N80.2 billion money laundering charges, remains wanted with a subsisting warrant for his arrest.”

Minutes after the anti-graft rebuttal, the Bello Media Office maintained that Bello was at the EFCC headquarters and that the commission refused to interrogate the ex-governor.

“Earlier today, we reported the voluntary visit of former Governor of Kogi State, HE Alhaji Yahaya Bello, to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission office to honour the commission’s invitation.

“In the statement, we reiterated the former governor’s great respect for the rule of law and constituted authority, and stressed that all the while, he only sought the enforcement of his fundamental rights in order to ensure due process.

“The EFCC did not, however, interrogate him, as officials told him he could leave. We don’t know what this means yet. As we write, HE Alhaji Yahaya Bello has left the EFCC office.

“He was accompanied there by the Governor of Kogi State, HE Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo.

“Recall that the case has been before a competent court of jurisdiction, and Alhaji Yahaya Bello has been duly represented by his legal team at every hearing. The former governor decided to honour the invitation to clear his name, as he has nothing to hide and nothing to fear,” Michael said in another statement.

The EFCC has preferred 19 charges against the former Kogi governor, alongside his nephew Ali Bello, Dauda Suliman, and Abdulsalam Hudu, for money laundering offences totalling N80,246,470,088.88.

After failed attempts to arrest and arraign him, the EFCC declared the former Kogi governor wanted.

[Punch]

WHEN Professor Sam Amadi, Director of the Abuja School of Social and Political Thought, and veteran public analyst, requested that I should make a presentation on the subject of ECOWAS Standby Force, ESF, in the fight against violent conflicts and terrorism in the sub-region, I did not need to be persuaded before I accepted. 

Among other reasons, I am the editor-in-chief of the Journal of African Union Studies – which is probably the only high-impact academic journal that is dedicated to the study of the African Union, its eight Regional Economic Communities (which includes ECOWAS) and bi-national commissions in the continent. The journal, which was founded in 2012 and is one of the 27 high-impact journals from the stable of Adonis & Abbey Publishers, is indexed in most of the world’s leading databases, including SCOPUS, IBSS, JSTOR, COPERNICUS and ERIH PLUS.

It is ranked by SCimago Journal Ranking and accredited by DHET (the regulator of Higher Education in South Africa) and UGC CARE (the regulator of Higher Education in India). Given that the subject of ‘standby force’ both for the African Union and its RECs is a popular topic in the journal, it will be fair to assume that I am fairly well exposed to the conversations around the topic.

A starting point will be to pose the question of what is really a ‘standby force’?  

Since the establishment of the United Nations, UN, in 1945, there have been conversations on how the world body can best respond to global crisis –  on time and efficiently.  Two prominent models were canvassed – “Standing” or “Standby” arrangements. The “standing forces” are supposed to be trained, paid, and commanded by the UN, while “standby forces” consist of donated materials, and volunteer troops earmarked for UN duty, but are supported, trained, and commanded by their respective national authorities before deployment. ‘Standby’ arrangements are context- specific whether you are talking of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s, NATO’s, Response Force, NRF; the European Battlegroups, EUBG; United Nations Peacekeeping Capability Readiness System, PCRS; or the African Standby Force, ASF. The notion of ECOWAS Standing Force, ESF, derives its legitimacy largely from the ASF.

It should be recalled that in 2001, the African Union replaced the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, as the continent’s foremost supranational entity. The preceding OAU did not provide for collective security essentially because members were more interested in guarding their newly won independence through the doctrine of non-interference in the internal affairs of member states. But in 2001, after the AU replaced it, and with events like the Rwandan genocide of 1994, the non-interference clause of the OAU was seen as no longer adequate.

The Constitutive Act now gave the AU the right to intervene in a member state in grave circumstances, namely to prevent war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.  This move by the newly birthed AU (from the womb of the OAU) actually preceded the better known Responsibility to Protect, R2P or RtoP, doctrine –  a global political commitment, which was endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit in order to address four key concerns on preventing genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.

In the same 2001, the AU came up with a new African Peace and Security Architecture, APSA, designed to build and strengthen African capacities for managing and resolving conflicts on the continent. The APSA comprises five pillars: A Peace and Security Council, a Continental Early Warning System, a Panel of the Wise, a Peace Fund, and an African Standby Force. The final concept for the ASF, presented in the Maputo Report of July 2003, provided for five regional Standby Brigade forces – A North Africa Regional Standby Brigade, NASBRIG; an East Africa Standby Brigade, EASBRIG; a Force Multinationale de l’Afrique Centrale, FOMAC; a Southern Africa Standby Brigade, SADCBRIG; and an ECOWAS Standby Brigade, ECOBRIG. The authority to deploy the ASF was supposed to reside with the Peace and Security Council of the AU.

Since every ‘standby force’ is supposed to be region-specific, the ASF, by emphasizing uniformly trained standby forces which would be multidimensional (or multidisciplinary) involving the military, the police and civilians, was conceived more as a Standing Force than a Standby Force (in classical definition).

The ESF operates within the framework of the ASF. Like the ASF, it is supposed to be a uniformly trained Force, which is multidisciplinary – (with military, police and civilian components). A partial legal basis is also given by Article 21 of the ECOWAS Protocol Relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security of December 1999.

The ESF was declared fully operational in 2016. In 2017, the force’s capabilities were used to plan and deploy an Economic Community of West African States’ Mission to The Gambia, ECOMIG. It should be recalled that during ECOMIG about 7,000 troops as well as air and naval assets from Ghana, Nigeria, and Senegal entered The Gambia on January 19, 2017. Its mandate was to ensure that Adama Barrow was sworn in as the new President of the country after the incumbent Yahya Jammeh, who lost the election, refused to vacate office. Both the African Union and the ECOWAS had recognised Barrow as the duly elected President.

As the ECOWAS troops reached the capital, Banjul, Jammeh stepped down and left the country. Following his departure, 4,000 ECOWAS troops remained in The Gambia to maintain order in preparation for Barrow to return from Senegal (where he was sworn in) and consolidate his presidency. The decision of the AU and ECOWAS to recognise Adama Barrow was boosted when the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 2337, proposed by Senegal, which endorsed those decisions. There are two crucial questions here: Would ECOMIG have succeeded if the UNSC was antagonistic? And will ECOWAS, in the current political climate in both Nigeria (the group’s powerhouse) and in the sub-region (given the exit of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger from the group, and its aftermath) be able to repeat a similar military intervention? Remarkably ECOMIG was ECOWAS’s last ‘hallelujah’ moment.

Since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu became Chairman of the Authority of Heads of States and Government of the regional body, there has been much talk about an ECOWAS Standby Force, with some wrongly making it seem like a novel initiative, while others discuss it as if it is the magic bullet that would destroy violent conflicts and terrorism in the sub-region. For instance, in December 2023, there were newspaper headlines that ECOWAS leaders resolved to urgently review efforts to activate a standby force for counterterrorism operations in areas infested by terrorist groups.

Again the ECOWAS Commission made another news headlines when it organised a one-day Workshop for the Validation of the ECOWAS Standby Force, ESF, Operational Framework from (May 29 to May 31, 2024). The workshop supposedly marked the final phase of a comprehensive review process aimed at adapting the ESF Operational Framework to address contemporary security and political challenges in the region. Similarly, during the 65th Session of the group in July 2024, President Tinubu re-echoed calls for a commitment and funding towards a “Regional Standby Force” and said the Community needs security and stability to achieve its potential. This raises a fundamental question of what is really new about the proposed ESF under Tinubu and whether it is merely new wine in old wineskin.

To be concluded next week

The Edo State 2024 Governorship Election is one of the most anticipated political events in Nigeria, drawing attention from political enthusiasts, analysts, and Nigerians. 

As the election date approaches, it’s crucial to stay informed about the key details, including the date of the election, the main candidates, voter registration statistics, and other essential information. 

Here is a comprehensive guide, providing an insight on everything you need to know about the Edo Governorship Election.

Election date

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has scheduled the Edo Governorship Election to take place on 21 September 2024.

According to a statement by the commission’s spokesperson, Sam Olumekun, INEC has set this date to ensure adequate preparation and smooth conduct of the election process. 

As a result, voters across the state are expected to turn out in large numbers to elect their next governor.

Major candidates

All Progressives Congress (APC)

The APC, one of Nigeria’s major political parties, has fielded Senator Monday Okpebholo  as its governorship candidate. 

Okpebholo hails from the Edo Central zone, secured his party’s candidacy to mark a pivotal moment in his career and set the stage for a highly anticipated electoral contest.

Known for community development initiatives and reputation of dedicated public servant and philanthropist,  the APC candidate has promised to  provide free transportation services to residents, recognising the crucial role of mobility in economic and social activities.

People’s Democratic Party (PDP)

Representing the PDP, Asue Ighodalo is a formidable contender in the Edo Governorship Election. 

The PDP candidate’s campaign manifesto, tagged “Pathway to Prosperity for All,” highlights the pathway to security, women and youth development, education, agriculture and food security, and rural and community development, among others, as strategies to uplift the standard of living in Edo State.

Ighodalo  also vowed to prioritize respect for traditional and religious institutions, industrialisation, care for the children and vulnerable in society, and harnessing the importance of the diaspora for better working relationships to foster development in all parts of the state.

Labour Party (LP)

The Labour Party, gaining increasing popularity, has nominated a former national chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Olumide Akpata  for the governorship race.

He said his candidacy brings a fresh wave of optimism and promise, resonating strongly with the electorate.

Akpata’s campaign manifesto outlines comprehensive plans for economic revitalization, infrastructure development, education, healthcare, and social welfare.

Registered voters

According to INEC’s published statistics of registered voters, Edo State has  2,501,318 Permanent Voter Cards. 

The INEC National Electoral Commissioner in charge of Edo State, Prof Rhoda Gumus announced that 373,030 Permanent Voter Cards were yet to be collected by registered voters in the state.

This figure reflects the growing political awareness and engagement among Edo residents, who are keen to exercise their democratic rights. 

Number of collected PVCs

Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) are essential for participating in the election. 

According to INEC, 2,128,288 PVCs have been collected by registered voters. 

This number is a critical indicator of the electorate’s readiness and enthusiasm for the upcoming election.

Key issues and campaign themes

The Edo Governorship Election campaigns have revolved around several critical issues, including:

Economic development: Candidates have emphasized their plans to boost the state’s economy through various initiatives aimed at job creation, industrialization, and investment in infrastructure.

Education and healthcare: Promises to improve the education and healthcare sectors are prominent in candidates’ manifestos, reflecting the public’s demand for better services.

Security: Addressing security concerns, especially in rural areas, has been a major talking point, with candidates outlining their strategies to enhance safety and reduce crime rates.

[Vanguard]

Ambrose Vanzekin, the former Flying Eagles goalkeeper, said his family had to “beg around to survive and eat” during his spell as the goalkeeper trainer at Bendel Insurance FC. 

The 38-year-old shared his financial ordeal in a recent video on his Tiktok page.

Vanzekin was appointed as the goalkeeper trainer at Insurance in 2021 — a few months before the club gained promotion to the Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL).

The goalkeeper coach said he was paid “N75,000 monthly,” and the salary “was not even sufficient for transport costs”.

Vanzekin added that he “begged for cash from people to attend training sessions” and “owed people all over my community”.

He said after his remuneration was increased, “transportation fees consumed almost everything,” and “I had to trek long distances at times to make training sessions”.

“During my first three years as Bendel Insurance’s goalkeeper trainer, I was paid N75,000 monthly. A whole me, Ambrose Vanzekin, somebody that went to the Olympics and brought silver medal back to Nigeria. I made Nigeria proud. I was paid an amount not up to $100 for three years,” Vanzekin said.

“I struggled for one year, and I struggled again the second year. I was unable to complete my training sessions with the team because of my struggles. The salary was not even sufficient for transport costs. Before one or two weeks, I would not attend training again. I loved the job and wanted to go, but there was no money.

“Sometimes, I begged for cash from people to attend training sessions. I owed people all over my community.

“After the government scrapped the management of Bendel Insurance over a disagreement between the governor and his deputy, my salary was increased to N260,000. But still, nothing is going fine. Transportation fees consumed almost everything. I had to trek long distances at times to make training sessions.

“I used to spend N2000 every day on transport. I do not even know how my family eat. They just beg around so that we can survive and eat.”

Vanzekin added that he had resigned from the job, saying the club management treated him “unfairly”.

Vanzekin was the goalkeeper of the Flying Eagles team that won silver at the 2005 FIFA U-20 World Cup in the Netherlands.

The team, which comprised Mikel Obi, Chinedu Ogbuke and Ambrose Efe, lost to a Lionel Messi-inspired Argentina in the final.

Vanzekin was also the goalkeeper when Nigeria won the silver medal in the men’s football event at the 2008 Olympics in Beijing.

[TheCable]

In recent years, there has been a growing trend where individuals boldly declare their spiritual authority in the face of life-threatening situations, relying on their faith to confront dangerous circumstances. A common declaration often heard is, "I am a Chosen, who are you?", a phrase that has become synonymous with absolute trust in divine protection. However, while the power of faith is undeniable, there is a vital caveat: spiritual grounding and preparedness are essential. Without it, one risks repeating the mistake of the sons of Sceva in the Bible, an event that offers a sobering lesson for those seeking to engage in spiritual warfare.

The story of the sons of Sceva is found in Acts 19:13-16. These seven sons of a Jewish high priest, Sceva, attempted to cast out demons by invoking the name of Jesus, whom Paul preached. They confronted a demon-possessed man, confidently declaring, "In the name of Jesus, whom Paul preaches, I command you to come out."However, instead of being victorious, they were met with a harsh reality. The demon, recognizing their lack of spiritual authority, responded with the chilling words, "Jesus I know, and Paul I know, but who are you?" The possessed man then overpowered them, leaving them beaten and humiliated.

This biblical account serves as a warning to those who would venture into spiritual confrontations without the necessary foundation. The sons of Sceva made a critical mistake, they invoked the name of Jesus without a personal relationship with Him or the spiritual maturity required for such an act. They had witnessed the power of Jesus through Paul’s ministry but lacked the depth of faith, preparation, and authority to wield that power themselves.

In today’s society, we often hear stories of individuals who, in the face of danger, rely on their faith to overcome adversity. While faith is an essential aspect of the Christian journey, it is important to recognize that bold declarations, such as "I am a Chosen, who are you?", should not be made without a deep understanding of the spiritual implications.

Faith is not a magic wand that one can wave in moments of crisis. Instead, it is the result of a committed relationship with God, nurtured through prayer, the study of His Word, and a life that aligns with His will. To attempt to confront the spiritual forces of darkness or physical dangers without this foundation is to invite unnecessary risk.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, what does it mean to be spiritually grounded?  To answer the foregoing question, it is expedient to opine that to be spiritually grounded means to have a solid foundation in one’s faith. It goes beyond attending church services or participating in religious activities. It involves a deep, personal relationship with God, characterized by regular prayer and communion with God. This is as prayer is the means by which we communicate with God, seek His guidance, and align our will with His. A spiritually grounded person understands the importance of prayer not just as a ritual, but as a lifeline to the Divine.

In a similar vein, the Bible is filled with promises of God’s protection, but it is also a guidebook for understanding spiritual warfare. Without knowing the Word, one is ill-equipped to confront spiritual challenges. Just as Jesus used Scripture to counter the devil’s temptations in the wilderness, a grounded believer must be able to stand on the Word in moments of crisis.

Also, faith without works is dead, as James 2:26 tells us. To be spiritually grounded means living a life that reflects God’s principles. Obedience to His commandments ensures that we are walking in His will, positioning us to invoke His protection when needed.

Still in a similar vein, spiritual authority is not something that can be assumed or borrowed; it is given to those who are aligned with God’s purpose. The sons of Sceva lacked this authority, and as a result, their attempt to cast out demons failed. True authority comes from a life dedicated to God and empowered by the Holy Spirit.

Opinionating on this topic from the perspective of the foregoing viewpoints, there is no doubt that faith can move mountains, as Jesus said in Matthew 17:20. However, bold faith requires spiritual maturity. It is dangerous to assume that one can simply declare victory over evil without being deeply rooted in God’s Word and power. Spiritual warfare is real, and the enemy does not take kindly to those who challenge his dominion without the backing of divine authority.

Therefore, before one decides to ride on a lion or confront armed criminals, declaring, "I am a Chosen, who are you?", there must be a serious self-examination of one’s spiritual state. Are you truly grounded in your faith? Do you have a deep relationship with God, or are you relying on the faith of others? Just as the sons of Sceva tried to use the authority of Paul without having their own, many today attempt to wield spiritual power without the necessary connection to the source of that power, God Himself.

Presumption is the act of assuming something without proper authority or justification. Spiritually, it is the dangerous assumption that one can act in God’s name without His backing. The sons of Sceva were guilty of this, and they paid a heavy price. Similarly, those who make bold declarations in moments of crisis without being spiritually grounded are risking the same outcome.

To avoid this, believers must take the time to cultivate their faith. Spiritual authority comes from a life lived in submission to God, and it cannot be shortcut by mere declarations. The Bible warns in 1 Peter 5:8 that the devil prowls around like a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour. It is foolish to challenge the lion without being properly equipped for the battle.

There is no denying the power of faith in the life of a believer. However, before one decides to confront the dangers of life, whether physical or spiritual, with bold declarations such as, *"I am a Chosen, who are you?"*, it is essential to be spiritually prepared. The story of the sons of Sceva is a timeless reminder that spiritual authority is not to be taken lightly. Without proper grounding in prayer, the Word, and obedience to God, one risks facing the same humiliation and defeat they encountered.

In fact, faith is powerful, but it must be backed by spiritual maturity and readiness. Before you ride on the lion, make sure you are truly a Chosen, not just in name, but in spiritual reality. Only then can you stand confidently in the face of danger and declare victory.

Onyebuchi Chukwu, former minister of health, has recounted how he and Mohammed Bello Adoke worked together to renegotiate a deal to establish Biovaccines Nigeria Limited (BVNL), a vaccine manufacturing company.

Chukwu served as the minister of health from April 2010 to October 2014 while Adoke was attorney-general of the federation and minister of justice from April 2010 to April 2015.

The former minister spoke on Friday when he appeared as a guest on Laolu Akande’s ‘Inside Sources’, a socio-political programme aired on Channels Television.

During the interview, Chukwu lamented that Nigeria has not done well of late in the production of vaccines.

He narrated how he kickstarted the process of resuscitating Nigeria’s joint venture agreement with May & Baker Nigeria Plc to establish BVNL.

BACKGROUND

Nigeria produced vaccines at the Federal Vaccine Production Laboratory in Yaba between 1941 and 1991, with some of the products imported to neighbouring countries.

However, the federal government stopped production at the Yaba facility in 1991.

In 2005, BVNL was incorporated as a company to revive Nigeria’s production of vaccines. The company was a joint venture between the federal government and May & Baker Nigeria Plc.

May & Baker Nigeria Plc owned 51 percent while 49 percent was owned by the federal government.

‘HOW THE BVNL JV AGREEMENT WAS REVIVED’

Chukwu said the joint venture agreement was put on hold during the administration of former President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.

He said May & Baker had instituted a legal suit against Nigeria over breach of contract.

The former minister said he was advised to revive the joint venture agreement when he assumed office in 2010.

He narrated how he consulted Adoke for legal advice on how to revive the JV to avoid legal complications.

“But when I came on board some of the ministry’s directors advised that it would be good if I resuscitated it,” he said.

“I consulted widely. I was advised to get in touch with the attorney-general because there were some legal issues that were being raised regarding the arrangement between the federal government and May & Baker.

“I contacted my colleague (Adoke), who took some time in fact, a number of weeks to study it (the joint venture agreement). That was Adoke, and in the end, he said there were a few things we needed to do.

“Of course, time was of the essence because that agreement was almost terminated, after a number of years. So we needed a new agreement, the original one provided for renegotiation. It was a good programme.

“Most of the issues that they (May & Baker) were asking were about the valuation of the land. Under Obasanjo, they had used a private valuer. So they asked the government to be the valuer.

“So I contacted my colleague in the ministry of lands and housing as it was then known, and the ministry went ahead to value it. Ministry of health paid for it. They gave us a report.

“In addition to that and the attorney-general’s report, I then wrote to the president to make my case clearly and the president approved it that we should go ahead but in conjunction with the ministry of justice

“By then, May & Baker had gone to court for breach of contract. We were able to persuade them to withdraw the court case.  They were happy to do that and together we started (renegotiation). I left before it was concluded.

“I was happy that during President Buhari’s term that matter was completed.”

The former minister added that although the joint venture agreement is “back on track”, the facility has not started the production of vaccines.

TIMELINE OF DEVELOPMENTS

In 2017, the federal government signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with May & Baker for vaccine production.

A year later, a seven-member board of directors was inaugurated, with three members from the government and four from May & Baker.

In September 2022, the federal executive council (FEC) approved the production of vaccines in commercial quantity to support routine immunisation programmes in the country.

Osagie Ehanire, then minister of health, said the initiative was a joint venture between BNVL and Serum Institute of India, an Indian biotechnology and biopharmaceuticals company.

Ehanire had said the approval was limited to routine vaccines and not the COVID-19 vaccine.

In December 2022, May & Baker Nigeria announced that BNVL would commence the production of vaccines before the second quarter of 2023.

[TheCable]

Former Governor of Kogi State, His Excellency, Alh Yahaya Bello today, honoured the invitation of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. 

This decision was made after due consultations with his family, legal team and political allies.

The former Governor, who has great respect for the rule of law and constituted authority, had, all the while, only sought the enforcement of his fundamental rights in order to ensure due process. 

The case has been before a competent court of jurisdiction, and Alhaji Yahaya Bello had been duly represented by his legal team at every hearing. It is important for the former Governor to now honour the invitation of the EFCC to clear his name as he has nothing to hide and nothing to fear. 

The former Governor believes firmly in the efforts of the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to place Nigeria on the path of sustainable economic development; and supports the fight against corruption in the country.

It is on record that he was the first Governor of Kogi State to put in place an anti-corruption mechanism to check graft and ensure that the resources of the State work for the people of the State. 

He was accompanied to the EFCC Headquarters by high profile Nigerians. 

It is our hope that the Commission will be as professional as necessary and respect his fundamental rights as a citizen of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. 

Details of his engagement with the operatives of the Anti-Graft Agency will be disclosed later. 

Ohiare Michael,

Director, Yahaya Bello Media Office

The Petroleum Club, Africa’s first-of-its-kind policy advocacy group in the hydrocarbon sector, will hold a lavish dinner in Lagos next week to celebrate one of its founding fathers, Atuekong Don Etiebet, on the occasion of his 80th birthday. The club is made up of leaders in the Nigerian oil and gas industry and respected professionals associated with the industry. The dinner event holds at the Metropolitan Club, Victoria Island, the exclusive, members-only elite club. He has asked me to attend the dinner as his guest, noting, ‘’I am not inviting you as a journalist. I’m inviting you as a friend’’. Vintage Atuekong! Chief Etiebet is a pioneer in ICT, a towering figure in business and the petroleum industry. His landmark accomplishments are well documented. He was Petroleum and Mineral Resources Minister from 1993 to 1995, during which the iconic NNPC Towers in Abuja were built and the construction of the NLNG was relaunched with considerable support from the government that eventually led to its completion after a 35-year stagnancy. He was also played important roles in the establishment of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), an interventionist agency, which was headed by former Head of State, Muhammadu Buhari, a retired general. The PTF is credited for massive infrastructural development, using funds saved from partial withdrawal of fuel subsidy which sent petrol price from N3/litre to N12/litre. As Minister, Etiebet also introduced many reforms in the oil industry, including strengthening the DPR an important regulatory agency.

As Petroleum Minister, Etiebet had the foresight and sound judgement about deep offshore oil production as the new frontier of oil and gas production in the country. he approved the first ever deep-water offshore oil and gas exploration and production program pioneered by Shell in 1994. Today, the Bonga oil fields on the Atlantic Ocean is the nation’s most resourceful offshore production platform. It is a wonder that despite his deep involvement in the industry as minister, Atuekong has no single oil field (either OPL, OML or marginal oil field) allocated to him. That is the nature of a typical Akwa Ibom man – honesty, integrity and transparency. In this country, his breed is rare. Many oil ministers that came after him are still engulfed in scandals. We are aware of girlfriends of top military leaders who were allocated oil blocs and today they’re very rich!

 Atuekong is also a pioneer and colossus in business, especially the ICT and real estate. He is the Chairman of Obodex Group which comprises 12 businesses in the ICT, oil and gas and property development. In recognition of his contributions, President Jonathan decorated him with the national honour of Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON). Professionally, he’s also been widely celebrated, a reflection of his broad footprints in the nation’s corporate terrain. He is Fellow of the Nigeria Computer Society (FNCS); Fellow of the Computer Registration Council of Nigeria (FCPNS); Fellow of the Nigerian Mining Geosciences Society (FNMGS); Member of Society of Petroleum Engineers (MSPE); Member of Nigerian Association of Petroleum Explorationists (MNAPE); Member of American Association of Petroleum Geologist (MAAPG), among other professional laurels. I do not know of any other Nigerian that is so well decorated and accomplished in the petroleum and ICT sectors as Atuekong Don Obot Etiebet. Yet, he is unassuming and self-effacing. He belongs to the old generations of Nigerians who made money and created wealth from hard work, industry and grit.

Etiebet is a household name in Nigeria and a proud Akwa Ibom leader. His elder brother, Donald, was a senator and later governor of Cross River State in the Second Republic when Shehu Shagari was President. He died at 81 in 2015. The name is also prominently emblazoned on a high rise building in Ikeja, near Sheraton Hotel in Lagos. Etiebet Place, built in 1992, stands as a towering testimony to the business sagacity of this newest octogenarian. After obtaining a Masters degree in Applied Geophysics from the University of Western Ontario, Canada, and working in the oil industry in that country and in Shell Petroleum in Holland, young Don Etiebet (his full name is Donatus) returned to Nigeria in September 1971 to start building his businesses. The first was Earth Sciences Limited, established in 1972 as the first Nigerian-owned company in geophysical prospecting and computer data processing services.

The company grew rapidly and in 1979, Etiebet founded Data Sciences Nigeria Limited (DSNL) to take over the computer businesses of Earth Sciences. It was the exclusive distributor for the the US-based Digital Equipment Corporation (DEC). DEC was the was the pioneer producer of interactive computers and largest manufacturers of mini computers in the world. Data Sciences provided computer hardware and software to the oil industry, and later in other areas like education, banking and in the utilities sectors. In 1980, he established another company, OBODEX Nigeria, which, in 1990, launched the first ever Nigerian brand name in personal computers, known as OBODEX PCs. OBODEX PCs introduced the first keyboard with the Naira sign. Hundreds of young Akwa Ibom persons, some of whom have become business leaders and political chieftains today, got their first jobs in the employ of Chief Etiebet. Many of them arrived Lagos from their villages and hamlets for the first time in the 1980s and ‘90s to pick up their first jobs at OBODEX Group. They owe the old man a lifetime of gratitude.

His company was the first to install computer-based communications systems linking oil platforms in Warri and Portharcourt and homes of the oil executives in the two locations. This was the forerunner of what we have now as e-mail and Internet connectivity; and for his pioneering roles, he has remained a trustee of the Nigeria Internet Group which he helped found. Atuekong Etiebet contributed immensely to the establishment of National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) that is responsible for the formulation of government’s policies on ICT. His pioneering works also led to the establishment of Nigeria Communications Commission (NCC), the regulatory agency for ICT, of which he was a pioneer director.

Chief Etiebet’s chieftaincy title, Atuekong, means the lead warrior. It is a fitting recognition for a man who has spent his resources fighting for the poor and underprivileged in the society and the development of his native Akwa Ibom State. He and his elder brother, Senator Etiebet, are some of those who fought for the creation of the state. Atuekong himself fought assiduously for the abrogation of the obnoxious onshore-offshore oil dichotomy that eventually led to the payment of huge oil revenues to Akwa Ibom State. In my book published in December, 2021, titled ‘’Inside Story of the Fight for the Abrogation of the Onshore-Offshore Oil Dichotomy’’, I identified and celebrated Atuekong, with 12 others, for his heroic contributions to that struggle. Since President Obasanjo signed the abrogation bill in 2004, Akwa Ibom has been receiving huge sums of money in derivation payments and FAAC allocations every month, and it’s the reason the state has grown quite rapidly in the last two decades. I urge the state government to celebrate Chief Etiebet and the other men and women, including Obong Victor Attah and Senator Udoma Udo Udoma, who played important roles in that fight.

 Etiebet has also been a notable player in Nigerian politics. He was the founder and financier of a major political party, Nigeria Center Party (NCP), during the transition programme of General Sani Abacha. He ran for the presidency of the country under the party’s platform, gathering considerable national appeal and support. But unknown to him and many others, Abacha was deceitfully and cunningly planning to transmute from a military leader to a lifelong political Head of State. Abacha forced Etiebet and others to abandon their political ambitions in in 1997 in order to perpetuate himself in power, but fortunately, the brutal dictator died suddenly in 1998, paving the way for a more genuine transition program midwifed by Gen. Abdulsalami Abubarkar. Etiebet then teamed up with other notable politicians to found the PDP, on which he also ran for president at the Jos convention in February 1999. He later joined the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and was elected its National Chairman in 2003, thus becoming the first, and so far, the only Akwa Ibom person to lead a national political platform. In 2014, he decamped to the APC in a massive rally in Uyo that was attended by Gen. Buhari and Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. That’s when I got very close to him.

Atuekong turned 80 on Sunday, September 15; and he’s been receiving thousands of goodwill messages from far and wide, within and outside Nigeria. A few years ago, he suffered a serious health setback, but he recovered soon after. God in his infinite mercies showed him mercy because Atuekong is full of love and goodness. Happy birthday, dear Atuekong.

Whitehall is a street in London that has bestowed its name on ministries of the British government. It also bestowed its practices and traditions on the civil service of Nigeria and most other Commonwealth countries.

The street is now a metaphor, like New York City’s Wall Street and Broad Street, which respectively represent investment banking and dramatic arts theatres. Fleet Street, London, where the earliest British newspapers had their offices, is synonymous with journalism.

In addition, Whitehall is a symbol of the power and prestige of the British bureaucracy, as it is also steeped in intrigue and falsehoods that lead to the failure of ministers who weren’t aware of the banana peels on its corridors.

Like its British progenitor, the Nigerian civil service, once described as an abyss by a senior journalist and columnist, is home of “capa y daga,” or cloak-and-dagger, intrigues, treacheries, lies, and large doses of incompetence. And that, unfortunately, is the system that runs Nigeria.

The political class that pretends to be ruling Nigeria is no more than a group of ignoramuses, led by the nose into the labyrinth of governmental machinery run by cunning civil servants who have near-permanent tenure within the bureaucracy.

It is these generally incompetent bureaucrats that administer the disastrous economic and political policies in Nigeria. The World Bank doubted the competence of Nigeria’s bureaucracy even from the early days of post-independence Nigeria.

When proposing Nigeria’s First 5-Year Development Plan for 1962-1968, the World Bank observed that “it is doubtful whether the (Abubakar Tafawa Balewa) Government’s administrative machine, as at present staffed and organized, will be able to carry out public investment at the planned rate.”

So, when you are impatient and lambast the “wobbling and fumbling” political class of Nigeria, remember that it is this calibre of unprofessional bureaucrats that have been providing them with counsel from the very beginning.

The bureaucrats have been as constant as the wall gecko in Nigeria’s corridor of power. That is probably why the most senior officers in the civil service are styled “permanent secretaries.” It takes a tortuous process to discipline or fire incompetent or erring civil servants.

The failure of Nigeria’s bureaucracy in the last 64 years makes it clear that the economic and political fate of Nigerians is in the hands of incompetents, with their much-storied credentials, obtained from some of the academic citadels of the Western world.

If you look at the epileptic outing of Nigeria’s energy “multiverse” which includes electricity and fuel for automobiles, homes, and industries, you will see a graphic representation of the cause of the quandary that Nigeria has sunk into.

Despite the many transformations and changes in the nomenclatures of the electricity provider, Electricity Corporation of Nigeria, to the National Electric Power Authority, National Electric Power Plc, Power Holding Company of Nigeria, and the spaghetti of names for now partially privatized electricity generation, transmission, and distribution companies.

The same incompetence is apparent in the running of the Nigeria National Oil Corporation, which was renamed Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation. It has a legendary incapability to provide enough fuel for Nigerians.

After a meeting with some International Oil Companies, former President Olusegun Obasanjo wisely sold Nigeria’s refineries in Port Harcourt and Kaduna to billionaire businessmen, Aliko Dangote and his pal, Femi Otedola.

The bureaucrats saw their cookie crumbling and quickly joined labour to prevail on Obasanjo’s successor, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, to reverse the decision. He reacquired the refineries and returned them to the bureaucratic vultures.

The bureaucrats are simply lurking within the lumbering NNPCL, indulging in their private interests, while ramping up $6.8 billion in trade debt, which has now become a roadblock to Nigerian motorists having a regular supply of petrol.

The bureaucrats, who famously kept the lie of fuel subsidy going in the public space, have now capitulated and admitted that the subsidy can no longer be sustained and the pump price of petrol must be hiked.

Recently, NNPCL surreptitiously increased the pump price in its petrol outlets. When Dangote Refinery offered to sell petrol and diesel at undisclosed prices said to be below that of NNPCL, marketers, allegedly encouraged by bureaucrats, rejected the products.

They preferred the imported products because it gave them legitimate access to foreign exchange. Maybe President Bola Tinubu should have allowed marketers to import petroleum products and see them compete with the expected lower cost of Dangote Refineries.

After failing to run NNPCL refineries, the oil bureaucrats cleverly sidetracked marketers and initiated a meddlesome plan to make NNPCL the sole off-taker of Dangote Refinery petroleum products, perhaps to look as if they are working. Still, the bureaucrats continued with their mischief.

After Olufemi Soneye, NNPCL Corporate Affairs Manager, announced that NNPCL paid N898.78 for petrol per litre from Dangote Refinery, it was compelled to respond that though NNPCL paid in Dollars ($0.55), the price was lower than the current cost of imported petrol. NNPCL then disclosed that the petrol price for the Lagos market is N950.22 (or $0.58).

Everyone knows that this is just a scheme to put NNPCL somewhere in the loop of the petrol supply chain. NNPCL should only sell crude petroleum to Dangote Refinery, collect its money, and leave the midstream and downstream sub-sectors alone.

The perennially unresolved disagreements between the government and the Academic Staff Union of Universities reveal a horde of bureaucrats lurking in the crevices of failed negotiations and unimplemented agreements.

The involvement of bureaucrats in inconclusive negotiations dates back to the days of the Federal Military Government of General Yakubu Gowon, who issued a quit notice for striking dons to vacate their official university residential quarters.

The can of the problems continued to get kicked down the road to successive politicians who have no sense of the history of the failed negotiations and therefore have no clue on what to do to resolve the outstanding disagreements.

It keeps looking as if the bureaucrats love the problems to continue to have a sense of relevance and have something to do in their offices every day. It sounds like the fulfilment of the mischievous quip, “Why do what can be done tomorrow, today?”, something you often hear on the corridors of civil service premises.

Keen observers see in Nigeria a tribe of self-serving civil service bureaucrats who look out for their interests only and leave the devil to care for the citizens and their employers. Someone suggested that bureaucrats became more self-centered after former military Head of State, General Murtala Muhammed, carried out a massive purge of the civil service in 1975.

They claim that when serving civil servants saw that their tenure was no longer protected and that they could lose their jobs, pensions, and gratuities on the whim of a Head of State, they wisely opted to look after their interests only and relegated the business of governance to a secondary level on the totem pole of priorities.

There can be no justification for carrying out the business of governance in half measures. Any bureaucrat who is not prepared to give his or her best to the service of the nation should simply make way for those who will be more committed.

But let no politician think that this exonerates them from blame for causing pain to fellow Nigerians; this just happens to be the time to call out bureaucrats who hide behind seemingly unwary politicians.