Elder statesman Chief Edwin Clark has accused former President Muhammadu Buhari of oppressing and humiliating former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Onnoghen, to secure re-election in 2019.

Clark alleged that Buhari, in collaboration with his then Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami (SAN), orchestrated Onnoghen’s removal to facilitate their agenda during the election.

In a letter addressed to the current CJN, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, on Sunday, Clark praised the Court of Appeal for acquitting Onnoghen of false asset declaration charges, a case he described as unjust. He condemned the circumstances surrounding Onnoghen’s suspension, which he said violated constitutional provisions requiring the involvement of the National Judicial Council and the National Assembly in such decisions.

Reflecting on the 2019 election, Clark claimed that Onnoghen’s removal was planned to eliminate any opposition to alleged manipulations.

He said, “As for the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Walter Onnoghen, in his own case, ‘a Daniel has come to judgment’. I knew he was not fairly treated; he was oppressed and humiliated by President Muhammadu Buhari and his Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami (SAN).

“At this juncture, let me say this: President Tinubu’s government must not allow sacred cows to exist in Nigeria, no matter whose ox is gored. There is no one who is above the law in his own country. A president of a country is just one of the ordinary members in the country, but once elected, enjoys immunity. There is nowhere therefore in the constitution or any legal document where it is stated that immunity is for life.

“Today in Nigeria, we have corrupt Presidents and some of them today are accusing their successors of corruption without looking back at what they themselves stole while in office but no one dares to touch them. Perhaps, it is an irony of fate for the former CJN, Justice Walter Onnoghen, who was one of the Supreme Court Justices whose judgment favored President Muhammadu Buhari in his presidential election case in the Supreme Court in 2011.”

“He (Buhari) allowed him to rise to the post of CJN but he saw that, that was not good enough for him because if Justice Onnoghen was to remain the CJN, the mess and mischievous things they wanted to carry out during the presidential election in 2019, Justice Onnoghen would not accept it and the best thing was to remove him, and this was the secret plan between President Buhari and his Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami.

“The show of shame that took place at the time was so disgraceful, callous, unjust and so barbaric that instead the President of Nigeria, who swore to an oath of office that he would maintain security and welfare of Nigerians, chose to stoop so low in order to humiliate a fellow Nigerian because he wanted to be President of Nigeria at all costs for a second term. It is a shame which Nigeria has just recovered from,” he stated.

[Vanguard]

Matthew Kukah, Catholic Bishop of Sokoto Diocese, says almost all Nigerian presidents came into power through unpredictable circumstances.

Kukah spoke in Abuja on Sunday while delivering the keynote speech at the fourth Amaka Ndoma-Egba memorial lecture, ‘Leaders of tomorrow: Creating lasting change in a complex world’.

The Catholic Bishop noted that despite President Bola Tinubu’s claim of being prepared, he still struggles to lead the country.

Kukah added that Nigerian leaders, both past and present, lack adequate knowledge and preparation to lead a country.

“If we look at Nigeria’s leadership journey, you will find that almost every leader who came to power did so by accident,” Kukah said.

“President Tinubu, despite claiming to be prepared for the role, is clearly struggling. We are still trying to find our footing.

“He took over from Buhari, who had already disengaged from governance. Buhari succeeded Jonathan, a man who never envisioned himself as president but was thrust into leadership due to circumstances.

“Jonathan took over from Yar’Adua, who planned to return to teaching after his governorship.

“Yar’Adua succeeded Obasanjo, who was unexpectedly released from prison to become president.

“Before that, Obasanjo replaced Abacha, who was poised to rule indefinitely until nature intervened.

“Abacha followed Shonekan, a business executive abruptly drafted to lead the country. The cycle is evident, and the missing link in all of this is knowledge and preparation.”

[TheCable]

Upon the inauguration of the Bola Tinubu administration last year, new SUVs were purchased and distributed to the members of the Federal Executive Council and the National Assembly. Such public officers were never assembled in a public place to receive the vehicles. At about the same time, judges whose cars were replaced after about 10 years were assembled by governors who handed the car keys to them. 

The humiliation of judges by the executive was recently taken to an embarrassing level when the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike assembled senior judges to witness the flag off ceremony of 40 housing units to be constructed for judges. The Minister has since announced that he would give 20 houses to Judges of the Federal Capital Territory High Court, 10 to the Judges of the Federal High Court and the remaining 10 to the Justices of the Court of Appeal. 

A few colleagues who have forgotten the struggle that culminated in the constitutional recognition of financial autonomy for judges as part of the independence of the judiciary have attempted to justify the distribution of cars and houses to Judges by the executive organ of governments. In fact, those who are not familiar with the current constitutional dispensation have said that the executive should continue to build houses for Judges since it was done before in a particular state.

With respect, it is pertinent to remind such lawyers that sections 81 (3) and 121 (3) of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 which granted financial autonomy to the Federal and State Judiciaries in the country has been confirmed by the Federal High Court and the National Judicial Council in the following cases:

1. Suit No FHC/ABJ/CS/667/13, Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria v National Judiciary Council & Ors;

2. Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/63/2013: Olisa Agbakoba, SAN v National Judicial Council & Anor;

3. Suit No. NAD/56/2013 :Olisa Agbakoba v Attorney-General of Ekiti State & 2 others;

4. Suit No. NICABJ/142/2022: Chief Sebastian Hon v National Assembly & 2 Ors.

Section 81(3) of the Constitution provides that:"(3) Any amount standing to the credit of the judiciary in the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Federation shall be paid directly to the National Judicial Council for disbursement to the heads of the courts established for the Federation and the State under section 6 of this Constitution." Although the federal judiciary is better funded than state judiciary but the question of financial autonomy has not been properly addressed. 

But due to the refusal of state governments to allow the judiciary to operate its budgets, former President Muhammadu Buhari issued Executive Order No 10 of 2020. State Governors successfully challenged the validity of the Executive Order as it was struck down by the Supreme Court. 

Thereafter, section 121(3) of the Constitution was amended to the effect that any amount standing to the credit of the House of Assembly in the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the State “shall be paid directly into wethe account of the Assembly”, and that of the Judiciary “shall be paid directly to the heads of the courts." A new subsection 4 provides that the state accountant-general of a state must pay the judiciary and the house of assembly their due amounts in monthly installments.

It is public knowledge that the salaries and allowances of Nigerian Judges were increased a few months ago by an Act of the National Assembly. However, the National Judicial Council and the Nigerian Bar Association should prevail on the National Assembly and the various Houses of Assembly to actualise financial autonomy for judges in the 2025 budgets of the Federal Government and the various state governments in strict compliance with Sections 81(3) and 121(3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended. 

In other words, with effect from 2025, the budgets of the judiciary at the federal and state levels should make adequate financial provision to enable the judiciary to build houses and buy cars for judges. This is only way to insulate judges from the overbearing control of the Executives. Therefore, the Nigerian Bar Association should be prepared to challenge any breach of the relevant provisions of the Constitution which have guaranteed financial autonomy for the nation’s judiciary.

The South South's apex socio-political body Pan Niger delta Forum (PANDEF) has commended the President Bola Ahmed led federal governmen for not withholding statutory allocation due to Rivers state. In a media chat with news men at Uyo airport on Saturday, 23rd November, 2024, the new National Chairman of the body, AMBASSADOR GODKNOWS IGALI expressed delight that Mr PRESIDENT took such a statemanly decision which is a relief not only to the people of Rivers State but all of Nigeria.

He stated further that this decision will ensure that the ensure that the innocent citizens of RIVERS State will not suffer vicariously from the family feud between some of the political leaders of the state. He further expressed the hope that this decision will also aid 6 efforts by Obong Victor Attah led High level Peace and Reconciliation Committee recently constituted by PANDEF. The PANDEF leader again called on all political actors and leaders in Rivers State as well as youth and women groups to sheath the sword and follow the step taken by the federal government in de-escalating tension while the reconciliation effort by the elders of the region is ongoing.

Diplomatic Decorum and Leadership: Examining Nyesom Wike’s Conduct and the Case for Rest, Testing, Therapy, or a Needed Break

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s historic visit to Nigeria was meant to symbolize the strengthening of diplomatic ties between two global partners. Yet, the visit has been overshadowed by the controversial conduct of Nigeria’s Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike, during a high-profile diplomatic moment. The viral video of Wike’s unsteady demeanor and awkward behavior has raised profound questions about leadership decorum, accountability, and governance in Nigeria. Was this an isolated incident, or does it reflect a deeper issue within the nation’s political class? Can such behavior from a senior official be excused or ignored, especially during an event of such diplomatic importance?

Wike’s Silence and the Presidency’s Unusual Quiet

The Tinubu presidency’s refusal to address the controversy surrounding Wike’s behavior is glaring. In a country where the administration has been quick to rebut criticism or controversies, this silence seems strategic. Why has the presidency avoided commenting on the issue? Is this an attempt to shield a key ally, or is there a broader discomfort in holding senior officials accountable? Could this inaction signal a lack of internal mechanisms for evaluating the behavior of top government officials?

If Wike’s conduct were an isolated incident, perhaps it could be dismissed as a lapse in judgment. But given his history of erratic decisions and confrontational behavior, does this silence instead highlight a culture of impunity? Why hasn’t the presidency at least ordered an internal investigation or suggested a formal evaluation of Wike’s ability to perform his duties effectively? Is the government prioritizing political expediency over national integrity?

An Established Pattern of Erratic and Confrontational Leadership

Wike’s career is not without controversy. From his tenure as Rivers State governor to his current role as FCT Minister, Wike has consistently been embroiled in disputes. Does his leadership style prioritize conflict over collaboration? His impulsive decision-making, such as the demolition of homes belonging to poor residents in Abuja, has drawn sharp criticism. What was the rationale behind such actions? Were they carefully planned or executed in a fit of impulsivity?

Wike’s threat to “put fire” in a governor’s state over political disagreements raised alarms about the destructive potential of his rhetoric. How can a leader entrusted with public welfare make statements that appear to promote discord rather than unity? His altercation with a female senator from Abuja over the city’s administration further underscores his inability to engage in constructive dialogue. Are these incidents evidence of a temperament ill-suited to public office, or do they reflect a broader issue of unchecked authority?

Even within his own political party, Wike’s history of public feuds raises questions about his commitment to collaboration. Why has Wike, time and again, chosen to lash out rather than build bridges? Could his confrontational approach be alienating allies and undermining his ability to lead effectively?

Alcohol Allegations: Public Concern and Leadership Responsibilities

While I do not accuse Wike of being an alcoholic or abusing substances, nor have I seen any medical evidence or tests to confirm such claims, the public discourse surrounding his behavior cannot be ignored. Reports of his erratic actions, coupled with media observations of his physical appearance—described by some as gaunt and unwell—raise legitimate concerns. Is Wike experiencing the physical toll of his demanding job, or could these changes be indicative of deeper health or personal issues?

Wike’s own admissions also add fuel to these concerns. In a public address earlier this year, he confessed to drinking a 40-year-old whiskey while watching members of his own party protest the February 25 presidential election results. How does such behavior reflect on his priorities and his capacity to handle the pressures of governance? Should a public official tasked with such significant responsibilities openly admit to indulgent behavior during a politically charged moment?

Rotimi Amaechi’s allegations that Wike spends N50 million weekly on alcohol further complicate the narrative. While these claims may stem from political rivalry, they align with the broader perception of Wike’s lifestyle. How can such allegations persist without a formal rebuttal or clarification from Wike himself? If untrue, why hasn’t Wike taken steps to clear his name?

Stress, Therapy, and Global Precedents

Leadership is undeniably stressful, but how should nations handle public officials who appear to be struggling under the weight of their responsibilities? Globally, troubled leaders are often encouraged—or even required—to take breaks, seek therapy, or undergo evaluations to ensure they are fit for office. Could the Tinubu presidency adopt a similar approach with Wike? Would suggesting rest, therapy, or even a vacation be seen as a sign of support rather than punishment?

Furthermore, alcohol and drug testing for public officials is not uncommon in many parts of the world, particularly when public concern arises. Should Nigeria consider implementing such measures as a means of protecting its officials and ensuring accountability? Could such proactive steps benefit Wike personally while also reassuring the public about the integrity of the nation’s leadership?

The Diplomatic Fallout: Tarnishing Nigeria’s International Image

Prime Minister Modi’s visit should have been a triumph for Nigeria’s diplomacy, highlighting the nation’s ability to host a world leader with respect and professionalism. Instead, the focus has shifted to Wike’s behavior. How might this incident affect Nigeria’s international standing? Could it damage relationships with India or other nations observing Nigeria’s governance practices?

The conferral of the Grand Commander of the Order of Niger on Modi was meant to symbolize Nigeria’s respect for India’s contributions to global progress. But has Wike’s conduct overshadowed this gesture? How can Nigeria rebuild its diplomatic reputation in the wake of such an incident?

Wike’s Legacy and the Need for Honest Leadership

As Wike continues to court controversy, one must ask: what will his legacy be? Can a leader so embroiled in personal battles and erratic decisions be remembered as a statesman? Or will his tenure be marked by a series of avoidable crises? Wike’s tendency to prioritize confrontation over collaboration has created an atmosphere of tension and mistrust. Is it time for him to take a step back, reflect, and consider a different approach to leadership?

Equally, the Tinubu presidency must address the broader implications of Wike’s behavior. Does allowing such conduct to go unchecked set a dangerous precedent for other public officials? How can the administration demonstrate its commitment to accountability while supporting officials who may be struggling?

The Physical, Emotional, and Behavioral Effects of Alcohol

Alcohol consumption, especially when excessive or long-term, can significantly affect an individual’s physical, emotional, and behavioral state. Physically, alcohol abuse can lead to irregular heart rhythms, weakened immune responses, liver damage, cirrhosis, and an increased risk of cancer. It can also result in severe withdrawal symptoms, including tremors, seizures, and muscle spasms, sometimes contributing to odd movements or unsteady gait. Emotionally, prolonged use often leads to heightened anxiety, depression, mood swings, and an inability to manage stress effectively. Behaviorally, alcohol can exacerbate impulsivity, aggression, erratic decision-making, and strained interpersonal relationships, often leading to visible conflicts in personal and professional interactions.

While I make no claim that Nyesom Wike exhibits or experiences any of these effects, as I have not tested him or seen evidence of substance use, it is important to consider the immense stress of his role. His odd movements during recent events, coupled with the high-pressure nature of his responsibilities, suggest the potential toll of managing constant political confrontations at local, state, and federal levels—most recently during Prime Minister Modi’s visit. Empathy is necessary here; supporting Wike through rest, therapy, or even time off could help him address the burdens of his demanding position and allow for reflection and recovery.

Conclusion: Leadership, Accountability, and the Questions Left Unanswered

Wike’s recent actions and the public discourse surrounding them raise critical questions—not just about his personal conduct, but about the standards of leadership in Nigeria. Is it enough to dismiss these incidents as political noise, or should they prompt a deeper examination of governance and accountability? Can Wike rise to the occasion, address public concerns, and adopt a more collaborative and transparent leadership style? Or will he continue down a path that risks further tarnishing his reputation and undermining public trust?

For the Tinubu administration, the challenge is equally pressing. How can it navigate this controversy while maintaining public confidence? Will it take the bold step of suggesting therapy, rest, or testing for Wike in the interest of the nation, or will it allow the matter to fade without resolution? These questions demand answers—not just from Wike, but from a leadership structure that must balance compassion with accountability to uphold the integrity of public office.

Office of Nigeria’s Auditor-General of the Federation has uncovered irregular payment for contracts amounting to N197.72 billion in Rural Electrification Agency agencies, Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading Plc, a subsidiary of Central Bank of Nigeria, the Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company and other ministries, departments, and agencies in the country.

The details of the findings were disclosed in the Auditor-General’s Annual Report on Non-Compliance and Internal Control Weaknesses, covering activities between 2020 and 2021.

These violations include irregular payment for contracts, and payment for jobs partially executed or not executed at all, contravening the country’s financial regulations and procurement laws.

Specifically, N7.386 billion was the amount of irregularities in the award of contracts by 32 MDAs.

REA topped the chart with N2.12 billion while NSPM recorded the least with N11.7 million.

“The sum of N7,386,551,051.09 (seven billion, three hundred and eighty-six million, five hundred and fifty-one thousand, fifty-one naira, nine kobos) was the number of irregularities in the award of contracts by 32 ministries, departments and agencies.

“The Rural Electrification Agency, Abuja, has the highest amount of N2,117,143,168.09 (two billion, one hundred and seventeen million, one hundred and three thousand, one hundred and sixty-eight naira, nine kobo), while the Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company Plc (NSPM) has the least amount of N11,720,000 (Eleven million, seven hundred and twenty thousand,” the report indicated.

The worst revelation of the report showed that the sum of N167.59 billion was paid for jobs or contracts that were either partially executed or not executed at all. This contravenes Paragraph 708 of the Financial Regulations, which prohibits payments for services or goods not yet delivered.

In this aspect, the Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading Plc, an agency in the country’s power sector accounted for N100 billion of these irregular payments, making it the highest in this category. Meanwhile National Centre for Women Development recorded the lowest irregularity at N2.17 million.

The report read, “The sum of N167,592,177,559.40 (one hundred and sixty-seven billion, five hundred and ninety-two million, one hundred and seventy-seven thousand, five hundred and fifty-nine naira, forty kobos) was the number of payments for jobs/contracts not executed by 31 ministries, departments and agencies.

“The Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading Plc., Abuja, has the highest amount of N100,000,000,000.00 (one hundred billion naira), while the National Centre for Women Development has the least amount of N2,171,766.44 (two million, one hundred and seventy-one thousand, seven hundred and sixty-six naira, forty-four kobo).”

Similarly, the report also uncovered violations of due process in contract awards amounting to N20.33 billion across 24 MDAs.

The violations are against Section 16(21) of the Public Procurement Act (PPA) 2007 which requires strict adherence to procurement plans and mandatory approvals before contract awards. Meanwhile, the audit report found that these requirements were often ignored or violated. The report showed that NSPM, a subsidiary of CBN was responsible for the highest amount of due process violations, totaling N14.14 billion, while the Corporate Affairs Commission had the least, at N8.98 million.

“The sum of N20,334,104,016.27 (twenty billion, three hundred and thirty-four million, one hundred and four thousand, sixteen nairas, twenty-seven kobo) was the number of contracts awarded in violation of due process by 24 ministries, departments and agencies.

“The Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company Plc Abuja has the highest amount of N14,136,472,333.16 (fourteen billion, one hundred and thirty-six million, four hundred and seventy-two thousand, three hundred and thirty-three naira, sixteen kobos) while the Corporate Affairs Commission has the least amount of N8,980,603.72 (eight million, nine hundred and eighty thousand, six hundred and three naira, seventy-two kobo),” it added.

Financial corruption has been the bane of Nigeria’s problem. In July 2024, the National Bureau of Statistics’s corruption survey report showed that Nigerians paid N721 billion as bribes to public officials in 2023.

[DailyPost]

Manchester City manager, Pep Guardiola, has stated that Manchester City’s dream to win five successive premiership titles in a row could be dashed if his side loses to table-toppers, Liverpool next week Sunday.

Speaking to ESPN on Saturday after Manchester city’s fifth defeat in all competitions and third straight league game with a 4-0 defeat to Tottenham Hotspur on Saturday, Guardiola said an 11-point gap if City lose to Arne Slot’s team would be too much to overhaul even at this stage of the season.

The Reds can go eight points clear if they defeat Southampton on Sunday.

When told that an 11-point gap could be too much to overcome, he replied: “Yeah, it’s true.

“We’re not thinking about winning or losing [the title]. We are not in the situation to think about what is going to happen at the end of the season.

“If in the end we don’t win it’s because we don’t deserve it. We won it in the past because we deserved it.”

[Punch]

Writing about the things that would destroy any nation, Mahatma Gandhi, 1869- 1948, listed them as follows: Politics without principles Pleasure without conscience Wealth without work Knowledge without character Business without morality Science without humanity Worship without sacrifice Bad politics, selfish, un imaginative and unpatriotic politicians will eventually ruin a nation – even if it was fortuitously prosperous at one time in its history.

This article is being written as voters in Ondo State are going to vote in the governor’s election. I am totally indifferent about the outcome. The three leading political parties – All Progressives Congress, APC, Labour Party, LP, and Peoples Democratic Party, PDP – are factions of the same political monstrosity which is now nameless and ruling Nigeria. As far as I am concerned, it does not matter who emerges as the winner. Governance will not improve much. They are not political parties in any honest sense of the word. Why?

DEFINITION OF POLITICAL PARTY

A political party deserves the approbation of [Nigeria] only as it represents the ideals, the aspirations and the hopes of [Nigerians]. If it is anything else, it is merely a conspiracy to seize power” – US President Dwight Eisenhower, 1890-1969. Take a honest look at the political parties contending “to seize power” in Ondo State or any other place; and point to one which represents the ideals, aspirations and the hopes of Nigerians today.

Fortunately all of them have governors. We might as well add APGA and NNDP which also govern states. I am not asking you to point to the political leader you prefer. But, Tinubu, Obi, Atiku, etc don’t constitute the political parties. They represent factions within the conspiracies vying for power. The APC, LP, PDP, SDP, ZLP etc have one thing in common: None of them has a political ideology distinguishable from rest. For all of them “politics without principles” is the norm.

That is why it is easy for a man to spend years attacking a political party; and then gets appointed as spokesman for it – without having to apologise for all the garbage uttered. By contrast, no member of the Labour Party decamped to the British Conservative Party until the party regained power. It is certain that no Tory party member will cross over to Labour – irrespective of how long Labour is in power.

Which of the present Nigerian leaders, in and out of government, can we point to who is so principled? I was apprehensive when the APC was going about campaigning of the CHANGE slogan; and wrote a two-part article titled: Is APC the Answer? As we approach the end of nine and a half years of APC, permit me to remind all of us of the warnings that were ignored – while admitting that the PDP it wanted to replace was already a disaster.

IS APC THE ANSWER? — 1

“Alliances are held together by fear not by love” – Harold Macmillan, British Prime Minister (VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS p 9). Until the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, registered the alliance of political associations which had come together under the banner of All Progressives Congress, APC, to me, there was nothing to discuss about the matter.

APC is now a reality, so there are loads of issues to consider. The first, and most important, has already been addressed by Harold Macmillan. The former British Prime Minister, on February 3, 1960, in a speech to the South African Parliament, had pronounced as follows: “The most striking of all impressions I have formed since I left London a month ago is of the strength of African national consciousness…The wind of change is blowing through the continent [underlining mine]. Whether we like it or not, the growth of national consciousness is a political fact”.

His views of political coalitions, or alliances, were just as unique and sensible as his views about politicians in general. He was also once reported to have said: “If people want a sense of purpose, they should get it from their archbishop [or Chief Imam]. They should certainly not get it from their politicians”. I cannot agree more. The last person to trust absolutely is a politician; a bunch of them…make up the devil’s workshop – irrespective of political party or alliance; mainly because groups are generally more immoral than individuals.

Even the devil knows that after 14 years in government, at the federal level, and in most states, the People’s Democratic Party, PDP, has failed. There is hardly any problem we had as a nation, in 1999, that has not got worse or remained unsolved. The singular exception has been communications and the GSM revolution. Education, infrastructure, power supply, corruption and official greed remain with us; same with high unemployment and the decline of industries.

Today, unlike any time in the past, we live under a Mr. President who intrudes into operations of government, at home and abroad, at will, bringing with each intrusion discord and sometimes ridicule. We know the problems; even if some ethnic jingoists would want the rest of us to join them in pretending that all is well. But, from now until 2015 and, perhaps beyond, the most urgent question is: Is APC, as presently constituted, the answer?

My answer for now is: perhaps not. We may need another political party. That answer will probably shock a lot of people who had assumed that as a long-term critic of the PDP, I would naturally embrace any political association, especially one that has arrogated to itself the word ‘PROGRESSIVE’. The reason my enthusiasm for APC is less than expected lies in the fact that my readings in semantics had taught me to disregard the words people use to describe themselves and to focus on what they have done, or causes they have been known to support and their utterances on important matters.

Lastly, I am more interested in character, or its synonym, integrity. Looking closely at the leaders of the APC, it is doubtful if all of them will pass the test of integrity. Few, if deeply probed, will fail to change their designer suits for prison attire. But, my biggest worry lies in the fact that APC, even so early in the day, is like a structure resting on two major pillars; each deeply flawed… Character flaws in some of the leaders are so deep as to frighten me at the prospect that power might shift to them.

Few of them believe in and practice democracy within their own organizations or in the areas they control and…there has been little really ‘progressive’ about the governance in their domains. The question that bothers my mind can be summarized this way: will I be happy if Nigeria is delivered to a political party led by con-men? The answer is: I doubt it…” That was before the presidential candidate emerged in 2014. Shortly after that, the following was published.

IS APC STILL THE ANSWER? – 2s

“To know that which before us lies in daily life/Is the prime wisdom/What is more is fume” – John Milton, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ. When the various groups forming the alliance which became the All Progressives Congress, APC, finally agreed to work together to get rid of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, I talked to some of the leading promoters of the scheme (or scam?).

My fears centred around the likely presidential candidate and his antecedents regarding respect for human rights, nepotism, religious tolerance and economic illiteracy. The answers I received gave me the impression that there was a solid working agreement which would take care of all those concerns. Today, as we start the year 2020, I am afraid that the APC government has, so far, exceeded my worst fears and dashed my best hopes.

Southerners, including those who got us into this “One Chance” contraption called APC government, can easily see that what has emerged as democracy in Nigeria is “government of the Northern Muslims, by Northern Muslims and for Northern Muslims.” For the first time in Nigeria, the President, the Senate President, the Chief Justice, the Chief of Staff, the Minister of Defence, the Army Chief, the Minister of Justice, the Minister of Petroleum, the Group Managing Director of NNPC, the Minister of Finance, the Director General of the DSS, the Chairman of EFCC, the Inspector General of Police, the Director General of NIA, etc, etc, are all Northern Muslims.

For good measure, an unbelievable percentage of them are Abubakars or Mohammeds in a country where over 100,000 names exist.” All the articles written from 2015 to 2023 pointing to the mismanagement, deliberate and inadvertent, of the Buhari government, were ignored by leaders everywhere – especially the North. Today, there is unanimity in the region that the North has destroyed itself. That, as one of my sages would say, “amounts to wisdom on the eighth day of the week”.

Now professors, emirs, former governors and Ministers are perplexed regarding how to rebuild a badly damaged North. It will be tough. Most of them were in PDP; they have drifted to APC. But, the North is infinitely worse than it was in 1966. Hope is gone. As far as the people are concerned, there is no difference between the two (PDP and APC).

To be continued…

About a month ago, when the Ondo State governorship election was some two weeks away, this column examined the possibility of the state enjoying a seamless election and came to the conclusion that even if the election surprisingly comes out well, one irreversible negative aspect would be vote buying which happens in every Nigerian election.

Well, the said Ondo election has come and gone and reports from election observers have confirmed our prediction. According to the Nigeria Civil Society Situation Room made up of civil society organisations (CSOs) working in support of credible elections and governance in Nigeria, there was “widespread vote trading across the state, with voters and party agents openly engaged in the exchange of votes for cash, ranging from N10,000 to N20,000 in all 18 local government areas.”

Vote buying will no doubt be difficult to stop because not many believe it is wrong to buy and sell votes. The public perception is that those against vote buying are people who do not have enough resources to seriously compete with their opponents. In truth, candidates and their political parties are fully aware that votes would have to be bought hence a budget for it is usually one of the first items they work on while preparing for elections. Yet, the same politicians are the loudest among those condemning vote buying. Under the circumstance, the point can be made again today that the fight against vote buying is a charade because it is a game everyone plays. Put differently, the fight will not only always be lost at every election; it would remain a battle that was lost even before it began.  

There are several reasons why the situation is not likely to change in the nearest future. To start with, not many understand the nature and true meaning of vote buying. Whereas some people see the concept only from the point of view of the open trading that takes place on a typical voting day, vote buying is much wider than that. The term, ‘vote buying’ is indeed not just a voting day activity, there is always vote buying before, during and after the casting of ballots. Besides, the trade is not restricted to the use of money; other material benefits are also patently in use in the popular trade. In addition, vote buying is not only used to induce voters to cast their ballot in favour of the buyer, it is also deployed to stop some voters from voting at all. The goal here is to reduce the voting figures in an opponent’s location of strength

It is therefore not enough to stop the buying and selling of votes on voting day which many often focus upon. In fact, the fight against vote buying can hardly gain traction if it does not commence aggressively well before the casting of ballot. This becomes clearer when it is realized that a candidate who raises huge resources to buy votes is encouraged to do so only because he or she had become the flag bearer of a political party. What this means is that the candidate had engaged in perhaps more serious vote buying within the party to persuade party delegates to support him or her as an aspirant. In the recent past, many Nigerian politicians struggled to become delegates of their parties simply because it had become exceedingly lucrative.

Just before the general election of 2023, there were reports of how several hotels garnered huge profits from the lodging of delegates in their rooms many days before party primaries. There were even undisputed reports that during the presidential primaries of the nation’s two major political parties, the average delegate went home with no less than fifteen thousand US dollars ($15, 000) for voting for an aspirant who became the party’s candidate. On this score, it is easy to conclude that vote buying is not as simplistic as the general perception which sees the phenomenon as essentially the buying and selling of votes on the open market day of the casting of ballot. Vote buying is therefore not only costlier before voting day, but attacks on it are less intense as that of the clamour for an end to voting day trading.

Interestingly, reports which highlight voting day trading focus more on how voters produced evidence that they voted for a particular candidate or party before they were paid. There is usually no corresponding searchlight on law enforcement agents who look the other way during the process or who are themselves seen picking up their own loots. Yet since the Electoral Act of 2010, vote buying has been formally categorized as an offence punishable by huge fines and years of imprisonment in Nigeria.Again, vote buying does not end with the casting of ballot, there is collation of votes currently recognized as the elephant in the room whose price may naturally fit its size.The seller is not necessarily a voter who is dispensing with a personal vote; instead, the seller here simply nullifies all the votes bought and sold during the casting of ballots by swapping votes, cancelling some and altering others in favour of the highest bidder.

The immense power of the collation trader is far wider than is imagined as it includes the power to allocate votes to polling units where elections did not even hold. The implication of this is that a candidate who has resources and access to the collation trader may not waste energy in buying votes during the casting of ballots. This is because the determination of the invisible group of collation merchants is final in the declaration of winners. No one knows the exact value of payments made to merchants who work on segments such as the mass thumb printing of unused ballots, as well as the alteration and mutilation of result sheets. Whereas the invitation to different intellectuals to declare winners is capable of giving some semblance of credibility to the process, how can one quantify what is payable to those who read whatever is recorded?

Another factor encouraging vote buying is the nation’s economic meltdown. It is very difficult to persuade a voter who had not eaten some days before voting and is not sure of his next meal to reject a sale of his ballot that can yield a few cash for the moment. The argument that a voter’s ballot is his strength which should not be sold for a mess of porridge is quite convincing to some people but not persuasive to the poorest of the poor. To the latter, it is worse that no one is saying anything about the huge gains of delegates or the millions that party officials commandeer to play one aspirant against the other. If any type of vote buying is wrong, perhaps it is unfair to focus on the little gains of the poor

Considering that vote buying is basically the exchange of both monetary or other material benefits for political support rather than the purchase of ballots on a typical voting day, those who have been clamouring for an end to vote buying in Nigeria will become more circumspect. They will become more appropriately sensitized to the fact that we are dealing with an ordeal that stretches as far as to the conflicting rulings and all forms of injustices coming out of our judiciary. They will realize that while vote buying which takes place during the casting of ballot is illegal and a crime, a fight against that segment alone is rather cosmetic and incapable of changing the systemic problems of Nigeria’s electoral process. It is therefore time to hold the horn of the Bull.

The goal is not just to stop vote trading but to achieve a credible electoral system. Who says some efficacy will not be attained in the fight if we can reduce our lucrative democratic system? Now that we know that our federal law makers earn N14million per month, the equivalent of the take-home pay of a dozen top executives in the federal service, we ought to know that election to such an office would be capital intensive. The posture of political office holders in Nigeria if viewed through a microscope will virtually reveal their determination to bribe even the Divine, just to get into office. This is part of why the battle to sanitize our electoral system by ending vote trading got lost before it started from the return of democracy to the country in 1999. 

The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has called on President Bola Tinubu to investigate the alleged diversion or theft of over N57 billion from the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation in 2021.

The organisation also claimed that hundreds of billions of naira were reportedly missing from other ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs).

SERAP urged Tinubu to direct the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mr Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), alongside relevant anti-corruption agencies, to thoroughly probe these allegations.

The claims are detailed in the 2021 audited report recently released by the Office of the Auditor-General of the Federation.

SERAP stated: “Anyone suspected to be responsible should face prosecution as appropriate, if there is sufficient admissible evidence, and any missing public funds should be fully recovered and remitted to the treasury.”

The organisation further urged the president to utilise any recovered funds to address the deficit in the 2025 budget and impose an immediate moratorium on government borrowing to alleviate Nigeria’s mounting debt crisis.

In a letter dated 23 November 2024, signed by SERAP Deputy Director Kolawole Oluwadare and made available to Vanguard, the group said: “The allegations amount to stealing from the poor. There is a legitimate public interest in ensuring justice and accountability for these grave allegations.”

The letter, read in part: “Poor Nigerians have continued to pay the price for the widespread and grand corruption in the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviations and other ministries, departments and agencies [MDAs].

“According to the 2021 annual audited report by the Office of the Auditor-General of the Federation, the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, [the Ministry] in 2021 failed to account for over N54 billion [N54,630,000,000.00] meant to pay monthly stipends to Batch C1 N-Power volunteers and non-graduate trainees between August and December 2021. The money was ‘not directly paid to the beneficiaries.

“The Auditor-General is concerned that the money ‘may have been diverted.’ He wants the money recovered and remitted to the treasury. He also wants suspected perpetrators of the diversion to be sanctioned in line with the Financial Regulations.

“The Ministry also reportedly failed to account for over N2.6 billion [N2,617,090,786.00] of public funds meant for the ‘home grown school feeding programme during Covid-19’, as ‘the programme was never executed.’

“The money was allegedly paid to five contractors to ‘procure, package and distribute Covid-19 palliatives to Kano, Zamfara and Abia states,’” but without any trace.

“The Auditor-General fears the money ‘may have been diverted.’ He wants the money recovered and remitted to the treasury.

“The Ministry also reportedly spent over N78 million [N78,373,909.74] to ‘carry out a survey on the Ministry’s Covid-19 response to states and vulnerable groups’ but without any approval or document.

“The Auditor-General fears the money may be missing or have ended up in the pockets of ‘incompetent contractors’. He wants the money recovered and remitted to the treasury.

“The Ministry also reportedly failed to account for N39.5 million [M39,500,000.00] ‘personal donations to different personalities’. The money ‘was paid directly to the minister as reimbursement,’’ among others.

SERAP warned that; “We would be grateful if the recommended measures are taken within 7 days of the receipt and/or publication of this letter. If we have not heard from you by then, SERAP shall consider appropriate legal actions to compel your government to comply with our request in the public interest.

“The country’s wealth ought to be used solely for the benefit of the Nigerian people, and for the sake of the present and future generations.

“These allegations can promptly be investigated and suspected perpetrators named and shamed. Taking these steps would advance the right of Nigerians to restitution, compensation and guarantee of non-repetition.

“Prosecuting the allegations and recovering any missing public funds would improve the chances of success of your government’s oft-repeated commitment to fight corruption and end the impunity of perpetrators.”

SERAP, urged the President, to urgently address the widespread and systemic corruption in MDAs, as documented by the Office of the Auditor-General of the Federation, including in the 2021 audited report and previous reports.

“Tackling corruption in MDAs would go a long way in addressing the budget deficit and debt problems.

“SERAP urges you to immediately enforce the judgment by Hon. Justice Deinde Isaac Dipeolu of the Federal High Court, Lagos, ordering your government to release the spending details of N729 billion by Mrs Sadia Umar-Farouk, the former Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disasters Management and Social Development.

“Investigating the allegations and naming and shaming and prosecuting those suspected to be responsible for the missing public funds and recovering the funds would end the impunity of perpetrators,” SERAP maintained.

[Vanguard]