In 1975 Brigadier General Murtala Mohammed GCFR (November 8, 1938 – February 13, 1976), who was at that time a brigadier, approached Chief Frederick Rotimi Alade Williams SAN (December 16, 1920 – March 26 2005) to be the chairman of the 50-man Constitutional Drafting Committee. Chief Williams told Brigadier Murtala Mohammed that he would accept the job on two conditions, among which is that Professor Benjamin Obi Nwabueze (December 22, 1931- October 29, 2023) from Atani in Anambra state must be a member of the committee. Chief Williams told me this story himself when I covered proceedings of the committee which were usually held in his residence in Ilupeju, Lagos. I asked why he insisted on his friend, Professor Nwabueze to be a member of the committee; his reply was “Who else but Ben?”.

Eventually, Professor Ben Nwabueze was appointed a member of the 50-man committee. The committee was inaugurated on October 18, 1975, at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Victoria Island, then headed by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi (82), from Ilesha, Osun state, who later became the Nigerian Foreign Affairs Minister under General Ibrahim Babangida GCFR.

The committee was inaugurated before Brigadier General Murtala Mohammed was assassinated on February 13, 1976. The Secretary of the committee was Alhaji Gidado Idris, who was then the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture in Kaduna state. He later became secretary to the Constituent Assembly and later Secretary to the Government of the Federation under General Sani Abacha GCFR (September 20, 1943 – June 8, 1998).

At the Constitution Drafting Committee, Alhaji Gidado Idris was assisted by Mr R.C. O. Nwokedi, Senior Assistant Secretary, Cabinet Office, Lagos, Mrs O.O. Onajide, then Head of News and Current Affairs Mid-West Television, Mr A. Obilade, Lecturer in Law, University of Lagos and Dr O.A. Obozuwa, former Lecturer in Law, Lagos State University and a Commissioner, Public Service Commission, Bendel State.
Other supporting staff of the committee by then were Mr E. Omofuma, Mr O. Ogunade, Mr J.O. Oyefeso, Mrs A. T. Kole, Mrs M.M. Wuraola, Mr J.E. Ikebude, Mr R.O. Akpabio, Mrs J.O. Adeyemi-Wilson, Mrs V.O. Odunuga, Mrs M.M. Albert, Mrs P.C. Adiele, Mr A. O. Iyiola, Mr E.O. Ajiboye, Mrs J.T. Okechukwu, Mr E.I. Ojogwu, Miss A.E. Anwana, Mr J. A. Adesanwo, Mr Ben Enahoro, Mr N. Orekan and Mr P. Nwajei.

After the inauguration of the committee, Professor Nwabueze was made a member of the Legal Drafting subcommittee headed by Chief Rotimi Williams. Other members of the subcommittee at that time were Chief Richard Osuolale Abimbola Akinjide SAN(4 November 1930- 21 April 2020), who later became the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation in 1979, Alhaji Olufemi Lateef Okunnu(90), former Minister of Works, Dr Tajudeen Olawale Ayinla Idris(June 6, 1940- August 30, 2018), who later became Commissioner for Education under Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande and Chief James Ajibola Idowu Ige, SAN(September 13, 1930 – December 23, 2001) who was elected the governor of Oyo state, 1979-1983 and Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, 2000-2001.

The rest members of the committee were Justice Muhammadu Buba Ardo(1930- October 5, 1991) from Fufore, Yola in Adamawa state, former Chief Justice of North Eastern state (175-1976), Justice of the Supreme Court(1978-1979), Mr. S.M. Liberty, Attorney General of Borno state and Mr. Kanmi Ishola Osobu from Ilesha in Osun state.

Mr Osobu was educated at the famous Ilesha Grammar School before proceeding to the University of London. Before he died in 1995, he had a flourishing bar practice in Lagos of which many lawyers including Wole Obayomi, currently a partner and Head of Tax, Regulatory and Peoples’ Service (TRPS) Practice of KPMG and Mr. Adeyinka Olumide-Fusika SAN, passed through. Till he died in Ibadan, myself, Toye Akiyode, Yinka Guedon, Gboyega Amoboye (The Governor), Femi Ogunleye (now the Towulade of Akinale in Ogun state), Labake Adebiyi alias Everything Labakus, Jimi Aderinokun, Dapo Aderinola, Tunde Fagbenle and other journalists were associated with him. Egbon Kanmi Ishola Osobu alias PEOPLE’S LAWYER, a human rights activist was also closely associated with Fela Anikulapo-Kuti
The last member of the subcommittee was Alhaji Abdulganiyu Folorunsho Abdulrazak (November 13, 1927 – July 25, 2020) from Ilorin. He was the first lawyer from northern Nigeria and the father to the present governor of Kwara state, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq.

Professor Nwabueze married in December 1961, Rose Achike, with three sons and three daughters. He had his education at the London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London, England, 1956-1961, lecturer, later senior lecturer, University of Lagos, 1962-1965, senior lecturer, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, 1965-1967, acting dean, University of Nigeria, Usukka,1967-1970, Professor, School of Law, University of Zambia, 1970-1976, also dean, School of Law, 1971-1976, joined United Bank for Africa, Lagos and awarded Nigerian National Merit Award in 1980.

In January 1993, under the Transitional Council, then headed by Chief Ernest Adegunle Oladeinde Shonekan GCFR (9 May 1936 – 11 January 2022), he was Secretary (Minister) of Education and Youth Development). In October 2013, Professor Nwabueze was appointed to the National Conference Advisory Committee but withdrew on health grounds. He was replaced by Mr. Solomon Asemota, the Chairman of the Governing Council of the Christian Social Movement of Nigeria as well as Coordinator of the Ethnic Nationalities Movement (ENM).

Atani, his hometown, is the headquarters of Ogbaru Local Government in Anambra state. Atani is also the hometown of my favourite musician, Chief Stephen Osita Osadebe(March 17, 1936- May 11, 2007).
In 2004, I was in Atani when my friend, Chief Chris Nwabueze Ngige (71) from Alor in Idemili South Local Government of Anambra state, was the Governor of Anambra state. A very quiet town.

Professor Ben Nwabueze was later made the chairman of the sub-committee on National Objectives and Public Accountability of the Constitution Drafting Committee. Other members of the committee were Kanmi Ishola Osobu and Professor Emmanuel Uwamagbuhunmwun Emovon (February 24, 1929 – February 20, 2020) from Benin City, former Vice Chancellor of the University of Jos, who later became the Minister of Science and Technology under General Ibrahim Babangida GCFR. The rest members were Dr A.Y. Aliyu, lecturer of Public Administration, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Chief Paul Wanteregh Unongo (September 26, 1937, to November 29, 2022) from Jato Aka in Kwande Local Government Area of Benue state, who later became Minister of Power and Steel under President Shehu Shagari GCFR and Alhaji Ibrahim Imam (1916 – April 1980) a Kanuri politician from Borno, who was the secretary of the Northern People’s Congress and later became a patron of the Borno Youth Movement. He was elected into the Northern House of Assembly in 1961, representing a Tiv district. Before his election in 1961, he had represented his district of Yerwa in 1951 after supporting a strike of Native Administration workers.

It was in this subcommittee that Professor Nwabueze served his country best. His footprints are all over in the 1979 constitution. Professor Nwabueze’s subcommittee’s main objectives were

1. To consider and make recommendations on the desirability of embodying National Objectives and Directive Principles in the Nigerian Constitution
2. To suggest what such principles and objectives should be
3. To consider and make recommendations regarding constitutional arrangements to ensure observance of and conformity to such principles and objectives including the procedure to amend this part of the Constitution and
4. To examine and make recommendations on institutional and other arrangements to prevent corruption and abuse of power on the part of all persons holding public offices or exercising power (be it executive, legislative or judicial).

The committee recommended that the Federal Republic of Nigeria be one, indivisible and indissoluble, sovereign state based on the principles of democracy and social justice and accordingly,

• Sovereignty belongs to the people from whom the government, through this constitution derives all its powers and authorities;
• The welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government;
• The government shall be responsible and accountable to the people;
• Participation by the people in their government shall be ensured in accordance with the provisions of this constitution;
• The press, radio, television and other agencies of the mass media shall at all times be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in this constitution and to ensure and facilitate the responsibility and accountability of the Government to the people;
• The state shall not adopt any religion as the state religion but the freedom of every individual to preach, to teach and to practice the religion of his choice shall be respected and protected.

It was Professor Nwabueze’s subcommittee that recommended the fifteen codes which a public officer must adhere to. If those codes had been enforced, I am sure this country would have been a better place. The codes were “a leader shall not put himself in a position where his personal interest conflicts with his responsibilities as a leader, or which enables him to explore others; without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing paragraph, a leader shall not;

• Hold more than one public office
• Engage in any private, trade or profession
• Receive any remuneration, gain or profit other than the emolument payable to him in respect of the specified office held by him.
• A leader shall not, after he retires from public service and while receiving a pension from public funds, accept a remunerative position as chairman, director or employee of a public company or receive any other remuneration from public funds in addition to his pension.

Notwithstanding anything in paragraphs 3 and 4, a leader shall entitled to earn, in addition to his emoluments as a leader—

(a) interest on money deposited in a bank, building society or other financial institutions;

(b) dividends or other profits from stocks or shares held by him in any registered company;

(c) interest on Government stock;

(d) gains or advantage derived through personal labour on land owned or occupied by him.

No person shall own or occupy more than one plot of State land throughout the country. Any person who at the coming into force of this Code owns or occupies more than one plot of State land shall sell the excess over one plot to the State. The price—(a) as regards the ground shall be at a rate at which allocations of State land in the area in which the plot is located are made by the Government at the time of sale; (b) as regards any building erected on the plot, shall be such as may be agreed or determined by the court in default of agreement.
A leader shall not ask for nor accept any property or benefit of any kind for himself or any other person on account of anything done, to be done or omitted to be done by him in the discharge of his duties, nor accept gifts of whatever nature other than from relatives and personal friends.
A leader who holds a position as President or Vice-President of the Republic, minister, permanent secretary or head of any public corporation, university, or other parastatal organization shall not accept. (a) a loan except from a bank, building society or other financial institution; (b) any benefit of whatever nature from any company, contractor, business or their nominee or agent.
No person shall offer to leader any property, gift or benefit of any kind as an inducement or bribe for the granting of any favour or the discharge in his favour of the leader’s duties; a leader shall not do or direct to be done in abusive of his office, any arbitrary act prejudicial to the rights of any other person; a leader shall not put to his personal advantage or to the advantage of any other person materially or otherwise any information acquired by him during his term of office as a leader; a leader shall not be a member of, belong to, or take part in the organization or management of the Ogboni or owegbe societies or any other secret society of a similar nature.

Every leader shall, (a) within three months after the coming into force of the code or after taking office, as the case may be, (b) at the end of each year (c) at the end of his term of office, submit to the Code of Conduct Bureau of the Government which employs him, a written declaration of all property or assets owned by, or liabilities owed to, him, his spouse or unmarried children under the age of twenty-one; any false information in such declarations shall be deemed to be breached of this code; any property or asset acquired by a leader after the initial declaration required by paragraph 13 (1) (a) above and which is not fairly attributable to income, gift, or loan approved in this Code shall be deemed to have been acquired in breach of this Code unless the contrary is proved.

An allegation that a leader has committed a breach of or has not complied with the provisions of this Code shall be made to the Code of Conduct Bureau, which shall, unless the person concerned makes a written admission of such breach or non-compliance, cause the matter to be heard and determined by the tribunal referred to in Article of the Constitution.

A leader who does any act prohibited by his Code through a nominee, trustee, or other agent shall be deemed ipso facto to have committed a breach of this Code”. By being the Chairman of the subcommittee, Professor Nwabueze automatically became a member of the Constituent Assembly. Other chairmen of subcommittees that became automatic members of the Constituent Assembly were Alhaji A.G.F. Abdul-Rasaq (sub-committee on the executive and the legislature, Alhaji Nuhu Bamali (sub-committee on the judicial system), Dr. Pius Okigbo (sub-committee on economy, finance and division of powers), Alhaji Aminu Kano (sub-committee on citizenship, citizenship rights, fundamental rights, political parties and electoral laws, Dr. Obi Wali (sub-committee on the public service including the Armed Forces and the Police) and Chief F.R.A. Williams (Legal Drafting sub-committee).

On November 1, 1977, Professor Nwabueze was appointed the chairman of the business of the Constituent Assembly. Other members of the business committee were Alhaji Abdul Razak, Dr Pius Okigbo, Chief Olu Awotesu, Dr K.O. Mbadiwe, Chief Samuel O. Mbakwe, Mr D.G. Vembeh, Chief Frank N. Inok, Alhaji Adamu Ciroma, Alhaji Shehu Malami, Dr, Iya Abubakar, Dr. Mudiaga Odje and Dr. F.O. Nwator.

From October 6, 1977, when the then Head of State, General Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR, inaugurated the Constituent Assembly, till the assembly adjourned sine die in March 1978, Professor Nwabueze sat next to Chief Rotimi Williams. The two were inseparable. Despite his later years’ pronouncements on political issues, Professor Nwabueze should be judged on the preamble of the report of the sub-committee on National Objectives and Public Accountability of the Constitutional Drafting Committee which he co-authored in 1975. That preamble was his legacy. The preamble defined Professor Nwabueze.

In the preamble, he wrote “Government in Nigeria, as indeed in other developing countries, has tended to be preoccupied with power and its material perquisites. Given the country’s conditions of under-development, power offers the opportunity of a lifetime to rise above the general poverty and squalor that pervades the entire society. It provides a rare opportunity to acquire wealth and prestige, and to be able to distribute benefits in the form of jobs, contracts, scholarships, gifts of money and so on to one’s relatives, and political allies. Such is the preoccupation with power and its material benefits that political ideologies as to how society can be organized and ruled to the best advantage of all hardly enter into the calculation.

Perhaps the Constitution is in part to blame for this. The Constitution in Commonwealth Africa speaks only in terms of power and of rights, but never of duties. The latter are taken for granted. The Constitution assumes that those who wield the power of the state will be conscious of, and responsive to, its obligations and responsibilities. And so it says nothing of the duties of the government towards its subjects. Our experiences have shown this to be a wrong approach to constitution-making. As a charter of government and the fundamental law of the land, the Constitution should make it clear that powers are bestowed upon the organs and institutions of government, not for the personal aggrandizement of those who wield them from time to time, but for the welfare and advancement of the society as a whole. It should therefore cast on the State definite duties towards its subjects

A constitution should indeed do more. It should proclaim the principle on which the state is organised and spell out the ideals and objectives of the social order. Every constitution is set and operates in the context of certain organising ideas but these are often left unexpressed. Again this approach to constitution-making is outdated. A constitution should not be simply a code of justiciable rules and regulations; it is a charter of government, a government involves relations and concepts that are not amenable to the test of justiciability.

The objectives may be immediate, specific policy goals or long-term ideals. The former are not likely to excite controversy; they are the things Nigerians expect their government to secure for them—food, clothing, water, medical facilities, education, etc. Spelling them out in the constitution provides a yardstick for judging the performance of any government. It invests them with the quality of a constitutional directive to the organs of the state to inform and guide their actions by reference to the declared principles. It would also serve as a reminder to government functionaries that their position is one of trust involving powers as well as duties.

The latter implies ideology. Ideology arouses a certain mysticism and suspicion among us. Yet every new nation has a special need for a nationally accepted ideology. For unless the goals and the fundamental attitudes and values that should inform the behaviour of its members and institutions are clearly stated and accepted, a new nation is likely to find itself rudderless, with no sense of purpose and direction. By defining the goals of society and prescribing the institutional forms and procedures for pursuing them, ideology seeks to direct and concert the efforts of actions of the people towards the achievement of those goals. In this way, it seeks to unite the society into one nation bound together by common attitudes and values, common institutions and procedures, and above all an acceptance of common social objectives and destiny.

The need for an ideology in Nigeria is all the greater because of the heterogeneity of the society, the increasing gap between the rich and the poor, and the growing cleavage between the social groupings, all of which combine to confuse the nation and bedevil the concerted march to orderly progress. Only an explicit ideology which sets the parameters of government and informs its policies and actions can generate a spirit of cooperation, peace and unity.

If the national ideology is enshrined in the constitution, then this may make it appear less of a political slogan, investing it with the quality of a constitutional, albeit non-justiciable norm, and thereby making it easier for political leaders, and even judges, to establish and show the desired identification with it.
It may be argued that the aspirations, goals and values of a society are not unchanging for all times; they may not even be a true reflection of current values but only what the present generation of leaders believe them to be or think they should be; to enshrine them in the constitution would therefore be an imposition, and would create a false and unwarranted image of popular acceptance. These sentiments might equally serve as an argument for not having a constitution at all.

Whilst unquestionably values are relative to time and place, every society should attempt to formulate the values that are relevant to its time and place; their embodiment in the constitution does not entitle them to any more immutability than the frame of government instituted in the constitution. The important thing is that the values and objectives declared should be the fundamental ones widely shared in the community, and not the sectional objectives and goals of particular social and economic policies of a ruling party.

It cannot be disputed that the ideology that is most relevant to our society today and one that is accepted by most Nigerians is that of socialism operating within the framework of participatory democracy and the ideals of liberty, equality and justice. It is the only effective answer to the conditions of under-development, inequality and exploitation that exist in the country. The long-term objectives of socialism in Nigeria should be to place in the hands of the State and people the ownership and control of the means of production and distribution”.

Professor Obiefuna Benjamin Nwabueze served his country the best way he could.

Ariel Henry, Haiti’s prime minister, has resigned following weeks of escalating violence in the country.

Mohamed Ali, Guyana’s president and the current chair of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), said Henry tendered his resignation after CARICOM leaders held an emergency summit in Jamaica on the crisis in Haiti.

In a video address late Monday, the 74-year-old politician said his government would leave power after the establishment of a transitional council.

“We will be a caretaker government until they name a prime minister and a new cabinet,” Henry said in a video address.

“I want to thank the Haitian people for the opportunity I had been granted. I’m asking all Haitians to remain calm and do everything they can for peace and stability to come back as fast as possible.”

Henry spoke from Puerto Rico where he has been stranded after his plane was denied permission to land in his country.

The embattled prime minister was in Kenya seeking support for a United Nations (UN)-backed Kenyan-led security force for Haiti, as part of efforts to “restore security”.

While he was away last week, the violence worsened.

The rebel group invaded two of Haiti’s main prisons in the capital city of Port-au-Prince, freeing over 4,000 inmates.

The gangs also attacked the National Palace, set part of the interior ministry on fire with petrol bombs, and carried out sustained attacks on the international airport.

Jimmy “Barbecue” Cherizier, the country’s most notorious gang leader, said the violence would not stop until the prime minister resigns.

Haiti has not had an election since 2016.

I travelled between the Island and the Mainland in Lagos taking the Third Mainland Bridge. The 11.8 km Bridge had been shut down for repairs since Tuesday, January 9 according to an announcement by the Federal Ministry of Works. We were told that the Bridge would be open for mainland inbound island travels between 12 am to 12 noon, while those travelling from the island to the mainland should go through Eko Bridge, and only use the Third Mainland Bridge from 12 noon. I was very skeptical. 

On many occasions in the last eight years, the same Bridge had been shut down for rehabilitation at various occasions, either to fix the ramps or some engineering defects. Lagosians paid the price in terms of time lost to traffic hold ups on the alternative routes, and the hardship of commuting in a city where the island seems to be the centre of gravity. Despite the various delays of the past, the Bridge remained largely a poor stretch of road. The potholes never seemed to disappear. There was even a time this same Bridge was vibrating and you could feel it. The rails had been removed in parts. The managers of the road provided street lights at a point, but those lights didn’t function for up to a month. Based on past experience, I was convinced that the Tinubu administration and the team at the Federal Ministry of Works were back to their old game. But this time around, I was mistaken. My skepticism is misplaced. 

Having confirmed that it was now possible to take the same route from 12 noon to the Mainland, the other day, I shrugged off the stress of more than a month and headed towards the Mainland. I saw busy workers on the Mainland-bound side of the Bridge, but in a short while we were diverted to the other side which had been completed to some degree. I became excited. The other side of the Bridge had been thoroughly resurfaced, not the patch-patch work that we used to see oh, a complete make-over, and as we drove towards the Mainland, there was no vibration. No potholes. Even the lanes were properly marked with fresh, clean paint – black and white, and I saw painters giving the entire stretch of the Bridge a decent face lift. I didn’t know when I told the driver: “Wonders! In this same country? You mean this is possible?”

We had a very smooth ride all the way to Oworonshoki, where again there was another diversion towards Oshodi. But I had seen enough to justify my excitement. I noticed though that the lights had not been fixed – I hope they would get to that, and that all the broken rails will be restored. We may raise questions about cost later, and the Federal Ministry of Works must be prepared for that, but with what I saw, I believe that when that Bridge is fully rehabilitated, the people of Lagos would have every cause to thank the Tinubu administration for a job well done. Speaking for myself, I do not mind even if that Bridge is shut down for another two months until the make-over is properly done. This time around, the government seems to be doing a good job. You may not understand but those who know the way things are in this country will get the message: travelling on a good road in Nigeria is so unusual it calls for excitement, if not celebration.

Commissioned in 1980 by the Shehu Shagari administration and completed for public use by President Ibrahim Babangida in 1990, the Third Mainland Bridge is the longest bridge linking the Mainland to Lagos Island. The two others are Eko and Carter Bridges. Since 2012, the Bridge has been having issues; it is either it vibrates, or there are visible cracks on it, so wide the water below could be seen, it would in due course become a preferred spot for those seeking to commit suicide, which is why I think the side rails need to be raised so high that it should be impossible for anyone to jump into the Lagoon below by climbing over the barricades. In 2020, the Bridge was even closed for repairs for six months, and again in 2021. But for the first time, I see much improvement. 

I am tempted to think that this difference can be traced to the fact that the current Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, former Governor of Ebonyi State is a civil engineer. This is precisely what we mean when we say that President Tinubu and governments at all levels must learn to put round pegs in round holes.  If you appoint an accountant to supervise a construction project, he is not likely to know what it entails to build a road. He would be looking at figures and fail to see the road. Senator David Umahi, as a former CEO of an Engineering Company knows all the details about construction from design to finish. No contractor or official would go to him and give him a fake Bill of Quantities or try any trick – the same tricks that he himself must have applied as a young Engineer. We have seen the evidence in what he is doing with the make-over of the Third Mainland Bridge. President Tinubu should give him other assignments: give him more roads to fix – the Ibadan-Ife-road for example, and the road to Benin. Based on what I saw, I am inclined to say that Senator Umahi is doing well.

He has the potential to become one of the promising Ministers in Tinubu’s cabinet, but he must stay away from making political statements. The other day, he put his mouth into the labour crisis and accused labour leaders of being unpatriotic. I think he should concentrate on his PWD, wheel-barrow assignment and avoid moralizing about subjects he does not understand. He will get some response from the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) when the deadline that the body gave the Federal Government expires, this week, by the way, tomorrow, March 13.

Senator Abdul Ahmed Ningi (PDP, Bauchi Central) is a ranking member of Nigeria’s National Assembly. He has been a member of that Assembly since the return to democratic rule in 1999, first as a member of the House of Representatives - elected in 1999, re-elected in 2003 and re-elected again in 2007.  In 2011, he continued his legislative career as a Senator of the Federal Republic representing Bauchi Central. He was re-elected in that capacity in 2015, 2019, and 2023. In the course of what is an obviously rich and fulfilling time in the National Assembly, Ningi has served as either Chairman or member of many committees including the Niger Delta Committee, Solid Minerals, Teachers Education, and NAFDAC Committee of the House. Between 1999 and 2002, he was Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association. He would later become House Majority Leader, 2003 – 2007, and Chairman of the ad hoc committee on the Niger Delta crisis, the committee on Jos crisis, and the Constitutional Review Committee. In 2011, he won election into the Senate and emerged as the Deputy Majority Leader, the Senate was then dominated by the PDP. He has been in the Senate since then. 

Thus, as far as experience goes, Ningi is one of the most experienced and most durable lawmakers in Nigeria today. His continual re-election shows that he is well appreciated by the people of Ningi, his constituency and Bauchi Central in general. As a person, he is a friendly, avuncular fellow with friends across the landscape and a charming sunny disposition. He is what you can call a very nice guy. But over the weekend, it would appear that Senator Ningi put a stain, perhaps inadvertently, on his otherwise sterling legislative credentials, when he alleged in his position as the Chairman of the Northern Senators Forum (NSF) that (i) President Bola Tinubu is implementing a version of the 2024 Budget that is different from what was passed by the National Assembly, and (ii) that budgetary allocations for projects and social infrastructure were skewed against the North in favour of the South. Was Ningi speaking for himself, or for Northern Senators as a group? Ningi alleges that the Budget that was passed in December 2023 was padded with N3 trillion, a budget of N25 trillion that suddenly became N28 trillion, and that out of the total, the Senate President inserted projects worth N4 trillion into the Budget, with “huge damage” done to the North. It will be recalled that President Tinubu presented a budget estimate of N27 trillion to the National Assembly on November 28, 2023.  The National Assembly eventually passed a Budget of N28.7 trillion, effective January 1, 2024. 

Four Senators have since dismissed Ningi’s claims as baseless and unfounded - Senator Sunday Karimi (APC, Kogi West), Titus Zam (APC, Benue North West), Kaka Shehu (APC, Borno Central) and Senator Ibrahim Jimoh (APC, Ondo South) who insist that Ningi is misinforming the public. The Chairperson of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Senator Yemi Adaramodu has also issued a statement to the effect that there was no budget padding, no varied execution, and the budget is a public document. Further, there are indications that when the Senate meets today, Tuesday, March 12, Senator Abdul Ningi would be called upon by his colleagues to defend his allegations, failing which he may be suspended under Order 67(4) of the Rules. Indeed, it is necessary to ask Senator Ningi to prove his own claims and provide relevant evidence, before his own colleagues. He is said to have back-tracked with an explanation that he was misquoted. He has to prove how that happened. It is a trite principle, and this needs not be explained to lawmakers that he who alleges must prove. Besides, the allegations are so weighty and capable of throwing the country into chaos and strife, that the Nigerian people need to know. 

In one broad stroke, the statements attributed to Senator Ningi call the integrity of the National Assembly, the Senate, and the Tinubu administration into question. The Budget is a creation of law, that is why it is called the “Appropriation Act”. If the National Assembly made two different laws detailing the fiscal map for the year, one of which is unknown to the people, that would not only be illegal, it would be criminal. Where did the N25 trillion Budget come from and how did it become N28 trillion? Where was it discussed? Who signed it into law?   And what are the details of the implementation of that secret Budget? Senator Ningi owes us a duty to unveil that which is unknown. He says the Budget was padded. How? It is the duty of lawmakers to receive the Budget and go through it line by line, item by item, before approving it. What is called budget padding is actually a way of saying that both the Appropriation Committee and the entire Senate are made up of idiots. It amounts to self-indictment. And where was Senator Ningi when the Budget was being padded as he claims? Was he asleep or awake at the time? And why he is just speaking up now? 

He says “huge damage” has been done to the North in the Budget. He must be made to prove how. This kind of statement is potentially divisive and capable of causing chaos. It is even careless in the extreme for Senator Ningi, an opposition politician, to play such a divide and rule card. Even when politicians disagree with the government of the day, they must be careful not to burn down the country. This is the key lesson here.  Experience may not necessarily mean maturity. There was once a Senator in Nigeria who went about preaching the importance of commonsense. Opposition politicians must learn to play the politics of commonsense. The general elections ended in 2023. We are now in the season of governance, when we must all put Nigeria first. Politicians must be careful what they say. Ningi may want to discredit the Tinubu administration but he must do so, based on empirical facts and not in a manner that puts the same country that has been so generous to him, at risk. We are told that tension has gripped the Senate: the very reason why Ningi’s claims must be investigated and he must be made to prove his allegations in the open court of the Senate. His allegations cannot be covered by privilege, and must not be swept under the carpet. 

Other members of the Northern Senators Forum, a body that we assume includes other members from both the ruling party and the opposition also have a duty to tell us what exactly transpired. Is Ningi speaking for them or is he just on his own? One by one, every member of that body must tell us where he or she stands! For them, it must be a matter of honour. Senator Ningi granted an interview to BBC Hausa and he spoke in Hausa. After a fashion, he may come forward to say that what he actually said was lost in translation or that he was quoted out of context by journalists. One of the crass games that Nigerian politicians play, even in the face of overwhelming evidence, when they are caught out, is to blame the media.  Ningi’s statements in BBC Hausa must be played on the open floor of the Senate. Language experts, and other speakers of the language must be asked to review it. Nigeria is too important to be derailed on the basis of partisanship or rumours. If it is then established that Senator Ningi spoke out of mischief, every Senator not being entitled to immunity under our laws, the appropriate punishment for the Senator should not be under the Senate Rules – Order 67(4). When Senator Ovie Omo-Agege was suspended for 90 days under that same rule, he went to court, and he won. Just in case Senator Ningi is found to be fibbing, and unable to prove his grave allegations, he an Abdul, and an Ahmed, lying in the Holy Month, should be punished under the laws of the Sharia which apply in his home state of Bauchi, and whatever punishment the Court deems fit, should be applied publicly and televised! Even if he insists that he was misquoted, that too should be investigated. I don’t want to imagine what indictment or punishment may come the Senator’s way under the Sharia, for he is all things considered, ordinarily, a nice guy. But this is a matter that concerns us all.

Laetare Sunday, along with its elder brother, Gaudate Sunday, serves as an interjection to the Lent and Advent seasons, urging relaxation and rejoicing as Easter or Christmas draws near. Today marks Laetare Sunday.

This Sunday, the fourth of Lent in the liturgical calendar, signifies the midpoint of Lent and is often observed with a lighter tone compared to the other Sundays. "Laetare," meaning "rejoice" in Latin, highlights the Church's hopeful anticipation of Easter, encouraging believers to reflect on their Lenten journey with optimism.

Fr. Maximus expressed his desire not to turn his sermon into lecturing but ended up mixing both to the admiration of the congregation. As Fr. elaborated on today's significance, memories of the song "Regina Ceali Laetare" flooded back. He explained that Sundays are not counted during Lenten observation. It is a day children eat rice and make merry. On the significance of Sundays, he referred to “Sunday is our Weekly Easter,” a pastoral letter by the late Bishop of Awka, before he became an Archbishop.

During his sermon, he elucidated that most Church and papal documents derive their names from their first words, citing examples like "Gaudete" and "Laetare." He explained that "Gaudete" takes its name from the entrance antiphon for the Mass of that day, while "Laetare" stems from the opening words of today's liturgy, "Laetare Jerusalem – Rejoice, Jerusalem."

Indeed, Fr. was, as always, right. A rough check shows that most papal documents and encyclicals, such as “Laudato Si,” “Humane Vitae,” “Ut Unum Sint,” “Rerum Novarum,” “Divini Redemptoris,” “Mater et Magistra,” among others, followed the tradition. Papal Bulls, such as “Unam Sanctam,” “Ineffabilis Deus,” “Inter Caetera,” “Exsurge Domine,” “Cum Occasione,” among many, follow the same pattern. Decretals, such as “Quod Cuique Sit,” “Perpauca,” “Cum Tam Divino,” “Decet Romanum Pontificem,” followed the same pattern. However, some papal documents, some of which Father alluded to, such as the “Constitutiones Apostolicae,” “Motu Proprio,” “Regulae Cancellariae Apostolicae,” “Rescriptum Apostolicum,” and “Bulla Apostolica,” do not always follow the same pattern as they are named to reflect the topics they address.

While exploring today's readings, especially the story of the graven serpent, Fr. Maximus referenced figures like Einstein, Euclid, and Napoleon Bonaparte to convey his message. As an admirer of Napoleon, I recall visiting his tomb on the banks of the Seine during a trip to France. Napoleon, though short in stature for a General, believed that command lay in the eyes. Legend has it that during the signing of the Concordat of 1801 between Pope Pius VII and Napoleon, Cardinal Caprara, the Papal Legate wore "an immense pair of spectacles" to soften the glare of Napoleon's eyes. He expressed part of his strategy as a general in a mathematical formula: "The strength of an army, like the amount of momentum in mechanics, is estimated by the mass times the velocity. A swift march enhances the morale of an army and increases its power for victory."

Through Napoleon's defeat and the peculiar odyssey that characterizes philology, the saying "to meet one’s Waterloo" has become part of English. It was in the Belgian city of Waterloo that he was captured that eventually ended his life while in exile at St. Helena . At St. Helena, he lamented that the bedbug, which makes no distinction of human ranks, bit him unrestrainedly.

What is clear from Fr. Maximus's sermon and lecture today is the rich history of the Catholic Church and the importance of preparation. Let this be a guide to our priests. The congregation must leave with one lesson from sermons, whether moral, historical, or otherwise. It enhances the spirit and expands our knowledge.

As some Nigerians are calling for revolution, what was Napoleon's attitude towards that? He held ambivalent views on revolutions. On one hand, he recognized their potential to unleash the violent passions of the masses, stating that "collective crimes incriminate no one," and acknowledging that "never a revolution without terror." He acknowledged that revolutions could bring about regeneration in public customs. However, he ultimately concluded in 1816 that "revolution is one of the greatest evils by which mankind can be visited." He described it as a scourge that embitters the lives of those involved, and he believed that any advantages gained from revolution could not outweigh the misery it caused.

But among nations like Nigeria that had exhausted all reasons, what becomes their fallback position when all else appears to have failed?

President Bola Tinubu on Monday expressed readiness to end the perennial farmers, herders crisis in the country.

Tinubu vowed to draw up programmes that would end the crisis within two to three weeks.

He spoke during the inauguration of the mechanised agricultural project in Minna, Niger State.

The President, however, noted that state governors should provide lands that would help in facilitating his programme.

According to Tinubu: “We must reorient our farming population, including livestock programme.

“I don’t see why Nigeria can’t feed all our pupils with one pint of milk a day if the dairy system is well harnessed

“I know what it means as an economic sabotage for cows to eat up the crops and vegetations of our land.

“When we reorient the herders and make provisions for cattle rearing, governors must provide the land and I as the President is committed to giving you, in two to three weeks time, a comprehensive programme that will solve this problem.”

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, has told Justice Oyindamola Ogala of the Lagos High Court sitting in Ikeja that the Chairman of Ibeto Energy Development Company, Cletus Ibeto, has paid back N1.5 billion in two tranches in respect of the N4.8 billion fraud allegations for which he was charged before the court.

Counsel to the EFCC, Rotimi Jacobs, SAN, disclosed this to Justice Ogala on Monday.

He also told the judge that the defendant paid the money as part of the ongoing plea bargain discussions between the anti-graft agency and the defendants.

Rotimi explained that the defendants have agreed to pay the balance within the next three months.

Counsel to the defendants, Adebayo Oshodi, did not deny or confirm the claims.

The defendants, Ibeto and his companies, Ibeto Energy Development Company and Odoh Holdings Ltd, face a 10-count charge bordering on allegations of conspiracy, fraud, forgery and fraudulent use of documents brought against them by the EFCC.

The case could, however, not go on Monday owing to the arguments between the prosecution and the defence on which application is ripe for hearing.

Oshodi contended that the court should hear the defendants’ application challenging the court’s territorial jurisdiction.

But EFCC counsel Rotomi argued that the court could not entertain the application because the issues canvassed in it are also the same issues the defendants have placed before the Court of Appeal for determination.

The EFCC counsel also drew the court’s attention to an order issued by the former trial judge, Justice Ismail Ijelu, who presided over the case before it was transferred to Justice Ogala, ordering the arrest of Ibeto.

He said that the order was predicated on the defendant’s alleged refusal to appear in court. The judge cannot hear any application until the order is vacated or the defendant shows up in court to take his plea.

The Lagos State Director of Public Prosecution, DPP, Babajide Martins, who appeared in the matter as an interested party, also told the court that he had filed an Amicus Curiae brief to assist the judge in deciding on what action to take on the case.

After listening to all the parties, Justice Ogala adjourned the case to enable her to study the case file and decide how to proceed with the trial.

The judge then adjourned further hearing in the proceedings till April 15.

DAILY POST recalls that EFCC had charged Ibeto and his companies before the court last year.

The planned arraignment of the defendants was, however, stalled on four occasions, September 28, October 5, November 3 and December 6, owing to the failure of Ibeto to appear in court, although his lawyers represented him.

This prompted the former trial judge, Justice Ismail Ijelu, to accede to the prosecution’s request on November 3, 2023, to issue a bench warrant for the arrest of the businessman for allegedly refusing to appear to take his plea despite many undertakings by his lawyers to produce him in court.

The defendant subsequently challenged the decision at the Court of Appeal.

He also wrote a petition to the Chief Judge seeking a review of the case file and another to the Attorney General of Lagos seeking his office’s outright takeover of the case.

Following the petition, the Chief Judge re-assigned the case to Justice Ogala.

Chairman of the Northern Senators Forum, NSF, Senator Abdul Ningi (PDP-Bauchi Central) has insisted that projects worth N3.7 trillion in the 2024 Appropriation Act cannot be traced.

DAILY POST recalls that the BBC Hausa had, on Saturday, quoted Senator Ningi alleging that the Federal Government was operating an N28 trillion budget, contrary to the N25 trillion passed by the National Assembly.

However, the Presidency, in a statement issued on Sunday by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Mr. Bayo Onanuga denied the allegation.

Speaking at a press conference on Monday, the lawmaker maintained his stand, insisting that the findings made by the Northern Senators Forum were accurate.

Ningi, however, said that the views he expressed during his interview were his own, and not those of the Northern Senators Forum.

The lawmaker also denied saying that President Bola Tinubu was operating two separate 2024 budgets.

The Labour Party, LP, governorship candidate in Lagos state for the 2023 general election, Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour, has said that the party’s presidential candidate, Peter Obi, is the leader Nigeria needs.

Rhodes-Vivour, speaking on the Honest Bunch Podcast, however said Obi is not the politician “we need for us”.

“Peter Obi is the leader that we need for Nigeria, but not the politician we need for us,” he said.

Rhodes-Vivour also insisted “Peter (Obi) does not buy votes. He won Lagos without buying votes.”

Obi finished in third position during last year’s polls, behind President Bola Tinubu and Atiku Abubakar.

On his part, Rhodes-Vivour lost the gubernatorial election to Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

Rhodes-Vivour challenged the election result all the way to the Supreme Court, where a five-member panel in a unanimous judgment delivered in January 2024, affirmed the declaration of Sanwo-Olu as the winner of the March 18, 2023 governorship election, after dismissing two separate appeals challenging his victory.