The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has directed banks and other financial institutions to implement a 0.5 percent cybersecurity levy on electronic transfers.

This is contained in a circular signed by Chibuzor Efobi, director of payments system management and Haruna Mustafa, director of financial policy and regulation on Monday.

The directive was issued to commercial, merchant, non-interest and payment service banks, as well as mobile money operators.

CBN said the policy would take effect in two weeks and charges would be described as ‘Cybersecurity Levy’.

According to the apex bank, the deduction and collection of the cybersecurity levy is a sequel to the enactment of the Cybercrime (prohibition, prevention etc) Amendment Act of 2024.

“Following the enactment of the Cybercrime (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) (amendment) Act 2024 and under the provision of Section 44 (2)(a) of the Act, “a levy of 0.5% (0.005) equivalent to a half percent of all electronic transactions value by the business specified in the second schedule of the Act, is to be remitted to the National Cybersecurity Fund (NCF), which shall be administered by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA),” CBN said.

CBN said the charges would be remitted to the national cyber security fund, which would be administered by the office of the NSA.

“Deductions shall commence within two (2) weeks from the date of this circular for all financial institutions and the monthly remittance of the levies collected in bulk to the NCF account domiciled at the CBN by the 5th business day of every subsequent month.”

CBN said failure to remit the levy is an offence which attracts a fine of not less than 2 percent of the annual turnover of the defaulting business, amongst others.

“Finally, all institutions under the regulatory purview of the CBN are hereby directed to note and comply with the provisions of the Act and this circular.”

Meanwhile, earlier, banks announced the reintroduction of 2 percent charge on deposits above N500,000.

[TheCable]

One of the finest persons I have ever met and worked with was Sir Michael Agbolade Otedola. The General Ibrahim Babangida administration had foisted a two-party system on Nigerians in 1989 following the president’s inclination to end his military junta and embrace the civil form of government seen around the world.   Nigerians had no other option apart from the established National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP). The General Ibrahim Babangida’s transition idea led to a high definition jostling and tent pitching either with the NRC or the SDP among politicians and Nigerians.

I was a budding woman at the time with an inchoate idea for a pan-Nigerian social order. The politics of the region which Sir Michael and I came from has a clear political idiosyncratic peculiarity. The choice of many elders of thought among the Yoruba people was the SDP.   The SDP became the dominant party among the Yoruba people. The likelihood of the NRC winning any state of the Yoruba people was going to be a herculean task. Sir Michael knew this but chose to stride along this unpopular path for the NRC and for his persuasion.

Both parties were preparing for their various State Elections, Congresses and National  Conventions. I was a delegate for NRC, representing the Lagos Mainland Constituency. My euphoria of this political accomplishment as a youthful woman was reaching the skies. I was hopeful with clearness and I was prepared to give the best of my talent for this political process. As I watched the contestants lobbying for our votes, I saw Sir Michael in his glittering white apparel from afar as he exchanged greetings with people and listened as they talked and responded with a few words and signs of assurances. Some of the contestants have spoken and lobbied for  support and vote. I kept my mind opened until I heard the last of them. My choice must come from my conviction.

Sir Michael was plain. You would find no sensationalism or sentimentalism with him. His plainness was piercing and penetrating. If you cared for pragmatism, you would choose him over the voluble charismatics who mesmerized listeners with fancy words.

Having listened to almost the contestants at all levels, I saw a number of delegates around with positive energy throwing the support for Sir Michael. At this point, I was already on board in support of Sir Michael. I knew it would be the beginning of a greater political relationship with the sage.

The hour came and it was like streaks of light breaking through the forest glades — Sir Michael was walking slowly towards a few of us from Lagos Mainland Constituency. He was accompanied by Late Otunba Anthony Olusegun Odugbesan and two other persons. He stopped and greeted us pleasantly and said, “Look at my people, I know we have the same dream to make Lagos State the centre of excellence. Please join me and let us get it done.” The whole of my mental configuration changed when I heard him say these words. Little did I know that time would present him with the opportunity to coin an official sobriquet for Lagos. He presented “Lagos: Centre of Excellence”. This slogan has come to stay. Every governor after him struggled to make Lagos the Centre of Excellence. No one has set a better challenge to succeeding governors than Sir Michael Agbolade Otedola.

He spoke of his plan about how to make Lagos a Centre of Excellent. We were so amused at his vivid, artless, and realistic plan for infrastructure, education and entrepreneurship. His goal was a people oriented vision. He wanted to raise a population of youths from dependence to entrepreneurial capacity and humane capitalism. He believed that reducing poverty among Lagos residents would be a way to growing a giant economy for Lagos. He told us that having a plentiful wealthy population would ease the government from the burden of avoidable liability because a wealthy population’s contribution would cut across investment and employment of labour, infrastructure surplus, education improvement, healthy culture and physical planning.

After Sir Michael addressed us, I was chosen amongst the 3 delegates to respond, and I asked why he chose NRC as his platform given that the majority of Yoruba elders chose SDP, a factor that made the party to have a greater hold on Lagos and other Yoruba region states. I wanted to know his drive for taking a path with a slim or infinitesimal chance of winning the gubernatorial seat of Lagos. He looked at me as if he was trying to find a connection with me for choosing the NRC. He said, “Maybe you and I are here for the same reason. I don’t need to conform to the popular leaning to win this election. I don’t need to win through a crowded system. We are at a time people knew what they want. I have to defeat that crowded system because I know what my people want. The path to glory is usually narrow, visible and lucid for a nonconformist but it is difficult for a conformist to see with clarity while on the broad way.”

The manner he presented his response was like there was no strong challenge against him. I could see in him a dawn reality. He was so sure that he was steps ahead those on the otherside of the divide.  His courage was spilling over me and I quipped, “Baba, I agree with you and I am going with you all the way to win with you. I am ready for any task.”

“Thank you for your choice”, he responded. He added, “Here in Lagos, the NRC is the narrow path and that is why I am with them. The narrow way screens you more than the broad way. You have to work and recreate things with attention and focus but in the broad way you will be faced with distractions, wrangling, many lackeys brouhaha, shortchanges, distrust, and even patching up with irreconcilable differences. Governance is not a party of lackeys but a process of building sustainable bridges between the government and the electorate. We will win and make Lagos the Centre of Excellence. Can we do it together?”, he asked with self-effacement.

Before I made my answer, he took me by the hand and we sauntered softly towards the exit door of the  arena. “Nike, we have a lot more to talk about. I’m inclined to giving you some tasks to do.”

“Sure Sir, I’ll do them”, I said unassumingly. He handed me his private telephone number and requested me to call him after the meeting for further conversation.  It wasn’t a feeling of excitement moving in my sinews as we parted but I wondered how magical it was that I made a wish earlier and in a moment it became realistic. That wonderment hovered over me until the end of the meeting. I was super excited when he was declared the winner and announced as the NRC gubernatorial candidate for Lagos. As a man without rancor, he was accepted by all concerns within the NRC as the arrowhead for us all.  A lot of us moved into the campaigns with the satisfaction and assurance that we have a credible and ingenuous candidate to face the sprawling political juggernauts.

A night after the congress for gubernatorial election, I called his telephone line. He was as full of life as he spoke. He said to me, “Nike, there is no time for delays. We have to meet this afternoon. I want to know what you can do before I start assigning responsibilities for the general election. Can you come to my Impact Press office at 2.30pm?”  When I got to his office area, his personal assistant led me in. Late Otunba Anthony Olusegun Odugbesan was in the office with him. He was a man of undeniable discretion. Sir Michael asked as he looked at me with a beam on his face,  “Nike, may I know you more”? “Sir, I am a Lagosian. I acquainted him with my origins— both paternal and maternal lineages. He was persuaded of what I stood for as a rising woman that I would be useful and resourceful to him.

Sir Michael commended my bearing and youthful savvy. He told me that he believed that I had the capacity and the ability to mobilise support for him in no small way.  My first assignment he placed me in the fundraising dinner committee along with Mr Nduka Obaigbena as the headship of the committee, a youthful tested doyen of journalism, Dr. Doyin Okupe, Engr. Buba Galadima, Mr. Femi Fani-Kayode,  Mr. John Dara his Personal Assistant and Ms Queenette Alagoa (one of Chief Tom Ikimi’s aides).   After telling me that he wanted me to be in the fundraising dinner committee, he said to me, “The destiny of our Party in Lagos is in our hands. I won’t fail but you all have a big role to play to help me deliver my promise of winning.  I will break the fortresses of our opponents.  I didn’t rebut his suggestion of having me on the fundraising committee even though it was a difficult one.

After that meeting with Sir Michael,  Late Otunba Anthony Olusegun Odugbesan became a man I could run to when I needed direction.  He was open to enquiries and was always prepared to suggest useful applications.  If anyone was worked up and began to suffer from a drought of ideas,  Otunba Anthony was the relief we could count on. I remembered 10 years  when Sir Michael passed on, I was unavoidably absent during the rites of passage.  Entries of tributes had been closed but Mr. Bisi Lawal, a former Chairman of the Board of Eko Hotels Ltd was able to help me reach Mama – Lady Doja Otedola who ensured that my tribute is received and published among the Eulogies for his funeral.

Sir Michael was a genius in managing his teams.  For him, our success depended on working with ease and leverages. He would make us to understand that failure begins with going out without a plan of what to achieve and a strategy for achieving it. So we created plans and formulated strategies and followed through to realise every plan without distraction. We knew what we wanted at every point and went for it without delays and distractions.

The SDP was very loud and widespread. Late Chief MKO Abiola of the SDP, as the Presidential Candidate (God bless his memory). They dominated the media, they dominated the streets

with rallies, funfairs and posters.  Sir Michael pushed for a different campaign strategy. “Win the electorate one-by-one”, he told us. He said, “If we win them one-by-one, you would have extracted a promise or a commitment from the voter because of a mutual relationship and trust you establish with them.” Thus, we decided to embark on the campaign with a door-to-door evangelical approach. The people we met understood us and assured us that they are with us. They heard our voices and we heard theirs.  Hearing the people’s voices was Sir Michael’s strategic measure of identifying with the people and telling them directly that he was for them all the way.

On December 14 1991, the general election took place. We were in the situation room with a host of Sir Michael’s campaign strategists and key players. There was no tension. We were conversing and laughing. No one took the process with a do or die behaviour. Sir Michael was in a good spirit as usual. He cast his vote at his home stead, Odoragushin  in Epe Local Government Area.  Everyone in the room believed that the results of the election will be in our favour. We were not surprised at the outcome.

Sir Michael Otedola’s administration was short-lived. General Sani Abacha interrupted the Third Republic democracy and imposed his junta before the Interim Government led by Late Chief Ernest Shonekan could fulfill its mandate of reorganizing the annulled June 12 1993 general election. After Sir Michael’s

NRC was announced as the winner of Lagos gubernatorial election, he started planning for assumption of office with a clear mindset of what he wanted to do. He had plans for every of his key campaign players, and has ardent supporters but he wasn’t imposing his desire on any of them. When he called me that he has plan for me - that he had earmarked something for me in his government, I quipped like a child full of exhilaration, “I want to be on the board of Eko Hotels.” I didn’t wait for him to say what he planned giving me. He was stunned at me. For the first time, I noticed what the surprised looks of Sir Michael was like. He made no attempt at persuading me to put aside my desire. He softly asked for a couple of times, “Are you sure that is what you want?”  “Let me take off with that for now, Sir”, I responded. Being resilient and enamored with my answer to him, he appointed me into the board of Eko Hotels shortly after his inauguration on January 2 1992.

Sir Michael Otedola assumed office after years of military governorship administration.  He worked like a horse and intentionally touching every segment of Lagos State public service, overturning restrictions and replacing them with viable designs and policies. The maestro held that the government must not be impeded by blockades if it must be seen as the government of the people. He owed the electorate the promise of constructing bridges between the government and the people and the duty of making the state a centre of excellence.

Choosing the sobriquet, “Lagos: Centre of Excellence” Sir Michael intended to remind everyone that is resident in Lagos that we have a collective responsibility to make Lagos the Center of Excellence.  However, the intent of the slogan has been so thoroughly abused or unexecuted. We must ignite the intention of the message and let Lagos residents to intentionally and consciously start doing things for the sake of the excellence of Lagos.

It is on record that Sir Michael could work till 1:00 am before leaving his office at Alausa and still resume work at sun rising. It was unfortunate that he was allowed no time to sow the much he planned— the military came back!

Sir Michael was a man of many parts and was profound in all the parts. He was a man of a deep religious affiliation, a teacher, a trained journalist, a public relations connoisseur, an industrialist, a politician, a loving husband, and a delectable father. His passion to execute his conviction was never transient until a perfect outcome was actualised. However unpredictable he was, he kept a convivial and magnetizing ambiance. His atmosphere was full of light and sweetness. There was no boredom around him. Once he believed in you to be capable of something positive and impactful, he would provide you the platform to run with your ability. He would be calm and wait for you to tender the report of your task at the expected time. Sir Michael had no time for a close marking.  He expected that we demonstrate our sense of creativity and skills ingeniously and truthfully.  He would let us know that our results would announce us. If, therefore, you want to be announced, show him your impactful work in record time.

On this date, May 5 2014, of his demise, I reminisced the past and recollected this beautiful experience with Sir Michael. Everyone that has worked with him must have something of excellence to say about him. Put all stories about this quintessential legend from whomever, you will find that the straightness of Sir Michael Agbolade Otedola is indelibly captured in all testimonies about him as an exemplar of a sound leadership marshal.

Live Forever, Sir Michael!

Written from Lagos by:

‘Nike Jones

May 2024

11

The Federal Government is aware of false alarms being raised in some quarters alleging discussions between the Federal Government of Nigeria and some foreign countries on the siting of foreign military bases in the country.

We urge the general public to totally disregard this falsehood.

The Federal Government is not in any such discussion with any foreign country. We have neither received nor are we considering any proposals from any country on the establishment of any foreign military bases in Nigeria.

The Nigerian government already enjoys foreign cooperation in tackling ongoing security challenges, and the President remains committed to deepening these partnerships, with the goal of achieving the national security objectives of the Renewed Hope Agenda.

Mohammed Idris
Minister of Information and National Orientation 
06 May 2024

The news of the appointment of the Nigeria billionaire banker, Jim Ovia as the chairman of the Board of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) has elicited reactions from many Nigerians. Concerned observers have tried to proffer explanations about the motive behind what is considered by many as bizarre appointment. The Jim Ovia that everybody knows will not touch government appointment with a long pole. The foremost Nigerian banker and corporate icon does not lobby nor need government appointment. It is therefore strange to many that he could condescend to accepting an appointment under Tinubu having rejected such offers in the past. The main questions on the lips of the concerned observers include: why would he want to make a volte-face this time? Why would he want to smear his impeccable reputation by associating with a regime battling with credibility issues?

Mr. Jim Ovia, a banker, a business mogul and an investor is the founder and chairman of Zenith International Bank, one of the key players in the Nigerian financial sector. He has a reputation for promoting excellence and meritocracy. A stickler for rules; he believes strongly in the values of honesty and integrity. Those close to him say that he has the personality type that is averse to adverse publicity and scandal and would do anything to avoid them. Thus, it might sound odd for him to consort with politicians, save for business purposes, let alone accepting a political appointment. It is said that Jim may not punish his employees for not making profit but must punished anyone involved in fraud or anything that will tarnish the reputation of the bank. He abhors anything that has to do with scandal including litigation. As much as possible, he avoids litigation. It is believed that one of the reasons he invested heavily in technology and people is to ensure quality customer service to reduce reputational risk. And it is on record that the Jim Ovia’s Zenith bank has the least cases of litigation and fraud among the banks in Nigeria.

It is not exactly clear why Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has to pick on Jim Ovia. According to the official statement, the chairman of Zenith Bank was appointed NELFUND board chairman ostensibly for him “to bring his immense wealth of experience and professional stature to this role.” But the question is: does one require the skill of a banker to manage the said student loan funds? Is NELFUND a financial institution? Does the role of NELFUND involve financial intermediation? Of course the management of the student loan board may not involve investment analysis or risk assessment analysis.

The job is purely administrative and procedural. A retired school bursar or school teacher with even a background in History or Religious Studies can manage the said funds without stress. People as making conjectures about this, more so, as Tinubu is not known for appointing people based on merit or competence. His major consideration for appointment is loyalty rather than performance. Clearly, if Tinubu is interested in results, he would have given Mr. Ovia the Central Bank or the Finance Ministry, where his competence will be better deployed, rather than student loan board, to manage.

Expectedly, many have wondered why the banking guru has to identify with the Tinubu’s government. Are his multi-billion investments in Lagos under threat? Is he using the appointment as a means to secure the release of his protégé, Emefiele, the erstwhile Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) governor who is currently being hounded by Tinubu’s government for implementing a cash swap policy prior to the February, 2023 general elections; a policy interpreted by Tinubu and his group as an attempt to frustrate his presidential ambition? Or is he using the appointment as a way to dissociate himself from the alleged offenses committed by Emefiele when he held sway as the CBN governor? Whatever the reason, I sincerely hope that Jim Ovia is not being blackmailed or arm-twisted into accepting appointment from Tinubu against his will.

Without doubt, the presence of Jim Ovia among Tinubu’s men would be a big image boost for a government that is encumbered with a heavy legitimacy and credibility burden. Indeed, the government propagandists would brag about it, and as usual, drop Jim Ovia’s name among those allegedly made by Tinubu. To them, anyone who has government appointment is made by the one that appointed him. This is because they erroneously think that government appointment is not about service but an opportunity for self-enrichment. Tinubu is a maker of men but ironically, the state that he claimed he built has the worst number of area-boys and street urchins in the southern part of the country. He could not train or rehabilitate the horde of Lagos area-boys and yet he is a maker and developer of men. Lagos has more destitute and out school children and it is still educationally disadvantaged despite the huge revenue inflow. How many schools did he build while he “reigned” in Lagos? How many skill acquisition centers did he establish in his Lagos? Lagos State has one of the worst literacy cases in the whole of Southern Nigeria? So who did he make?

I am one of the many Nigerians that are skeptical about the Tinubu’s proposed student loan scheme. To me, the program is a misplaced priority and a white elephant. Nigeria needs investments in education but not in populist white elephants. In the colonial era and in the immediate post independent era, when Nigeria had acute man power shortages, such program would be effective and necessary and not now that Nigeria has surfeit of university graduates roaming the streets looking for non-existent jobs. Nigeria needs investment in the educational sector but not in the bogus loan scheme program. The investment we need in education should be in the area of technology, human development and provision of environment suitable for learning in addition to result-oriented curriculum development.

Nigeria operates outmoded, wishy-washy curriculum that tends to produce helpless, dependent jobseekers. Nigeria needs the curriculum that will produce entrepreneurs; that help learners develop critical thinking and problem-solving skills. Investment in mass education should be at the primary and high school level in order to reduce the number of out of school children and should be targeted mainly at the alimajiris and the area-boys of the North and Southwest respectively. But the APC government would not invest in this area for obvious reason. It would mean educating, liberating and depleting their army of political tools needed for election rigging. The previous investments in this area by the Babangida regime through the nomadic education scheme and Jonathan Administration through the Alimajiri School program were frustrated by the forces opposed to liberating these street urchins from bondage.

Secondly, the student loan scheme may be seen as a vehicle for the political “settlement” and might be hijacked by politicians to siphon public funds by granting loans to their cronies, stooges and ghost students. That is why many believed that the program may turn out to be a camouflaged conduit pipe for public funds and may never get to the indigent students and those that it is intended. Tinubu’s propagandists may defend the appointment of Jim Ovia by claiming that it is the importance the president attached to the program that informed his decision to engage the person of his caliber to manage the funds. But it left to be seen if that is the case.

Certainly, the Nigerian students do not need the spurious loan scheme that might not be accessible after all. What they need is quality education. They need the right technologies, the facilities and the conducive environment that will promote learning; that will make them graduate when they should, not a compromised system that will make them spend five or more years for a four-year course. The Nigeria youth need an effective man power development program that will support and equip them with the relevant skills for the future not area-boy policies that will mortgage their future. They require a robust economy that will empower their parents and sponsors to fund their programs. They don’t forbid a healthy economy that will promote work-study program as it is done in other countries. What they don’t need is Tinubu’s prebendal economy where some live on hand-outs and freebies in the name of palliatives. Nobody wants Tinubu’s poverty and hunger expansion program that has subjected the citizens to a life of misery.

It is therefore worrisome that the great Jim Ovia would accept an appointment into an agency that is susceptible to becoming a cesspool of corruption. And it is doubtful if he would come out of it without smearing his hard earned reputation except he resigns promptly.

You are a very senior professor. Your monthly salary is N700,000, pre-tax. This past weekend, you and other petrol users bought a litre for N1,000. Your car uses 10 litres of petrol per working day. There are five working days in a week. That gives your car 50 litres of petrol per week, the cost is N50,000. There are four weeks in a month. Fifty thousand naira in four places makes it N200,000 – just to fuel your car. Because your residence is allocated Band E by NEPA, your ‘I-better-pass-my-neighbour’ generator will use 10 litres of petrol per day. In 30 days, that gives you 300 litres of fuel. At N1,000 per litre, the cost is N300,000. Do the maths. Petrol alone takes N500,000 from your pre-tax N700,000 salary. Tax takes about N120,000. Do the maths again. What is the way out? The Yoruba will join you to ask: Kí ni ònà àbáyo? Kí ni?”

A young taxi driver sat on the bonnet of his car some years ago thoroughly frustrated by Nigeria’s unending petrol mess. A television reporter asked him to speak on his experience in that filling station where he sat, stranded. He looked straight into the camera and said he wanted “the world to come to an end, this moment. I want all of us to die – all.” He thought Nigeria was a wilderness with a succession of fake Moses leading the country from Egypt to Egypt. To the taxi driver, mass death of victims and their victimisers would be the neat, equitable way to end all suffering. I watched the video and heard more than what the gentleman said. People who think and say what he said are persons who have run and got to the end of running. They are people who have shifted and shifted and have hit the wall.

Over the course of life, suffering, one way or the other, is inevitable. We do not need a priest to convince us of that. But, why is it that here, in this country, time and change give no relief to the poor?

As I write this, everyone is at the petrol station – exactly as they were 30 years ago when they thought democracy was the messiah that would dry their tears. In petrol stations where there are no queues, the price there is killing; where the price smiles a little, bedlam reigns. If matters remain as they are, driving a car anywhere in Nigeria will soon be a mark of the beast, the ultimate evil. Very soon (and I am so scared to say this), having money to buy petrol will be an exposure to marks of the dragon – the kind that is in the Christian Bible: ten horns, seven heads, “with ten crowns on his horns, and on each head a blasphemous name.” Why is this democracy this ugly and so unprofitable to the people?

There is a joke about a man from Israel who demanded to know why Moses promised his ancestors good life, took them out to wander in the wilderness for forty years only to deposit them in a land that has no oil. I won’t be shocked to hear this said about our democracy. What is the worth of that struggle and that vote that birthed this suffering?

Our dog boasted in the last election that there was no danger in Tiger’s forest. That boast appears to have killed it. A saying in Yoruba approximates this: Ajá kì í dán’nu kò séwu lóko ẹkùn. Stealthy, strong Tiger is an ambush, apex predator; dog is one of its preys. The wisdom here eluded many who refused to trust the truth. They are now left behind, stranded by their faith in man born of woman. In their bowl of gaari, they now have water in destructive excess.

You are a very senior professor. Your monthly salary is N700,000, pre-tax. This past weekend, you and other petrol users bought a litre for N1,000. Your car uses 10 litres of petrol per working day. There are five working days in a week. That gives your car 50 litres of petrol per week, the cost is N50,000. There are four weeks in a month. Fifty thousand naira in four places makes it N200,000 – just to fuel your car. Because your residence is allocated Band E by NEPA, your ‘I-better-pass-my-neighbour’ generator will use 10 litres of petrol per day. In 30 days, that gives you 300 litres of fuel. At N1,000 per litre, the cost is N300,000. Do the maths. Petrol alone takes N500,000 from your pre-tax N700,000 salary. Tax takes about N120,000. Do the maths again. What is the way out? The Yoruba will join you to ask: Kí ni ònà àbáyo? Kí ni?

With ‘Darkness Falls’ as its title, the second part of Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s Weep Not, Child is about a country in distress, about a village where light is morbid and darkness is saviour. It is about a home that is no longer a place for telling good stories. It is here that we are asked to “turn to the Gospel according to St Matthew, Chapter 24.” Here we are told that we “shall hear of wars and rumours of wars” and that “nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom: and there shall be famines, and pestilences, and earthquakes, in diverse places.” We are told that as horrible as these occurrences are, “they are (just) the beginning of sorrows…And because iniquity shall abound, the love of many shall wax cold.”

Could this moment be Nigeria’s hour of that prophecy? The havoc wreaked in town today is worse than the experience of the ill-starred, anecdotal sentry of Apomu whose oracle (ifa) got stolen and his wife snatched. He reached for his divining chain (òpẹ̀lẹ̀) and saw it in the mouth of an audacious dog. He pursued the dog to retrieve his last hope but the dog ran and jumped into a deep well. While panting, the distraught man was asked what next? “It is time to leave this town,” was his response – (Ìlọ yá Oníbodè Àpòmù, wón kó o ní’fá, wón gbà á l’óbìnrin, òpẹ̀lẹ̀ tí yíò tún fi tọ ẹsẹ̀ e rè, ajá tún gbé e lọ. Ó lé ajá, ajá kó sí kànga. Wón ní, ‘Ilọ yá àbí kò yá?’ Ó ní, ìlọ yáá…).” Today is worse than that hopeless situation. I have never been as afraid for Nigeria as I have been in the last one week.

The people are hopeless and helpless but they are quiet. And that is dangerous. There is a passage in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart which warns about silence and its potent danger: “Mother Kite once sent her daughter to bring food. She went and brought back a duckling. ‘You have done very well,’ said Mother Kite to her daughter, ‘but tell me, what did the mother of this duckling say when you swooped and carried its child away?’ ‘It said nothing,’ replied the young kite. ‘It just walked away.’ ‘You must return the duckling,’ said Mother Kite. ‘There is something ominous behind the silence.’ And so Daughter Kite returned the duckling and took a chick instead. ‘What did the mother of this chick do?’ asked the old kite. ‘It cried and raved and cursed me,’ said the young kite. ‘Then we can eat the chick,’ said her mother. ‘There is nothing to fear from someone who shouts.’ Nigeria’s streets are scanty and sad; neighbourhoods are dank and dark. Where the ice of fuel scarcity appears to be thawing, the price has remained prohibitively high. In food markets, traders’ looks are forlorn; buyers’ heartbeats are irregular. There is darkness in every home where light used to shine. Yet, there is quiet, silence, midnight, graveyard chill where prophets used to warn.

In Matt Lorenz’s ‘The Meaning of life in the Wilderness’, we are told that “the wilderness is a space where human beings can go morally astray.” True, many and more have gone astray here. Henry Bugbee, in his The Inward Morning, says that “our true home is (the) wilderness.” I read this and wanted to disagree. I wanted to ask how our home could be the wildness -uncultivated, uninhabited, inhospitable wild. But, then, I remember William Butler Yeats’s thoughtful line: “…the world is more full of weeping than you can understand.”

As long as we breathe, we keep hoping (and praying) for deliverance from evil. There is a line of divine promise in Ngugi’s ‘Darkness Falls’: “But he that shall endure unto the end, the same shall be saved…” He was quoting the Bible.

We will endure this to the end because we’ve been promised salvation. But, when is the end and where is the saviour? Or, when is the saviour coming? The government is quiet and silent. It acts the perfect I-don’t-care way of lords who have climbed the hills and have seen the very end of the world. But its defenders are not quiet. They blame the past and point at similar acts of official betrayal. What is in uniformity is no longer a shame. There is no new thing under the sun. They open history books of countries outside Africa, the first world. They say “even America once suffered what we suffer. We will be out of the problem one day.” They say the media of that and other countries still reminisce about their own era of anomie. One of such reflections is Reis Thebault’s “Long lines, high prices and fisticuffs”, a Washington Post’s 2023 video on the 1970s petrol shortage bedlam in America. “The line of cars stretches for blocks. Pumps run dry. Newspapers warn of a great ‘gas crunch.’ President urges calm. Panicked motorists turn on one another.” Thebault wrote, mimicking headlines from Nigeria’s future. If the abobaku of this regime come to see this Washington Post content, they will grab it with eureka; they will use it as a justification for the criminal betrayal that professed this suffering. What a country!

The elephant’s hunger is the shame of the forest. America would have remained where it was in 1970 if what it had were bumbling leaders like ours. To the US, the owner would rather starve than for the thief to be without food. We have that proverb, the United States appropriated it long ago to solve its “pumps run dry” problem. I always wonder why the elephant of oil-rich Nigeria keeps rumbling in the forest and goes to bed hungry. Imagine the Eskimo queueing for ice. But here, children of butchers fight over bones.

What really is the cause of this fuel scarcity? There is neither cohesion nor coherence in the little we’ve heard from persons who sit atop our welfare. All we’ve seen (and we are seeing) are quick-and-slow marches of crass confusion. What are they doing apart from fixing themselves up in vaults? The sheep of Nigerians won’t forget if they do well and provide it just bran. But they are behaving like àgbà òsìkà sowing suffering in people’s lives. They soil their breast pockets with red oil of impunity and keep a straight face. Is it true that this is all about jacking up the price of petrol as instructed by the holders of the Nigerian yam and knife? It is like land grabbers setting fire to a whole market because they covet the land. They are killing us without drawing a sword (apanimáyodà). But, they can eat their excess without scorching the city. Unfortunately, that is what they are doing with their take-it-or-leave it disposition to the petrol wickedness they put on the table. It is dangerous.

I borrow again from Yeats. In his ‘The Wind Among the Reeds’, the poet tells the powerful that he, “being poor” has only his dreams to nurture and keep. Then he begs them: “I have spread my dreams under your feet;/ Tread softly because you tread on my dreams.” The people are the eye of the earth. If this government must tread on them, it should do so gently.

Governor Nasir Idris of Kebbi State has raised the alarm that some influential figures within the state are allegedly working to undermine his administration’s objectives.

Speaking at the Uhola Festival and Agricultural Show in Zuru, Kebbi State, at the weekend, Governor Idris expressed his determination not to be swayed by their efforts.

The governor revealed how certain individuals from the state had reportedly intervened at the Federal Ministry of Works in Abuja to alter the road development plans he had previously submitted.

“It might interest you to know that someone went and changed the submission we already made on the Koko Dabai Road with that of Bui-Kangiwa-Kamba Road up to the border with Niger Republic at the Ministry of Works in Abuja.

“Whereas the KoKo-Dabai Road needs more urgent attention than the Bui-Kamba Road which is still motorable.

“I feel sad whenever I come to Zuru because all the three roads linking the town to other places are in bad shape,” he said.

The governor said he would gather prominent personalities from the Zuru Emirate including traditional rulers to meet President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in Abuja for a rapid solution to the disturbing issue.

Idris affirmed the commitment of his administration to support and finance the annual Uhola Festival, recognising its significance in promoting culture for economic growth and social cohesion.

[DailyTrust]

Abia State Governor, Alex Otti, has told the immediate past administration in the state, headed by Okezie Ikpeazu, to get ready to return looted funds, including money budgeted for the airport project.

Otti, who was reacting to the report of the forensic audit of the state’s accounts, said his administration is not fighting anybody but is only interested in recovering looted funds, in a bid to ensure good governance.

The governor spoke at Nvosi, during a solidarity visit by supporters and loyalists of the member representing Isiala Ngwa South State Constituency, Rowland Chinwendu.

He stressed that what he wants is the progress and development of Abia State, emphasizing that since the airport was not executed, the project money should be refunded.

Otti expressed dismay that some people are insulting him in the media because he disclosed the findings of the forensic audit report.

The governor described the solidarity visit by Chinwendu and his supporters as a good omen.

“I established a forensic audit of our accounts as soon as I was sworn in and the report turns out that a lot of money was looted, stolen brazenly and part of the ones I mentioned was the N10 billion Abia Airport Project.

“They started insulting me. If you follow what is happening in the media, you would know that what I said is true.

“We are looking for our money. If we are not able to find the airport, they would have to refund us our money.

“We are not pursuing anybody, they should refund the money they stole, let’s use it to work for our people.

“Our place must develop. We will continue to build roads, we will continue to clean up the environment, we will continue to create jobs.”

In his speech, the member representing Isiala Ngwa South State Constituency, Chinwendu, noted that his people sent him to the House to represent their interest.

He stressed that he cannot afford to be seen as opposition to the governor, who is from the same LGA.

The lawmaker thanked the governor for the ongoing reconstruction of Umuikaa-Umuene road, among other projects in his constituency.

[DailyPost]

The United Kingdom (UK) on Sunday said only international students coming in for their Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) studies are eligible to bring in dependents to the country.

Dr. Richard Montgomery, the British High Commissioner to Nigeria made this known in an interview with newsmen in Abuja.

He said that the educational system policy changed earlier this year for international students in higher education not to bring dependents into the UK was to curb the increase of foreign students bringing in dependents.

He explained that the huge surge in dependence was putting an unsustainable pressure on many universities, adding that it was the reason these changes were introduced.

Here are eight countries Nigerian Masters students can move to with their dependants

1. Canada

Canada aims to welcome over 460,000 new immigrants each year to strengthen the economy, reunite families, and help refugees.

Under its immigration levels plan, Canada is now looking to get 465,000 new permanent residents in 2023, 485,000 in 2024 and 500,000 in 2025

The country’s dependent visa allows international students to bring their dependents and also allows them to work or study full-time once they have the relevant permits.

2. Germany

Germany’s dependent visa also known as a family reunion visa permits the spouse, children, and other family members to join and live with their family members residing in Germany. They can either reside temporarily or permanently in the country.

3. New Zealand

New Zealand also has a dependent child student visa that allows a dependent child to join their parents in the country and study at a primary or secondary school. “A dependent child can be treated as a domestic student, which means you don’t have to pay tuition fees for them to go to school.”

To apply for a Dependent Child Resident visa, your children must be single and financially dependent on you. Your children must sign a declaration they are single when they complete their application form. Immigration New Zealand considers your children dependent if they are: 17 or younger.

4. Australia

An Australia-dependent visa allows dependent family members of Australian citizens, Australian permanent residents, or eligible New Zealand citizens to live and work in Australia. This includes spouses, children, and other eligible family members.

5. Denmark

If an international student wants to bring their family to Denmark, they must apply for a green card Dependent visa. It allows Danish green card holder to bring their family with them to the nation while they are living and working there.

Denmark has several categories of dependent visas. Of these dependent visas, the Student Dependent Visa is designed for the spouse or unmarried children below 18 years of age of foreigners schooling in the country with a Denmark student visa to join their relatives in Denmark.

6. Finland

In September 2022, Finland issued more residence permits compared to the previous year as its processing time for visa application was 77 days on average, about 46 per cent less compared to 143 days in the previous period, the Finnish Immigration Service revealed.

The D visa allows you to travel to Finland immediately after being issued with a residence permit.

You can apply for a D visa if your spouse or your parent or guardian is applying for one of the following residence permits: A residence permit for a specialist. EU Blue Card.

7. Estonia

While staying in Estonia with a student visa, your family members can apply for an Estonia family visa to join you.

If they are issued a family visa, they can stay with you in Estonia for one year.

8. Sweden

Sweden is a Scandinavian nation in northern Europe with thousands of coastal islands and inland lakes, along with vast boreal forests and glaciated mountains.

The country which is highly developed, is ranked seventh in the Human Development Index, according to United Nations Development.

It has different types of permits that allow people to bring their dependents. The type of permit that should be applied for will vary depending on the situation of the person who is living in the country.

[TheNation]

In Nigeria, societal norms often cast a shadow on unconventional love stories, particularly when the woman is older than the man.

Despite the unspoken disapproval and subtle judgments, some couples boldly defy these expectations, challenging age-old traditions and embracing love in its purest form.

As the world turns its gaze towards the glitz and glamour of celebrity marriages, a poignant question emerges from the shadows: Does age truly dictate the success or failure of a union, or is it merely a trivial number in the grand scheme of love?

Over the weekend, the internet crackled with fervour as the spotlight shone on a captivating saga involving the esteemed Cole family of Victoria Island, Lagos. 

At the centre of the whirlwind was Taiwo Cole, scion of the illustrious clan, whose recent nuptials to actress and comedian Wofai Ewa, fondly known as Wofai Fada, ignited a firestorm of chatter.

The picturesque setting of Ugep, Cross River State, served as the backdrop for their traditional union, an event that remained clandestine until then, hidden from the public eye.

The Cole family, in a Sunday statement, denounced the marriage.

Responding, Wofai Fada, had on the same day posted a video with the caption “Let love lead” on her 1.2 million followers’ Instagram page amidst controversies surrounding her marriage to Taiwo Cole.

Again on Monday, the actress declared that the union between her and her groom, Taiwo Cole shall be permanent.

In the Nigerian entertainment landscape, where the glitz of fame intertwines with the pressures of societal norms, PUNCH Online shines a spotlight on five remarkable personalities who defy age disparities in their unions.

Here are five popular Nigerian celebrities who married older women:

1. Peter and Lola Okoye:

Lola Okoye, who celebrated her 50th birthday on Friday, September 2, is the beloved wife of Peter Okoye, renowned as one half of the iconic musical duo, P Square.

Despite the nine-year age gap between them—Peter and his twin brother Paul were born on November 18, 1981, while Lola’s birthday falls on September 2, 1972—their love story blossomed over seven years before they exchanged vows in 2013.

Blessed with a son named Cameron and a daughter named Aliona, the Okoyes cherish their journey as a family.

Lola in 2021 noted her happiness about how the now-defunct music group, P-square, put their differences aside after a long musical fallout. https://punchng.com/im-happy-p-square-put-their-differences-aside-says-mr-ps-wife-lola/

2. Deola And Darey Art Alade:

Renowned R&B sensation Darey Art Alade found his forever partner in Deola, a dynamic serial entrepreneur when they tied the knot in February 2007.

Celebrating over 14 years of marriage, they have embraced their eight-year age difference with grace and contentment.

Darey once remarked, “No pressures at all! Everybody at some time finds what works for him or her.”

With two delightful children, Darey and Deola exemplify how love transcends age, demonstrating that happiness knows no bounds.

3. Mike Edwards and Perri Shakes-Drayton:

The love story of Big Brother Naija Pepper Dem runner-up, Mike Edwards, and British Olympian Perri is a tale of athletic prowess and enduring affection.

Married in 2019, they navigate life’s milestones with synchronicity, despite Perri being two years older than Mike.

Welcoming their son into the world, their bond is a testament to the depth of their connection and shared aspirations.

4. MC Fish and Anita Joseph:

Nigerian comedian MC Fish and Nollywood actress Anita Joseph share a love story that transcends age barriers.

Despite their eight-year age difference, the couple’s bond radiates joy and affection, evident in their expressive displays on social media.

While they haven’t welcomed a child together, Anita Joseph’s daughter from a previous relationship enriches their familial journey, emphasizing the beauty of blended families.

5. Joseph Ameh and Kaffy:

Renowned dancer, choreographer, and fitness coach Kaffy, known for her Guinness World Record achievement, embarked on a journey of love with Joseph Ameh, P Square’s drummer, in 2012.

Despite their eight-year age gap—Kaffy being the elder—life took an unexpected turn when Kaffy filed for divorce in January 2022, marking the end of their marital union.

Unconfirmed reports indicated that extramarital affairs allegations against Ameh played a vital part in the breakup.

Meanwhile, opinions on whether age is merely a number when it comes to marriage are as diverse as the individuals themselves.

In a PUNCH Online vox populi, a myriad of perspectives emerged, showcasing the wide spectrum of beliefs on the matter.

Some ardently advocate for the notion that age holds little significance, asserting that love knows no bounds and that compatibility transcends numerical differences.

Conversely, others contend that age disparity can pose challenges, emphasizing the importance of shared life experiences and developmental stages in a successful partnership.

Amidst these contrasting viewpoints, one thing remains clear: the concept of age in relation to marriage is a deeply personal and nuanced topic, reflecting the unique values and priorities of each individual.

[Punch]

THIS year’s May Day was an opportunity for Nigerian labour centres to examine how workers are faring under the laws and their general well-being in a stifling socio-economic society. It was an occasion which revealed that even their quest for justice, in a supposed arbitration system, can be quite problematic.

Justice Benedict Bakwaph Kanyip, President of the National Industrial Court, NIC, presented the first paper on ‘Labour Laws and Trade Unions in Nigeria’, while the second presentation on ‘People First In National Affairs’ was by Mr Femi Falana, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN.

The former began by trying to convince the audience that the NIC is neutral, even- handed and reliable which showed that after all, “Lady Justicia’ is blind”.

Mr Falana did not appear to agree. He pointed at the connivance between the NIC and government against labour. He said: “In recent times, whenever workers decide to embark on industrial action as a last resort, the Federal Government and state governments usually rush to the National Industrial Court to apply for an interim order of injunction. Instead of asking the government to put the trade unions involved on notice, the Court will grant the order to stop the planned strike.”

So, the issue whether the NIC  or, indeed, the courts are neutral, especially where government is involved, became one of the major issues that arose at the Pre-May Day Lecture.

It is difficult for the poor to get justice, not just because the laws are made by the rich in the interest of the rich, or that the judge is necessarily pro-status quo. The fact is that the poor man, struggling to feed himself and his family, does not have the funds to hire a lawyer or engage in lengthy litigation. So, as we say in Nigeria, he leaves ‘everything to God’.

This scenario is worse in the case of a worker who may take his rich employer to court. It, therefore, serves the ends of justice for the establishment of a special industrial court that would speedily and conscientiously arbitrate between the employee and employer without being bogged down by technicalities. In other words, the industrial arbitration court should be more interested in the justice of a case than its technicalities. Such a court should not be so much interested in lawyers citing old cases. So, the procedures of the industrial court, unlike those of normal courts should be flexible, requiring knowledge of industrial relations and not necessarily the technicalities of the law. It should be such that the worker would not need a lawyer to present his case. It should be like the Biblical King Solomon’s court where litigants personally presented their cases and the judge dispensed justice.

This intent to promote industrial harmony and social justice was the reason for the establishment of the NIC as a tripartite court. To ensure this, the tripod of the industrial relations system: government, employers and workers, had institutional representation in the court. So, the NIC and its judgements benefited from the invaluable experiences of these institutional representatives. Another major advantage in the NIC’s composition was its guaranteed independence as the judges were independent of government and did not owe their career progression to anybody in government. As a reporter covering the NIC, one of the best judges I knew was Mr Bernard Obua, then Deputy General Secretary of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, who was not a lawyer. Indeed, I covered cases where trade unionists without legal background, represented their unions and won cases, sometimes against established lawyers representing multinational corporations. These gave the Industrial Arbitration Panel, IAP, and the appellate NIC, lots of prestige.

All these changed when lawyers and government collaborators staged coups and pushed the institutional representatives of the employers and workers out of the NIC, leaving only appointees of the government. Secondly, membership of the NIC became restricted to only lawyers. Hitherto, a graduate of a recognised university, including lawyers, with a minimum ten-year post- qualification experience could be NIC judges. The additional proviso was that such a person must have considerable knowledge and experience in the law and practice of industrial relations and employment conditions in Nigeria.

The transformation of the NIC into a regular court, also changed its thought process. It was therefore no surprise that Justice Kanyip propagated views that can be termed anti-worker. For instance, he claimed that workers have no right to go on strike. When I pointed out that this may amount to forced labour because a human being has the right to work or refuse to work, he claimed he was presenting the position of the International Labour Organisation, ILO. I googled the ILO official website and it stated that: “The right to strike is recognised by the ILO’s supervisory bodies as an intrinsic corollary of the right to organise protected by Convention No. 87.” It went on to state that: “As early as 1927, the ILO explicitly recognised that the right to strike existed…a recognition which was not challenged by employers for more than 60 years.”

Further more, the Nigeria courts have made various declarations on this. For instance, in Union Bank of Nigeria, Plc V. V. MRS. EDET (1993) the courts held that: “It appears that whenever an employer ignores or breaches a term of that Agreement, resort could only be had, if at all, to negotiation between the Union and the employer, and ultimately, to a strike action should the need arise and it be appropriate.”

Justice Kanyip also flew another kite: that a strike action is an individual, not a collective right. By this he argued that a worker can opt out of a strike. On this, I also challenged him on the basis that a trade union is about the unity of the collective and its supremacy over the individual. So, if a union ballots its members and 90 per cent decide the union should go on strike, it is only democratic that this decision is upheld irrespective of the feeling of a single individual.

There was also another contentious issue. The judge held that irrespective of Section 5(4)of the Trade Union Act which states that no new union should be registered where one already exists, any new union that applies should be registered. In a sense, he is backed by the ILO position on plurarity, but this defeats Nigeria’s 1977 decision to stop the endless proliferation of unions by registering unions at industrial, not company level. Given this, government can destroy unions in the long run by simply registering multiple trade unions in every sector or even company. If the NIC is now a duplication of the Appeal Court, why not scrap it?