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FG mulls $5bn revenue from job export in 2024
The federal government says the country targets to earn $5 billion from exporting jobs in the outsourcing industry in 2024.
Dr Ezra Yakusak, the Executive Director of the Nigerian Export Promotion Council, NEPC, disclosed this at the National Conference on International Trade-in-Service organized by the council on Wednesday in Abuja.
He emphasized the significance of outsourcing to the Nigerian economy.
Yakusak explained that some outsourced services include financial, advertising, courier, customer support, and logistics.
According to him, Nigeria is moving gradually and focusing more on the export of services because it is an area that has been neglected for a long time.
He added that the Country’s high population, less expensive labour cost, and English proficiency make it appealing to companies and businesses worldwide.
“It has so much potential, but if our services sector is well harnessed, we can earn more than the $4 .8 billion we earn from our products.
“We are looking at five billion dollars in 2024,” he said.
[DailyPost]
Nigerians Are Killed Constantly With No One To Stop Perpetrators — Obi
Peter Obi, Labour Party’s (LP) presidential candidate in the 2023 general election, on Wednesday in Jos, the Plateau State capital, stressed that Nigerians cannot continue to be killed incessantly without government’s intervention.
Speaking at the Rayfield Government House in Jos while addressing the Plateau State governor, Caleb Mutfwang, the former governor of Anambra State decried the inability of authorities to stop the perpetrators.
Obi’s remarks, which were made on his 62nd birthday, was a reference to recent carnage in parts of the state where about 300 persons were killed, and properties worth millions of naira destroyed by gunmen.
He disclosed that his decision to visit Plateau, and to the internally displaced persons in Mangu Local Government Area, on the occasion of his birthday, was to show support to the people and also commiserate with them over the needless killings in parts of the state.
“I would like to commend the governor for his relentless efforts to see that these killings stop. For us as Nigerians, it is time to be with our people especially in this trying period. Nigerians cannot continue to get killed in their homes unprovoked and we fold our arms. We cannot compensate for a life lost, we can only show support. We must do everything within our means to bring this barbaric killings to an end.
“We must go back to the Plateau we used to know. A Plateau where people from various parts of life come to organise events and enjoy the beauty of Plateau. I call on security agencies to collaborate and bring these perpetrators to justice,” the LP presidential flag bearer added.
This is as he told the people of Plateau of his unwavering support to end the killings, adding that Plateau was known to be the most peaceful state in Nigeria with a beautiful weather and serene environment.
Governor Mutfwang on his part wished the LP presidential candidate a happy birthday and thanked him for his visit to his state, noting that “Mangu has been in the news a lot because it was one of the most peaceful areas of the state.”
He pointed out that “loosing over 300 lives in the space of two months is a national disaster that must stop and so we are determined to fight to the end to ensure Plateau State remains the home of peace and tourism.
“You have changed the political landscape in Nigeria. We share a similar vision of a Nigeria that works where the children of the poor can also be recognised, where every Nigerian can sleep without fear of being killed. We as a government are committed to this task and we promise to do our best.”
Obi moved from the Government House to the paramount traditional ruler of Mangu where he donated 100 bags of rice and N5 million to the victims of Mangu attacks.
[DailyIndependent]
[OPINION] France: The myth of Liberté, Egalité, and Fraternité - Adekeye Adebajo
France often likes to pride itself as the heir of progressive regicidal revolutionaries, as enshrined in its national motto: liberté, égalité, and fraternité (liberty, equality, and fraternity). The recent riots in the country have, however, exposed the profound socio-economic fault-lines and dyed-in-the-wool racism of a country in deep denial. France historically used a perverse mission civilisatrice to engage in three centuries of brutal slavery in the Caribbean and the Americas, followed by a century of an often savage colonialism in Africa which culminated in one million Algerian deaths and a massacre in Madagascar. It has failed to offer a full apology, let alone pay reparations, for these atrocities. The last six decades have also witnessed an obstinate and often abusive neo-colonial political, military, and economic relationship with Africa, that is now fraying at the edges, as the Gallic Emperor’s nakedness is increasingly exposed.
Following the emergence of the video of the execution-style killing of a 17-year old Algerian-Moroccan-French youth, Nahel Merzouk, in broad daylight, by a French policeman at a traffic stop in a Parisian suburb, six nights of rioting erupted across Paris, Marseille, Lyon, Lille, Dijon, Toulouse, and Strasbourg. These attacks resulted in 3,700.arrests; 5,000 burned cars; 11,000 lit fires; 2,000 looted shops; and attacks on police stations, town halls, tax offices, and post offices: all seen as symbols of state oppression. The damages from these attacks reached an estimated €1 billion.
The officer who killed Nahel was charged with homicide. This occurred only because of video evidence of the motorist driving away from the policeman who had pointed a gun to Nahel’s head and threatened to shoot him. Before the video emerged, the French police had publicly lied that Nahel had driven straight at the policeman whom it alleged had acted in self-defence.
Marginalised Maghrebis, Brutalised Blacks
These events once again highlight the pent-up anger of brutalised and marginalised black and brown populations in France’s destitute banlieues (suburbs) which lack basic social services and decent schools, hospitals, and housing, despite half-hearted efforts at urban renewal and failed entrepreneurial projects. Also pertinent is the institutional racism of the French police and constant harassment of Maghrebi and black African youths living in impoverished housing estates. A culture of impunity is widespread among the French police in these communities, fanned by mainstream politicians, led by President Emmanuel Macron.
The anger of the rioters is so raw because black and brown youths know that, like Nahel, they could easily have been the one shot dead by the police. So many African and Maghrebi youths have died at the hands of French police under suspicious circumstances: Lamine Dieng (2007); Hakim Ajimi (2008); Amine Bentoussi (2012); Amadou Koumé (2015); Adama Traoré (2016); and Jean-Paul Benjamin (2022), are just a few in recent years. Nahel’s death was thus not unusual, which helps to contextualize the rage of the rioters. Since 2020, French police have killed 21 people in similar traffic stops as Nahel’s. Most of them have been black and brown citizens who are 20 times more likely to be stopped by police than their white compatriots. The trigger-happy French police are thus seen in these communities as a dangerous source of insecurity and terror, and not as public protectors. They serve the state, not local communities.
The Jupiterean Emperor
Rather than show sympathy and solidarity with the victim of this ghastly killing, France’s self-styled Jupiterean president, Emmanuel Macron, instead publicly embraced police chiefs, noting in a meeting: “We are with you,“ while praising the police’s apparent “professionalism”. Though at first describing Nahel’s shooting as “inexcusable”, Macron soon resorted to his reflexive machoism, deploying 45,000 police to deal with a situation that was being treated like a war against citizens wielding stones and fireworks. The French president has been tone-deaf to demands to call off his “mad dogs” unleashed against angry citizens in poor ghettos. Following the riots, fast-track judges in “kangaroo courts” were encouraged to dish out rapid jail sentences in sham trials in which the most basic tenets of the rule of law did not seem to have been observed. Over 380 people were jailed in the first two days of the riots: one 28-year old man was imprisoned for 10 months for stealing a can of Red Bull from a looted supermarket. This “expedited justice” has been contrasted with the 5-10 years it can take to achieve any prosecution of policemen who have killed unarmed black and brown citizens.
Rather than addressing the root causes of the genuine grievances that have triggered this violence, Macron has instead tried to distract attention away from the real issues. Playing the populist politician, he inanely suggested – similar to American right-wing conservatives who attack Hollywood for being the source of all youth delinquency – that video games and social media among youths had catalyzed these events. Acting like a tin-pot dictator, he then threatened to cut off social media which he accused of spreading hate. He patronizingly put the responsibility on Maghrebi and black parents to keep their children at home, using the dog whistle to reinforce the widely held stereotypical beliefs among the majority, of cultures that lack good morals, in a society that already widely considers brown and black people to be “backward” and not representative of “enlightened” French values.
Racist Politicians, Police, and People
In 2005, French police had chased three Maghrebi and black teenagers walking home after playing football into an electric substation, where two of them – Zyed Benna and Bouna Traoré – were electrocuted, triggering three weeks of riots. The breathtakingly insensitive interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy – recently sentenced to three years in prison for corruption and influence-peddling – had implied that the teenagers were thieves, as they were running from the police. He also described rioting Maghrebi and black youths as “scum.”
After the recent riots, French politicians again fell over themselves to put out a tough “law and order” message. Interior minister, Gérald Darmanin, noted that: “It’s the republic that will win, not the rioters”: language, dripping with vulgar jingoism, that was clearly intended as a coded message of a “civilized” republic under threat from foreign “barbarians”. Darmanin later made the extraordinary statement: “police violence doesn’t exist.” The right-wing head of the French Senate, Bruno Retailleau, also condemned second and third generation French migrants’ behavior, in racist terms, as “regression towards their ethnic roots.”
Not to be outdone, two of France’s police unions described rioters as ‘vermin’ and ‘savage hordes’ with whom they were ‘at war’.
The ill-disciplined French police appear to have inherited the colonial policing culture of the savage Algerian war (1954-1962) when torture and wanton murder of innocent civilians was widespread. The highly militarized police – long cited for human rights abuses and discriminatory behavior by the European Court of Human Rights, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Council of Europe, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and a plethora of domestic civil rights organisations – responded characteristically to the rioters with armoured personnel carriers, helicopters, stun grenades, and projectiles. A 2017 law making it easier for the police to use their weapons without necessarily having to justify it on the basis of self-defence, has virtually given the French police a sense it has a licence to kill. The country’s police has also been criticized for using excessive force against gilet jaunes (yellow vest) and anti-pension reform protesters.
Furthermore, it is important to note that 41% of the French population – a staggering 13 million people – voted for the openly racist, anti-immigration far-right Marine Le Pen in last year’s presidential election. An astonishing €1.6 million has been raised to support the murderous policeman’s legal defence fund, compared to the less than €200,000 for the family of his victim. Parts of the mainstream French media are also guilty of criminalizing black and brown people in their reporting. Many supposedly progressive French academics often condone police brutality against foreigners.
Of Leftists and Resisters
In stark contrast to the prejudiced narratives of many Gallic politicians and police, scores of French civic groups and left-wing politicians have demonstrated more understanding and sympathy for the plight of oppressed communities. Almost 100 trade unions, associations, and left-wing parties – including the Greens, and Unbowed France – marched in solidarity to demand police reforms after Nahel’s killing. Civil society groups such as SOS Racisme, the Defender of Rights, Mother’s Front, and Community House for Solidarity Development have gallantly fought for the voices of the marginalised to be heard, and for institutionalized racism within the police to be addressed through concrete reforms such as establishing an independent investigative body and conducting an independent audit of police racism. Their marches, letters, and petitions have, however, often gone unheeded.
Some French politicians have also resisted the populist urge, and spoken out against injustices. Nanterre Mayor, Patrick Jarry, noted the role that the lack of jobs, housing, and schooling play in fueling the rage in marginalised minority suburbs. The leader of Unbowed France, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, also accused the government of being scared of the police, and effectively backing its excesses.
Adieu to the Assimilationist Myth?
The fundamental problem of the French social model is that it insists on the myth of imaginary “universalist” values in which it bans the collecting of any race-based data, while pretending that racism does not exist. This is despite voluminous research showing the ever-widening gulf between down-trodden Maghrebi and black populations, and the rest of society. France insists on a “colour blind” society and derides Anglo-Saxon “multiculturalism,” but has ended up entrenching institutional racism and turning politically invisible and culturally marginalized black and brown minorities into second-class citizens. Its assimilationist policies have clearly proved counter-productive, as many minority communities continue to reject a mainstream culture that many feel have criminalized them and stripped them of their dignity and humanity. These events clearly demonstrate that the French model of citizenship is completely broken.
Professor Adebajo is a Senior Research Fellow at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship in South Africa.
[OPINION] Will the poor in Nigeria eventually breathe? - Abimbola Adelakun
In at least 70 recorded cases of police brutality in the United States, the victim cried out three words: I. Can’t. Breathe.
From Eric Garner in 2014 to George Floyd in 2020, people hogtied or put in a chokehold cried out those words but were ignored by officers who thought they were lying or exaggerating their distress. If they could still talk, they were still breathing. Such presumption of how far the police could stretch the thread of life caused many of them to be needlessly snapped. Those words would eventually become the rallying cry of the 2020 global #BlackLivesMatter protests.
That appeal for the breath of life has become another rallying cry. This time, in Nigeria, and against the strangulating economic policies of a government that seems bent on carrying out harsh economic reforms without either mitigation or assurance of how and when the pain will end. For a country where 63 percent of its population is officially classified as “multidimensionally poor,” far too many people are not breathing. All the time they have protested the chokehold, our leaders (and their arrogant spokespersons) took the wails as nothing more than outright lies, exaggeration, or mere expression of partisanship. As long as people can still talk, they cannot possibly be dying.
The cries for breath finally gained enough traction lately. “Let the poor breathe!” has become the contemporary slogan of Nigerians confronting galloping inflation and dwindling purchasing power. Given how virtually everyone is buffeted on all sides by a tottering economy and the concomitant rising unemployment and poverty, government aides cannot pettily chalk down the ongoing angst to “wailers” doing their thing. There is a crisis at hand, that much is clear to even the willfully blind. What is not evident so far is if the government thought through its policies to create well-structured plans to mitigate the hardship. Will the poor eventually breathe or the shock therapy will kill them?
Ironically, “let the poor breathe” was mouthed by Bola Tinubu, the very person whose administration rained down one harsh policy after the other. In an undated video circulating online you see him in his characteristic populist manner, asking the state to “let the poor breathe, don’t strangulate them.” Well, now that he is president and the appeal has become self-directed, we see how far from his mouth his heart is. Populism is cheap until you have to do the actual work of governance. Just like he loudly criticised former president Goodluck Jonathan on the removal of fuel subsidies only to go forward with the policy without either a coherent plan or even an adequate preparation for what would come afterwards, we are left wondering why the man who wanted the poor to breathe is raising the price of oxygen. By now, he has probably learned that governing a small territory like Lagos where the head of every key social and political actors have been forced in-between his thighs is not the same as ruling over the murky and unwieldy terrain called Nigeria. For someone who won the election almost five months ago, he has not even appointed a cabinet.
Let me be clear that some of the policies that have contributed to the hardship under Tinubu are not bad in themselves. Fuel subsidies, for instance, were long overdue for removal. As I have previously noted, asking the government to leave the subsidies and fight corruption instead is merely postponing the inevitable. The problem was the execution: abrupt removal rapidly compounded with taxes, and no clear plan to manage what would follow.
So far, nothing suggests that Tinubu planned for the fallouts of his policies and has the wherewithal—the intellectual and administrative means—to tidy up what he started. First, they promised a cash transfer of N8,000 per household for six months to mitigate the hardship unleashed by fuel subsidy removal, then his aides came out to clarify what everyone got wrong about the proposed intervention, and then finally announced their reversal of their plans. That indecisiveness does not demonstrate a certainty and purposiveness on their part. Like his predecessor who ended up thoroughly confused by the complexity of the Nigerian troubles that he simply gave up, Tinubu too is on his way to demystification.
These days, when you hear “let the poor breathe!” from Nigerians, it could be a genuine appeal for their survival, a sneer at the duplicity of the government whose interest in the poor does not run farther than the next election, or jeers at the folly of ever investing hope of economic and moral renewal in an unempathetic government. Unlike the African American victims of police brutality that were not taken seriously because they could still talk, the Nigerian government actually wants you to shout yourself to death. There is enough about their conduct and attitude to the public that demonstrates that they take some perverse pleasure in hearing Nigerians cry for breath.
In this same country where we are faced with skyrocketing food and energy costs, strangulating national debts servicing, and depreciating infrastructure, our leaders still manage to expropriate the oxygen of the impoverished for themselves. Look around Nigeria. Despite the crisis blowing up and causing genuine anxiety, the politically powerful and privileged are breathing just fine.
The lawmakers, for instance, will get a whopping N110bn to buy themselves SUV and other perks that will make their offices lush enough to make them forget what took them to the FCT in the first place. No matter how loudly we complain that they are draining our blood to pay for these privileges, they are not going to listen. If the poor dies, the poor dies! They did not become lawmakers because they had either an interest in the poor or were enamoured by the rigour that goes into debating laws. There are there because the office pays handsomely well, simple. There is little else to the enterprise of lawmaking in Nigeria than local politicians acquiring political and economic capital. That is why nobody ever sees them debate from any ideological angle eruditely, convincingly, and morally.
They are not alone. Several outgoing leaders who departed their respective offices on May 29 too will not release their chokehold on the nation. In four to eight years when they were in power, they took and took and took and gave nothing back. Interestingly, it is those who the least to show for their mandates that are carting away the most. There is some correlation between being lazy, unimaginative, and brazenly greedy. From Mrs. Aisha Buhari who demanded first ladies should also be officially apportioned retirement benefits, to the likes of former Benue governor Samuel Ortom whose officials carted away public resources, to recently retired service chiefs who will get humongous benefits, Nigerian leaders are a gluttonous lot. When it comes to self-enrichment and self-perpetuation in spaces of power, they can be more efficient than a factory machine. Ask them to transfer those skills to improve the lives of the poor, and they become genuinely confused.
In Nigeria, everyone shouts “let the poor breathe!” because “the poor” is no longer a distinct (and distant) category. Poverty is encroaching into everyone’s reality; each one of us is only a few steps away from being “the poor.” At this rate, it is only a matter of time and to what degree one’s social support networks can hold up. The resonance of demanding for breath for a race across continents is uncanny. From institutional racism to unimaginative government, something must kill the black man. If we are not held in an economic chokehold, we are hogtied by spiritual and social forces, beaten down by the anarchy in our societies until we lie prostrate with the foot of our leaders placed around our necks.
[OPINION] Emefiele, Bawa and Rule of Law - Olusegun Adeniyi
Former Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor, Godwin Emefiele, took a very big gamble last year by seeking the presidential ticket of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) while still in office. He raised the stakes even higher with a Naira redesign policy that was either not well thought-out or done with malicious intent. Incidentally, a certain AbdulRasheed Bawa was an enabler in what became a Naira confiscation policy. The suspended Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Chairman told Nigerians at the time that “with this redesigning, dollar may massively fall, who knows, probably to N200.”
At the end, the Naira redesign exercise will go down as one of the most atrocious policies ever implemented in the country. The dollar did not fall as predicted by Bawa. Instead, the colossal cost in human suffering resulted in countless lives lost to hunger and deprivation. Such was the level of desperation by Nigerians that many were forced into trade by barter as a medium of exchange. The Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE) estimated that the economy lost about N20 trillion to the scarcity of Naira. This despite warnings about potential pitfalls, including by the World Bank.
Risks are acceptable in policy decisions. But gambling can be dangerous. Borrowing from the thesis of the great German General Erwin Rommel, Robert Greene made a distinction between a gamble and a risk in his book ‘The 33 Strategies of War’. The difference, he wrote “is that with risk, if you lose, you can recover” while with a gamble, “defeat can lead to a slew of problems that are likely to spiral out of control”. Yet, as Greene also explained, “people are drawn into gambles by their emotions: they see only the glittering prospects if they win and ignore the ominous consequences if they lose. Taking risks is essential, gambling is foolhardy. It can be years before you recover from a gamble if you ever recover at all…”
That both Emefiele and Bawa took a gamble with the Naira redesign policy is beyond doubt. And my take on that was well documented on 16th March, in my column, ‘Nigeria: From Top to Bottom…’ President Muhammadu Buhari (always looking for ‘thieves’ to catch, even when they may be sitting close to him) owned the policy from the outset. He made a national broadcast in its defence and offered no attempt to hold anybody accountable. But Emefiele would have been wise to fall on his own sword the moment the Supreme Court declared the entire exercise illegal. Especially considering his earlier presidential misadventure. Notwithstanding, there is no reason to arrest and detain him without trial.
I am aware of the sundry allegations of unwholesome practices against Emefiele and Bawa. But until evidence is provided, we don’t have to dignify such tales. Meanwhile, unresolved issues regarding their fate remain. The first is whether President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has the power to remove them given provisions of the EFCC Act 2004 and the CBN Act 2007. Before I make my point, let me state that in 2014, during the controversy that trailed a similar suspension of Emefiele’s predecessor, Khalifa Muhammadu Sanusi II, I sided with President Goodluck Jonathan. Though I saw no justification for the suspension, I argued for the powers of a president, which Sanusi challenged at the time. And my position has not changed.
In the United States, from where we borrowed the presidential system of government, the Federal Reserve Chair (equivalent of our CBN Governor) is also insulated from presidential interference. The office holder reports to Congress. But in the campaign leading to the American 2012 presidential election, the stewardship of Mr. Ben Bernanke became an issue, especially among Republicans. Newt Gingrich and Herman Kane said they would fire the Fed Chair if elected president while Mitt Romney said he ‘wouldn’t keep Ben Bernanke in office,’ and would rather ‘choose someone of my own.’
I cited two US cases to buttress my position that they knew what they were saying, even when no Fed Chair had ever been removed before by an American President. One, suspension of Edwin M. Stanton as Secretary of War in 1865 by President Andrew Johnson after succeeding the assassinated President Abraham Lincoln (to whom he was VP) without recourse to Congress. At that time, the ‘Tenure of Office Act’ had restricted an American president from sacking any member of cabinet without the express approval of the Senate. I also cited the 1926 Supreme Court ruling in the Myers v. United States which affirmed the power of President Woodrow Wilson to remove Mr Frank S. Myers, a First-Class Postmaster in Portland, Oregon from office without congressional approval. Despite a federal law that expressly stated: “Postmasters of the first, second, and third classes shall be appointed and may be removed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate.”
In concluding one of the columns that I wrote on the Sanusi saga nine years ago, I referenced ‘The Second Treatise of Government: And A Letter Concerning Toleration’, where 17th century English philosopher, John Locke argued that the people sometimes allow “their rulers to do several things of their own free choice, where the law is silent…and their acquiescing in it when so done.” Whatever the law cannot provide for, according to Locke, “must necessarily be left to the discretion of him that has the executive power in his hands, to be ordered by him as the public good and advantage shall require…”
Given the foregoing, I have no problem with the suspension of Emefiele “sequel to the ongoing investigation of his office and the planned reforms in the financial sector of the economy.” But arresting and keeping him and Bawa incarcerated indefinitely is the hallmark of military dictatorship. Under democracy and the rule of law, accused persons are presumed innocent until evidence is adduced in a court of law to secure conviction. Whatever the allegations against Emefiele, detaining him and subjecting him to street gossip and media trial without the ability to defend himself is unfair and illegal. The same goes for Bawa.
It must be stated that the Emefiele saga did not begin under the current administration. It started during the dysfunctional government of President Buhari. In an exclusive story in February this year, PREMIUM TIMES blew the lid on why the Directorate of State Security (DSS) was after Emefiele. The report referenced an affidavit deposed to before the Federal High Court last December, by Mr Umar Salihu, an official of the DSS. According to the affidavit, “there is reasonable suspicion that the respondent (Emefiele) was involved in terrorism financing, aiding and abetting acts of terrorism, economic crimes of national security dimension and undermining the security of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.” Salihu said the DSS made the application so that Emefiele could be detained for 60 days, “pending the conclusion of ongoing investigation …”
Although no details were provided, the main kernel of the allegations surrounded Emefiele’s presidential ambition for which he was said to have procured vehicles and disbursed funds. These resources, the DSS alleged, were “being channelled into funding of Unknown Gunmen, Eastern Security Network (ESN) and elements of IPOB, a proscribed organisation.”
It is interesting that the DSS made these damaging allegations against Emefiele as a sitting CBN Governor whose access to President Buhari was never at any point denied. That fact was not lost on the court. In throwing out the DSS’ application on 9th December 2022, Justice John Tsoho said the request being sought ought to have been preceded by arrest. “This is not the situation here, as Godwin Emefiele, the CBN governor was shown on television, even last night, having an audience with the President of Nigeria,” the judge said. “It therefore seems that the applicant (DSS) intends to use the court as a cover for an irregular procedure which is unacceptable.”
Like Emefiele, Bawa was suspended more than a month ago by President Tinubu “to allow for proper investigation into his conduct while in office”, following “weighty allegations of abuse of office levelled against him.” Bawa was subsequently arrested and has since been detained by the DSS. Till today, Nigerians do not know what those “weighty allegations” are. But let’s come back to Emefiele. Following a court order that he be properly charged or released, DSS has come up with the accusation of possessing a gun and 23 rounds of live ammunition, apparently just to fulfill all righteousness. Pray, how do these relate to terrorism and financial crimes on which the entire drama was initially premised?
Given the needless hardship to which Nigerians were subjected during the Naira redesign fiasco, it is understandable that there is little sympathy for Emefiele. But this issue is not about his person. At stake are fundamental freedoms of a citizen and abuse of power. Tuesday’s Twitter post from the DSS official handle mocking one of the lawyers defending Emefiele with incendiary comments can be described as nothing but bad faith. And it is unfortunate. One of the major tragedies of Nigeria is that officials and institutions that are ordinarily supposed to uphold the law most often see themselves being above the law. Yet, the rule of law is founded on the principle that every citizen, no matter highly placed and regardless of the position they hold, is subject to the law. The same goes for public institutions.
No matter the offence for which a citizen may be charged, revenge is not the same thing as justice and state institutions should not be seen to be promoting such perversion. President Tinubu has spent the better part of his political career mouthing defence of fundamental freedoms for citizens. It would be tragic for the government he now heads to exhibit traits antithetical to those ideals. “He (Tinubu) was at the forefront as a NADECO man to chastise military governments for disobeying court orders. Now that power is in his hand, we will see whether he, himself will obey court orders,” a former Nigeria Bar Association (NBA) President, Joseph Daudu, SAN said last Thursday. I share his point of view.
President Tinubu’s disruptive policy measures may ultimately be for the good of the country, but his government needs all the support it can get at this most vulnerable period. Nigerians are going through a very difficult period. The inflation rate jumped from 22.4 percent in May to 22.8 in June, according to data released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) on Monday. By Tuesday, the pump price of petrol had gone haywire with a litre selling for between N617 and N630 thus increasing the woes of the ordinary people. Any suggestion of dictatorship will be most unhelpful under the present circumstance. In the public arena, as Senate President Godswill Akpabio reminded the new Governor of Akwa Ibom recently, “100 friends, not enough; one enemy, too many.” I hope presidential handlers can appreciate that.
Emefiele may deserve a comeuppance for the choices he made as CBN Governor and for getting so caried away as to imagine he could use his office to secure Nigeria’s presidency through the backdoor. But those are issues for another day. What we are dealing with in this unfortunate saga is the abuse of due process of the law, an affront on the fundamental rights of citizens, and authoritarian impulses by a critical state institution. No matter how ‘weighty’ the allegations against them, and regardless of how we view their stewardship, Emefiele and Bawa deserve their day in court. Or be released from detention!
Chidi Amuta at 70
Come Monday, I intend joining the family of Dr Chidi Amuta and a few friends in Lagos at the dinner to mark his 70th birthday. We had to convince him before he agreed to the ceremony. Teacher, writer, journalist, and public intellectual, Amuta has been one of my most invaluable professional mentors from whom I have learnt a lot. He is also a member of THISDAY editorial board and a national asset.
Amuta started his career as a lecturer at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, in 1979 (he graduated from the University with a First Class) before moving to the University of Port-Harcourt in 1981 as a Senior Lecturer in the Department of English. He was at various times a Visiting Fellow, Fletcher School of Law & Diplomacy, Boston USA; founding editorial board member, The Guardian newspaper; Director, Imo State Directorate for Rural Development (DIFRI); Group Editorial Adviser and Chairman Editorial Board, Daily Times; Managing Director, Post Express Newspapers and Executive Director, Tanus Communications. He has also authored several books, including ‘Towards A Sociology of African Literature’, ‘The Theory of African Literature: Implications for Practical Criticism’, ‘Prince of the Niger: The Babangida Years’ and ‘Writing the Wrong: A Collection of Articles’. Incidentally, at the public presentation of ‘Writing the Wrongs’ nine years ago, I was the reviewer. In that review, I spoke about Amuta’s attention to detail, his curiousity and sense of humour.
I can recall some of his columns that distinguish him as a writer. ‘Give Us the Mad Cows’ for instance dramatizes the vexation in some countries about the mental state of some cows that were bound for the pots of soup anyway. And here is the opener: “…a veteran of the ‘tombo bar’ accosted me the other day. He had just heard about these mad cows from somebody who heard it from somebody who happens to know somebody else who has the unhealthy habit of reading newspapers. The Nigerian chain of information control and command, for your information, is a mixture of oral tradition and enlightened rumour in print. The subject was infuriating to him: that any group of rational adults should allow their public discourse and political energies to be hijacked by, of all subjects, mad cows…”
As Dr Amuta joins the elite septuagenarian club on Monday, I can only wish him happy birthday, long life and good health.
2023 Teens Conference
Online registration for the 2023 edition of the teens career conference of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, The Everlasting Arms Parish (TEAP) continues. With the theme, ‘Wake Up and Take Responsibility’, Chairman of both UBA and Heirs Holdings, Mr Tony Elumelu, CFR, is being joined on 19th August by two British women, Ms Dorota Oakley Matuszyk and Ms Juliet Lamin as speakers. Like previous editions, this year’s conference will bring together teenagers from Abuja and its environs, to listen to expert advice on career choices in today’s dynamic and challenging world.
Specifically, the objectives of the conference are to: Teach teenagers to take responsibility for their future; have their imagination fired through interaction with accomplished professionals in the society; make them realize that no matter the odds, they can reach their goals, and get them to understand that God still intervenes in the affairs of men. It is usually a day of fun with music, food, and drinks while attendance is completely free of charge. But intending participants must register online by visiting www.rccgteapteens.ng
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APC National Chairman: CPC Bloc Loses Out As Tinubu Settles For Ganduje
There were indications yesterday that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the governors on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC) may have endorsed immediate past Kano State governor, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, as replacement for the erstwhile national chairman of the party, Abdullahi Adamu.
With the development, it is likely that the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) bloc which produced former President Muhammadu Buhari may have again taken a back seat in the scheme of things in the party’s leadership.
LEADERSHIP had reported on Tuesday that former governor of Nasarawa State, Senator Umaru Tanko Al-Makura, who is an ardent member of the CPC bloc, and Senator Sani Musa from Niger State were being considered as possible replacements for Adamu.
However, it was learnt last night that despite pressure on President Tinubu to retain the chairmanship position in the North Central, he settled for Ganduje, apparently to pacify the North West zone which had insisted on producing the Senate President of the 10th Assembly.
It was also gathered that four APC governors, including chairman of the Progressive Governors Forum (PGF) and Imo State governor, Hope Uzodimma; his Kwara State counterpart and two others led to meet with Tinubu at the presidential villa yesterday.
At the meeting, the president was said to have briefed the former Kano governor of the plan to make him APC national chairman, instead of minister as earlier planned.
According to reports, Ganduje who had made Tinubu’s ministerial list was asked to nominate someone as his replacement from Kano State.
The news of Adamu and Omisore’s resignation broke on Sunday night but was not confirmed until Monday after the National Working Committee (NWC) meeting of the party.
A source within the party who confirmed the development said the choice of Ganduje as the new chairman would be unveiled at the party’s National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting which was postponed indefinitely on Monday.
It was also learnt that a former Senate spokesman in the 9th Assembly, Senator Ajibola Basiru, from Osun State has been tipped to replace the erstwhile party’s national secretary, Iyiola Omisore, who tendered his resignation letter alongside Adamu.
On the choice of Ganduje as the next APC chairman, an online paper quoted a source as saying: “President Tinubu has settled for the former Kano state governor Ganduje to replace Senator Abdullahi Adamu as the party’s national chairman.
“The President had listed Ganduje as one of the nominees for ministerial appointment but because of his trust and confidence in the former governor, President Tinubu has to change his mind and asked two governors (Governor Hope Uzodimma and the Kwara state governor) to persuade Ganduje into another assignment.
“The president also asked him (Ganduje) to nominate another person from Kano for the ministerial job. I can confirm to you that four serving governors of APC, including Imo and Kwara governors led the former governor Ganduje to a meeting with the President on Wednesday afternoon. The purpose of that meeting was for President Tinubu to brief Ganduje directly about the new assignment.”
But speaking after a meeting of the APC governors at Imo Goverors Lodge last night, chairman of the PGF, Governor Uzodimma refused to comment on the development.
Addressing journalists after the meeting, Uzodimma neither confirmed nor denied that Ganduje had been contacted to become the next national chairman of the party.
When confronted with the question he simply ended the interview with journalists and joined his colleagues as they left the Lodge.
Deputy national chairman of the party, Senator Abubakar Kyari, had on Monday announced Adamu’s exit as chairman after a meeting of the party’s National Working Committee (NWC) at the party’s national secretariat, Abuja.
He said, “We are here to address the happenings and recent developments regarding the party. The NWC wishes to inform you about the resignation of the National Chairman Senator Abdullahi Adamu and that of the National Secretary, Senator Iyiola Omisore.
“My humble self as the deputy national chairman (North) to assume the office of the acting national chairman, consequently too, the deputy national secretary, Barrister Festus Fuanter, will now assume the office of acting national secretary of the All Progressives Congress.”
He also said the proposed national caucus and NEC meetings slated for today and tomorrow have been postponed.
He said, “With the recent development, we implore everybody here that the proposed National Caucus and National Executive Committee meetings slated for July 18 and 19, 2023 are hereby postponed. This postponement is not indefinite. A new date will be communicated in the nearest future”.
He also refuted reports suggesting that the presidency and the party may have deployed operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission to arrest Adamu and Omisore.
He stated: “There are no allegations against them. Both of them resigned voluntarily and that is what is available at this moment. The details of their resignation will be made known to you in the nearest future”.
Adamu reportedly tendered his resignation letter on Sunday on the orders of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
It became clear that Adamu had resigned his position as national chairman when Kyari, who arrived at the party’s national secretariat at about 10:35am, led a team of seven other members of the NWC to a meeting in his office.
Kyari’s official car was also parked in the space reserved for the national chairman.
The former national secretary, Omisore, who arrived at the national secretariat at about 11:20am was said to have been barred from the ongoing NWC meeting.
Omisore, who left the secretariat as soon as he came in, said he was going to meet Adamu, noting that he did not know why the former Nasarawa governor was not at the secretariat.
APC Govs Say Nigerians Suffering Over Hardship Caused By Subsidy Removal
Governors elected on the platform of the All Progressive Congress(APC) have announced plans to meet with the Bola Tinubu-led federal government to seek a quick solution to the hardship caused by the recent removal of fuel subsidy in the country.
The chairman of the Progressive Governors’ Forum, Governor Hope Uzodimma of Imo State, revealed this after a meeting of the APC governors in Abuja on Wednesday night.
Uzodimma admitted that although the removal of fuel subsidy will result in increased federal allocation to states, the subnational governments will ensure they support the federal government to ameliorate the pains of the masses.
During the meeting, the APC Governors emphasized their commitment to addressing the current hardships caused by the fuel price increase.
They reassured citizens that the subnational governments are actively collaborating with the federal government to find effective solutions to ease the burden on the citizens.
Governor Uzodimma, while addressing newsmen after the meeting, said, “On the upcoming FAAC, we are aware that as a result of the removal of fuel subsidy, it will increase the volume of money that will be received in our purses during the Federation Account meeting and we are working with the Federal Government to ensure that it is utilized in a manner that the citizens are happy and the economy of the country will be protected.
“The current hardship occasioned by the price increase is being addressed. The subnational governments are working with the Federal Government and on Thursday there will be a meeting of the National Economic Council to cross the “t” and dot the “i’s”.
“We understand the concerns of Nigerians regarding the removal of fuel subsidy, and we are working diligently to ensure that the impact on the people is minimized. The increase in revenue from the removal of the subsidy will be used responsibly to benefit our citizens and protect the nation’s economy.”
The governors also addressed the recent developments within the APC, clarified that there is no crisis in the party despite the recent resignation of the party’s National Chairman, Abdullahi Adamu, and Secretary, Senator Iyiola Omisore.
The governors reiterated that the APC remains united and focused on delivering meaningful progress to the citizens.
They appreciated the former National Chairman and Secretary, recognizing their contributions to the party’s growth and development.
The governors will be meeting with Vice President Kashim Shettima at the National Economic Council meeting chaired by him, where they will further discuss strategies and initiatives to support Nigerians during the challenging times.
They assured that the welfare of the people remains their top priority, and every effort will be made to ensure that the impact of the subsidy removal is managed in a way that benefits all Nigerians.
The governors also encouraged citizens to remain patient and assured them that the palliative measures being developed in partnership with the Federal Government would soon come into effect.
They hoped that the measures would alleviate the financial strains caused by the subsidy removal and foster economic stability and growth across the nation.
The meeting hosted by Imo State governor had in attendance, Dapo Abiodun of Ogun state; Umar Bago (Niger); Francis Nwifuru (Ebonyi); Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq (Kwara); Acting Ondo state Governor, Lucky Ayedatiwa; Rev. Fr. Hyacinth Alia (Benue), Uba Sani (Kaduna); Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos); Mai Mala Buni (Yobe) and Dikko Radda (Katsina) and Bassey Otu (Cross Rivers).
I’m innocent, ‘ll fight — Tobi Amusan responds to suspension
Following her suspension by the Athletics Integrity Unit (AIU) for missing drug tests, Oluwatobiloba Amusan has vowed to challenge and resolve the charges against her before next month’s World Athletics Championship in Budapest.
According to Amusan, she is a clean athlete and regularly tested by the AIU.
The 26-year-old is looking to defend her title at next month’s World Athletics Championship in Budapest.
Recall Amusan revealed in the early hours of Wednesday that she had been charged with an alleged rule violation for missing three drug tests in the span of 12 months.
She wrote on her Instagram handle.: “Today the Athletics Integrity Unit (AIU) has charged me with an alleged rule violation for having 3 missed tests in 12 months.
“I am a CLEAN athlete, and I am regularly (maybe more than usual) tested by the AIU,” she wrote, in referencing the Athletics Integrity Unit, which oversees doping issues in international track and is the agency that charged her with the violation.
She said, “Today the Athletics Integrity Unit (AIU) has charged me with an alleged rule violation for having 3 missed tests in 12 months.
“I intend to fight this charge and will have my case decided by a tribunal of 3 arbitrators before the start of next month’s World Championships.”
According to the AIU, an athlete who misses tests within a period of 12 months is guilty of anti-doping rule violation, and the penalty includes suspension for two years, which may be reduced to a minimum of one year depending on the degree of fault.
Missing three doping tests can result in a two-year ban, though exceptions can be made for different circumstances.
Amusan enjoyed a superb run of form and set the current world record for the women’s 100m hurdles of 12.12 seconds at last year’s World Athletics Championships in Oregon and a World title that followed in a record time of 12.06, but that time did not go into the record books because there was too strong a tailwind.
“When I watched the record, I was like ‘Whoa, who did that?’” Amusan said of her reaction upon seeing her time pop up on the scoreboard.
She also retained her Commonwealth Games title with a new Games’ record of 12.30s and defended her Diamond League title in a record-breaking season that saw her set impressive records and win the Nigerian, African, Commonwealth, World, and Diamond League titles.
It’s Criminal, Obnoxious To Compare Niger Delta Agitators To Northern Bandits — Clark
Foremost Niger Delta leader, Chief Edwin Clark, has criticized the comparison of what he considers legitimate agitators of the region to “blood-sucking bandits” in the north, describing it as not only obnoxious but also criminal.
Speaking at a press conference in Abuja on Wednesday, he stated that those who suggest such a comparison are displaying ignorance and myopic thinking.
He specifically objected to the positions of former Zamfara State governor, Sani Yerima, and the Kaduna-based Islamic cleric, Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who argued for the federal government to grant amnesty to the bandits in the northwest, similar to the Niger Delta militants.
“My first reaction to those who compare the murderous, blood-sucking bandits from the northern part of the country with the legitimate agitators from the Niger Delta is one of pity for their ignorance of national affairs and their myopic thinking,” he said.
Chief Clark commended the Arewa Youth Consultative Forum (AYCF) for condemning Yerima’s advice. However, he expressed regret over what he deemed an unfortunate statement credited to the new Chief of Army Staff, Major General Taoreed Lagbaja.
The Army Chief had suggested a review of the Niger Delta Amnesty programme, expressing concerns that it has provided an opportunity for “re-organizing and launching attacks on defenceless citizens.”
In response, Clark stated, “The statement of the Chief of Army Staff comes across to me as a proposal for scrapping the amnesty granted to legitimate agitators for a better life and environment by the Niger Delta youths.” He warned against such a move, as he believed it could ignite a fresh crisis in the region.
We Were Not Aware Of Tinubu’s Drug-Related Forfeiture Of $460,000 Before 2023 Election - INEC
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has told the Presidential Election Petitions Court sitting in Abuja that it was unaware of the over 20-year old United States District Court judgment which ordered President Bola Tinubu to forfeit $460,000 suspected to be proceeds of narcotics trade.
According to INEC, the case was not brought to its attention prior to the 2023 presidential election.
This was contained in its final written address filed by its lead counsel, A.B. Mahmoud SAN, against the petition filed by the presidential candidate of the Labour party, Mr Peter Obi.
In one of the grounds of Obi’s petition which seeks the removal of President Tinubu, his legal team led by Dr Livy Uzoukwu SAN stated that Tinubu was at the time of the election not qualified to contest for election to the office of President as he was fined the sum of $460,000.00 (Four-Hundred and Sixty Thousand United States Dollars) for an offence involving dishonesty, namely narcotics trafficking, imposed by the United
States District Court, Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division, in Case No: 93C 4483 titled “UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, v. Plaintiff FUNDS IN ACCOUNT 263226700 HELD BY FIRST HERITAGE BANK, IN THE NAME OF BOLA TINUBU.”
They had urged the PEPC to disqualify Tinubu on that ground, among other prayers.
But in its final written address obtained by THE WHISTLER, INEC’s lead counsel, Mahmoud, maintained that the said forfeiture order was not brought to the attention of the Commission (especially by the petitioners) prior to the election.
“On the alleged imposition of fine on the 2nd Respondent(TInubu) by the United States District Court in Case No: 93C 4483, the case of the 1st Respondent(INEC) is simply that same was not brought to its attention,” he stated.
However, he told the PEPC that the 1999 Constitution provides that the fine that disqualifies one from running for president must be associated with a court sentence.
“However, Section 137 (1) (d) of the Constitution, which provides for the sentence of fine as a disqualifying factor in
respect of a Presidential Candidate, states as follows;
“(1) A person shall not be qualified for election to the office of President
if- (d.) he is under a sentence of death imposed by any competent court of law or tribunal in Nigeria or a sentence of imprisonment or fine for any offence involving dishonesty or fraud (by whatever name called) or for any other offence, imposed on him by any court or tribunal or substituted by a competent authority for any other sentence imposed on him by such a court or tribunal;” he added.
Mahmoud argued that in the 1999 constitution, the prescription of “fine” as a disqualifying factor for a Presidential candidate is hinged on a “sentence.”
He contended that in line with testimonies of a number of witnesses at the proceedings, the US case was a “civil forfeiture proceedings” and there was no charge or conviction.
“Thus, the Petitioners failed to prove this allegation and we urge the court to so hold.
“We urge the court to resolve this issue in favour of the 1st Respondent and hold
that the 2nd (Tinubu)and 3rd Respondents(Kashim Shettima) were qualified,” he stated.
The learned silk urged the PEPC to also agree with the submissions of the lawyers representing Tinubu, Kashim Shettima and All Progressives Congress, regarding the matter.
They maintained that the US judgment was not a criminal conviction.
“On the issue of the order of forfeiture by the United States District Court, they(Tinubu, APC) contend that there was no criminal charge, sentence or conviction to support the allegation of criminal conviction or forfeiture. They further contended that the alleged order of forfeiture being that of a foreign court is not registered in Nigeria to be enforceable and is in fact now over 20 years since the alleged order was made.”