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Governor Hyacinth Alia of Benue State has the 23 Local Government council chairmen remain suspended until the probe against them is concluded.

He said this while reacting to the claims the council chairmen at a press briefing in Makurdi, the state capital, on Saturday.

At the briefing, the council chairmen vowed not to obey the state government’s directive to quit their offices.


Reacting through his spokesman, Tersoo Kula, Alia said they were suspended for investigation purposes, not sacked.

The governor premised his action on the advice of the state assembly.

He said, “Recall that the Benue State House of Assembly had during plenary session on Tuesday, June 20, 2023, recommended for the suspension of all the 23 local government chairmen as well as their various legislative arms over corruption allegations.

“The recommendations were upheld by the state executive and the chairmen directed to hand over their offices to the various DGSAs of their councils.”

Alia expressed surprise that the council chairmen chose to react the way they did.

He denied knowledge of any court judgment, saying even if there was any, it was merely speculative, especially that a cause of action had not arisen as at the time the chairmen were talking about a court order or judgement.

He said, “So, even if there existed a court order not to sack council chairmen, at least there is none barring anyone from investigating them.

“But are they really insulated from appropriate sanctions by the extant constitutional provisions? They should come to equity with clean hands. Perhaps, they may have been misled into assuming that they are entitled to political immunity as ‘elected’ council chairmen.”

Alia therefore urged the council chairmen to be patient, as they will get the opportunity to defend themselves before the House of Assembly committee.


He stated that those who did not soil their hands would be reinstated but insisted that they remain suspended from office, pending the outcome of the investigation.

Some 3 weeks to the swearing-in of the winners of the last general elections in Nigeria, the Catholic Archbishop Emeritus of Abuja, John Cardinal Onaiyekan argued that the country’s electoral system ought to be reviewed to bring to an end the practice which allows another round of contest after winners of an election had been inaugurated. In the words of Onaiyekan,”it is not right to have a system that is constantly contested.”

Put differently, contests should end before governance begins. Many people especially supporters of the acclaimed victorious parties who felt the argument did not favour them attacked the frontline clergy. What such supporters want in earnest is a cancellation of election petitions which they see as running against the spirit of sportsmanship. For them, everyone should congratulate their own favoured winner who should then set up an inclusive government. 

What the winners of an election and their supporters appear to be suggesting is that how a winner emerges is irrelevant – a posture of ‘all is well that ends well’ which is visibly antithetical to democratic practice. Of course, it would be unfair to allow any fake winner to assume office or be allowed to remain there after having found his victory to be defective. As a result, the judiciary ought to vigorously review any disputed election and discourage political jobbers from getting into leadership positions in government. At the same time, the settlement of election disputes which may lead to the removal of persons who had been allowed to hold office, no matter for how brief, is untidy and should be discouraged.

 

The way out is not just to have election tribunals that would courageously identify and declare the rightful winners; but that would also expeditiously conclude the assignment between the period of voting and swearing-in of winners. After all, in recent times, election petitions have been concluded under 14 days in smaller African nations such as Kenya, Malawi and Angola. As foremost activist, Femi Falana has been asking, is there any reason why Nigeria cannot do same? Why are many party loyalists always anxious to sweep plenty of dust under the carpet by calling on petitioners to withdraw their election petitions supposedly in the public interest? Do fake elections benefit society? Again, why are Nigerian patriots not insisting that their nation should follow global realities?

Against this backdrop, let’s recall two examples of questionable calls.In Delta state, one political chieftain, Nick Ovuakporie called on Senator Ovie Omo Agege, the APC flagbearer in the last governorship election in the state,to drop his election petition and congratulate governor Sheriff Oborevwori in what he called the spirit of sportsmanship. Is it not surprising that it is in a state where the winner emerged with a huge margin that such a call was made?

At the federal level, a former coordinator in the then APC Campaign Council, Ene Ogbole, would also want Atiku Abubakar of the PDP and Peter Obi of the Labour Party to withdraw their election petitions and join what she described as President Bola Tinubu’s proposed government of national unity and inclusive government. Whatever may be the motivation of the callers, sorting out election grievances legally is certainly a better option for the country. 

The gains of election petitions, when well-handled, are numerous. One of such gains is the capacity to attain the justice in any of the cases presented. Peter Obi was the first to enjoy the gain of reclaiming his mandate as governor of Anambra State, after the 2003 elections which political harvesters had seized. After the 2007 elections, former governorship candidates in Edo, Ekiti and Osun states were similarly assisted by relevant election tribunals to regain their mandates from the hitherto almighty PDP. It should also be noted that it was through the work of an election tribunal that a defect in the credentials of a deputy governorship candidate was used to stop the otherwise victorious APC flag bearer David Lyon from forming the government of Bayelsa state after the 2019 elections. What this latter case established is that the victory of a candidate with the highest number of votes at an election, can be set aside on account of any infraction or legal disability.    

Nigeria’s political party system is exceedingly weak. Whereas it is political parties that promote democratic practices in other climes, the irony is that in Nigeria, political parties lack internal democracy. As the history of elections in the country has shown, most Nigerian political parties, especially the ruling parties often devote huge energies on how they can win elections through the circumvention of rules. Whatever little gains the parties have made so far were largely imposed on them by election tribunals. Surprisingly, notwithstanding the nullification of party primaries organized by the APC for the 2019 elections in Rivers State, the same party had to forfeit all its election victories in Zamfara State.The combined calamity suffered by the APC in Bayelsa, Zamfara and Rivers states suggests that the settlement of election disputes must never be halted because our politicians are not ready to follow the democracy that is premised on the rule of law.

The performance of Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission is no doubt one of the reasons why every election petition should be allowed to run its full course. It is during the proceedings of election petitions that the searchlight is usually beamed on the shoddy behaviour of the electoral body. Failure to begin voting day process on schedule, lack of understanding of the process by INEC officials and inadequacy of men and materials during elections are usually laid bare at the tribunal hearings. Indeed, election tribunals have helped in a few cases where rogue officials showed that electoral malpractices can also be committed or aided by senior academics who are supposed to be the nation’s models. Reports from proceedings in election tribunals on the 2023 polls that strange images were wrongly uploaded in place of results confirm the expedience of allowing the tribunals to work.

Unfortunately, some of the tribunals have not done well at all. They so much cherish pursuing technicalities making them appear to the public as paid agents of some politicians. In other cases, their verdicts confuse the public; a good example being the Osun governorship election in 2018, where the candidate with the highest votes lost because one of the members of the tribunal was allegedly absent once during the proceedings.

There is also the case of the Imo governorship election where the tribunal at the highest level declared a candidate winner with more votes than voters. Also memorable, are cases where non-aspirants became candidates in the senatorial elections. However, although some politicians have successfully used the judiciary to win elections in the past, it is only fair to make the point that it is not every judge that is part of the corrupt cabal in the Judiciary. Hopefully, the exposure of scandalous verdicts would sooner or later curtail excesses in the judiciary. 

Perhaps the greatest gain of election petitions is the opportunity the option offers to politicians to follow the due process of law. In times past, many politicians had more faith in extra-judicial methods. Those were the days when opponents were assassinated in broad daylight thereby frightening away decent citizens from participating in politics and elections. If the example of candidate Muhammadu Buhari is anything to go by, there is nothing wrong in ventilating one’s electoral grievances in the approved courts several times. Buhari doggedly did so about 3 times even when he was abandoned by his political party and no one dissuaded him from continuing.

Accordingly, those calling on aggrieved citizens to abandon their election petitions in the spirit of good sportsmanship greatly miss the point because their advocacy will never offer free and fair election from which visionary leaders will emerge and initiate viable policies to develop Nigeria. Besides, the calls portray a myopic viewpoint that democracy is basically same as government whereas the latter is only part of the former. The best democracy is not that in which the winner of an election accommodates all his opponents in his government; instead, such opponents should form a viable opposition to canvass alternative policies and serve as a check on government for the benefit of society.

 

 

No fewer than 22,032 Nigerians were reportedly killed from March 2021 to June 2023 during the period the Service Chiefs who were fired by President Bola Tinubu on Monday held sway.

 

10,324 citizens were also abducted during the period under review, according to reports.

The Tinubu administration came into office at a time when the security of lives and property, which is among the primary purpose of government, was at its worst in the nation’s history.

Since the administration was inaugurated on May 29, attacks by gunmen, among other non-state actors, have reportedly claimed over 220 lives and 172 persons abducted.

On June 11, in Plateau State, a gunman, according to reports, shot dead at least 21 people and, on June 9, gunmen killed 25 people in Katako village, before killing another 13 individuals in Kusherki town on June 10.

Boko Haram/ISWAP firefighters, bandits, unknown gunmen, robbers, kidnappers, cultists, and gunmen were the non-state actors who killed Nigerians the most.

As part of the measures to rejig the country’s security architecture and halt the trend, Tinubu, on Monday, retired Lucky Irabor, Chief of the Defence Staff (CDS); Farouk Yahaya, Chief of the Army Staff (CoAS); Awwal Gambo, Chief of the Naval Staff (CNS); Isiaka Amao, Chief of the Air Staff (CAS); and the Inspector General of Police (IGP), Usman Alkali.

The President appointed in their stead, Maj. Gen. C.G Musa, CDS; Maj. Gen. T. A. Lagbaja, CoAS; Rear Admiral E. A. Ogalla, CNS; AVM H.B. Abubakar, CAS; and DIG Kayode Egbetokun, Acting IGP.

While Egbetokun has since resumed duties in his new position, the new Service Chiefs will have to wait until July when the Senate will resume plenary to confirm their appointments.

Civilians bear brunt

Out of the reported deaths in 2022, 3,972 civilians were killed by non-state actors, representing 87.4 per cent of the total deaths.

For this report, quasi-security outfits established by state governments, LGAs and communities were classified as vigilantes and were not spared by non-state actors in the period under review as 154 of them were killed.

Those employed as security guards for individuals and organisations had their share of onslaught as 14 of them were killed in 2022.

 

Security operatives, who are at the war front in the fight against insurgency, recorded some casualties in the same period as 202 soldiers and 186 police officers were reportedly killed.

39 priests killed, 30 abducted

Latest reports by SBM Intelligence, a socioeconomic research firm, showed that no fewer than 39 Catholic priests were killed by gunmen, while 30 others were abducted in 2022 alone.

In the report titled ‘Attacks on Priests’, the geopolitical research organisation said a total of 37 attacks on Catholic priests took place across the country last year. Out of the 37 attacks, 145 casualties were recorded of which 39 were deaths, 30 were abductions.

2,558 killed, 1,044 abducted in 6 months

 

Data gathered from Council on Foreign Relations, SBM Intelligence, Stefanos Foundation, and news reports revealed that between January and June 2023 alone recorded 324 instances of attacks from across the country, resulting in 2,558 deaths and 1,044 abductions.

North tops chart
In examining the disaggregated data on violent incidents in the first quarter of 2023, the report confirmed the popular opinion that each region of Nigeria is beguiled by a peculiar type of violent incident.

Overall, more violent incidents were recorded in the northern part of the country than in the South. Of the 1,230 deaths recorded, there were at least 932 violent killings in the North representing 75.77 per cent of the total killed; in contrast to the South where at least 298 were killed representing 24.23 per cent of the recorded figure.

An in-depth breakdown of the data further reveals that banditry and Boko-Haram/ISWAP are a form of terror up North that contributed the largest number of victims, with the North-Central suffering the heaviest number of casualties due to mostly herdsmen activities in Benue, Plateau and Nasarawa States.

While the North-East had at least 312 casualties, the North-West had 289 casualties. In the South, however, a combined 140 deaths in the South-East were attributed mostly to violent secessionist activities, South-South had at least 88 killed while 70 were recorded killed in the South-West.

9,076 lives lost, 4,680 abducted in 2022
As many as 9,076 lives were lost to the violent incidents that unsettled Nigeria last year under the watch of Irabor and co, and 4,680 people were victims of abduction.

Some of the most notorious incidents from 2022 include the terror attack on the Abuja-Kaduna train in March that led to several deaths and the abduction of over 60 passengers; the massacre of congregants at St Francis Catholic Church in Ondo in June; and the raid of the medium-security custodial facility in Kuje, Abuja, in July that led to hundreds of inmates breaking out.

Overall, at least 3,941 civilian deaths were recorded with various security agencies losing 477 personnel last year. Meanwhile, there was an increase in election violence, with 22 election-related fatalities and an additional 31 political actors killed. Non-state actors suffered heavy casualties as well, with 2,020 Boko Haram/ISWAP members and 2,483 other armed criminals reportedly killed.

Sunday Vanguard gathered that Borno, Zamfara, Niger, Kaduna, and Katsina states had the highest death tolls, while Ekiti, Gombe, Adamawa, Kano, and Akwa Ibom had the lowest.

When it comes to abductions, Kaduna, Niger, Zamfara, Katsina, and Sokoto were the worst performers, while Gombe, Osun, Lagos, Adamawa, Jigawa, and Kano recorded the lowest numbers of victims.

On the zonal level, the North-West recorded the highest number of reported death tolls with 1,524 killings, followed by the North-Central with 1,390; the North-east had 660; the South-East recorded 449; South-South had 276; while South-West recorded the least figure with 246.

In terms of reported abductions, the northern part of the country recorded the highest number of people abducted by non-state actors with 3,902, representing 84.5 per cent of the total reported across the country. The southern region recorded 714 reported abductions, representing 15.5 per cent.

South-West safest

Sunday Vanguard observed that the South-West recorded the least reported death toll among the six zones of the federation. The combination of the six states in the zone recorded 246 deaths. The South-South had the second lowest reported death toll as 276 people were reportedly killed by non-state actors in the zone.

In the southern region of the country, the South-East recorded the highest number of reported death tolls as 449 people were killed in the zone. Activities of those who are dubbed as ‘unknown gunmen’ increased in the South-East as they unleashed terror on police officers, police stations, facilities of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and other public facilities.

The North-West recorded the highest number of people killed by non-state actors with 1,524 reported casualties, followed by the North-Central with 1,390 reported deaths. The two zones accounted for 64 per cent of the total reported deaths recorded in the entire country. The North-East recorded the least number of reported deaths with 660.

10,366 killed in 2021

An analysis of data collected by the Council on Foreign Relations showed that Nigeria recorded its worst insecurity-related death toll in 2021. At least 10, 398 persons were killed across the country between January 1 and December 31, 2021. Among the fatalities were 4, 835 civilians and 890 security personnel.

According to catalogued press reports, 1,760 Boko Haram members, 107 robbers, and 92 kidnappers were also killed.

Timeline of attacks in 2023

  • January 1: Kidnappers abduct three in Tsafe, Zamfara.
  • January 1: Airstrikes kill 33 Boko Haram militants in Bama, Borno.
  • January 1: Bandits abduct four in Bwari, Federal Capital Territory.
  • January 1: Bandits kill three, abduct one other in Abeokuta, Ogun.
  • January 1: Five killed when car drives into party in Afijio, Oyo.
  • January 1: Bandits abduct two in Kagarko, Kaduna.
  • January 1: Police kill bandit in Gusau, Zamfara.
  • January 1: Gunmen kill five in Awka South, Anambra.
  • January 2: Gunmen kill four police officers in attack on former Governor Ohakim’s convoy in Ehime-Mbano, Imo.
  • January 2: Police officers kill bandit in Jibia, Katsina.
  • January 2: Gunmen kill one, abduct six others in Toto, Nassarawa.
  • January 2: Gunmen bomb police station in Njaba, Imo.
  • January 2-3: Troops kill four bandits in Giwa, Kaduna.
  • January 3: Gunmen kill five in Akoko North-East, Ondo.
  • January 4: Cult war results in four deaths in Sapele, Delta.
  • January 4: Gunmen kill vigilante in Ihiala, Anambra.
  • January 4: Police kill bandit in Malumfashi, Katsina.
  • January 4: One police officer, two bandits killed during clash in Akwanga, Nassarawa.
  • January 6: Kidnappers kill one, abduct one other in Ethiope West, Delta.
  • January 7: Kidnappers abduct 32 at train station in Igueben, Edo.
  • January 7: Police kill two gunmen in Gusau, Zamfara.
  • January 7: Boko Haram kills 35 Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA) militants in Kukawa, Borno.
  • January 7: Police kill two kidnappers in Alkaleri, Bauchi.
  • January 8: Communal violence results in death in Pategi, Kwara.
  • January 9: Kidnappers abduct one in Esan South-West Local Government Area (LGA), one other in Uhunmwonde LGA in Edo.
  • January 9: Bandits kill 12 security operatives in Birnin-Gwari, Kaduna.
  • January 9: Bandits kill vigilante member in Rafi, Niger State.
  • January 10: Gunmen kill four in Ihiala, Anambra.
  • January 10: Gunmen kill three in Ideato North, Imo.
  • January 10: Bandits abduct 15 in Moro, Kwara.
  • January 11: Bandits kill one, abduct two others in Bwari, Federal Capital Territory.
  • January 11: Bandits kill two, abduct four others in Igabi, Kaduna.
  • January 11: Kidnappers abduct two in Ayedire, Osun.
  • January 11: Troops kill five Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) militants in Mbaitoli, Imo.
  • January 12: Kidnappers abduct police officer in Pankshin, Plateau.
    •January 12: Gunmen kill four Anambra vigilantes, bomb buildings in Ihiala, Anambra.
    •January 12: Kidnappers kill police officer in Oredo, Edo.
    •January 12: Troops kill two kidnappers in Toto, Nassarawa.
    •January 12: Police kill five bandits in Magama, Niger State.
    •January 13: Gunmen kill two vigilantes in Sapele, Delta.
    •January 13: Troops kill “several” (est. at 10) ISWA militants in Damboa, Borno.
    •January 13: Kidnappers abduct four in Omala, Kogi.
    •January 14: Kidnappers abduct Catholic priest in Oye, Ekiti.
    •January 14: Gunmen attack political party’s spokesperson’s home, kill three others in Ideato North, Imo.
    •January 14: Kidnappers abduct four in Ilorin, Kwara.
    •January 14: Police kill bandit in Igabi, Kaduna.
    •January 15: Cult clash results in four deaths in Oredo, Edo.
    •January 15: Gunmen kill police officer during attack on Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) office in Enugu South, Enugu.
    •January 15: Bandits kill Catholic priest in Paikoro, Niger State.
    •January 15: Bandits abduct 25 at a church in Kankara, Katsina.
    •January 15: Troops kill three Boko Haram militants in Monguno, Borno.
    •January 16: Troops kill two bandits in Chikun, Kaduna.
    •January 16: Military airstrikes kill 42 Boko Haram militants in Shiroro, Niger State.
    •January 17: Two gunmen, one police officer killed during clash in Aba, Abia State.
    •January 17: Kidnappers kill six, abduct one other in Zangon Kataf, Kaduna.
    •January 17: Troops kill two bandits in Danmusa, Katsina State.
    •January 18: Troops kill bandit in Danmusa, Katsina State.
    •January 18: Troops kill seven bandits in Danko Wasagu, Kebbi.
    •January 18: Bandits kill three, abduct six others in Jibia, Katsina.
    •January 18: Police kill three IPOB members in Oguta, Imo.
    •January 18: Herdsmen kill three, abduct 13 others in Ovia North-East, Edo.
    •January 18: One person killed at a Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) rally in Esan Central, Edo.
    •January 19: Herdsmen kill eight near an Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp in Makurdi, Benue.
    •January 19: Kidnappers abduct eight in Jalingo, Taraba.
    •January 19: Kidnappers abduct six in Isi-Uzo, Enugu.
    •January 20: Kidnappers abduct three in Ideato North, Imo.
    •January 20: Kidnappers abduct six pupils in Doma, Nassarawa.
    •January 20: Kidnappers kill one, abduct one other in Jos East, Plateau.
    •January 20: Gunmen kill two All Progressives Congress (APC) members in Izzi, Ebonyi.
    •January 21: Gunmen kill five, kidnap one other in Tafawa Balewa, Bauchi.
    •January 21: Gunmen kill Ebubeagu Commander in Ezza North, Ebonyi.
    •January 21: Gunmen kill police officer during attack in Oguta, Imo.
    •January 22: Bandits kill three, abduct three others in Shiroro, Niger State.
    •January 22: Police kill three kidnappers in Moro, Kwara.
  • January 22: Gunmen kill two in Ogbaru, Anambra.
    •January 23: Airstrikes kill “scores” (est. at 40) of bandits in Munya, Niger State.
    •January 23: Herdsmen kill two in Patani, Delta.
  • January 23: Troops kill 23 Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA) militants in Damboa, Borno.
    •January 23: Troops kill three bandits in Chikun, Kaduna.
    •January 24: Gunmen kill one, abduct six in Unuimo Local Government Area (LGA) and two in Mbaitoli LGA in Imo.
    •January 24: Kidnappers abduct two in Osogbo, Osun.
    •January 24: Suspected accidental airstrike kill 56 herdsmen in Doma, Nassarawa.
    •January 24: Electoral violence results in two deaths in Irewole, Osun.
    •January 24: Unidentified airstrike kill 18 vigilantes in Shiroro, Niger State.
    •January 25: Bandits kill five in Chikun, Kaduna.
    •January 25: Gunmen kill two police officers, one civilian in Ngor Okpala, Imo.
    •January 25: Bandits kill two Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) members, four civilians, abduct 14 in Munya, Niger State.
    •January 27: Gunmen kill two vigilantes in Ohaozara, Ebonyi.
    •January 27: Electoral violence leads to three deaths in Surulere, Lagos.
    •January 28: Gunmen kill three police officers in Abakaliki, Ebonyi.
    •January 28: Gunmen kill two soldiers in Nkanu East, Enugu.
    •January 28: Troops kill 32 Boko Haram militants in Konduga, Borno.
    •anuary 28: Herders kill 12 in Kwande, Benue.
    •January 28: Gunmen kill two in Aboh-Mbaise, Imo.
  • January 29: Communal violence leads to two deaths in Logo, Benue.
    •January 30: Herders kill five in Guma, Benue.
    •January 30: Electoral violence results in death in Misau, Bauchi.
    •January 30: Bandits kill three, abduct six others in Jibia, Katsina.
    •January 31: Herders kill three police officers in Gwer West, Benue.
  • February 1: Gunmen kill one during attack on police station and INEC office in Idemili South, Anambra.
    •February 2: Bandits kill 41 vigilantes in Bakori, Katsina.
    •February 2: Gunmen kill judge in court in Oguta, Imo.
  • February 2: Gunmen kill one officer, one vigilante in Idemili North, Anambra.
  • February 3: Gunmen kill three, abduct three others in Biase, Cross River.
    •February 3: Gunmen kill two in Lere, Kaduna.
  • February 3: Gunmen kill three security operatives in Nijikoka, Anambra.
  • February 3: Bandits kill 43 vigilantes, abduct 15 women in Kankara, Katsina.
    •February 3: Kidnappers kill seven abductees in Bali, Taraba.
    •February 4: Police kill three youths during clash in Ibadan, Oyo.
    •February 4: Suspected herders kill six in Apa, Benue.
    •February 4: Herders kill six in Ose, Ondo.
    •February 4: Troops kill six Boko Haram/Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA) militants in Gwoza, Borno.
    •February 4: Kidnappers abduct eight in Kwali, Federal Capital Territory.
    •February 5: Gunmen kill five in Bokkos, Plateau.
    •February 6: Troops kill 42 Boko Haram/ISWA militants in Kukawa, Borno.
    •February 6: Eight killed, six others kidnapped during communal clash in Ayamelum, Anambra.
    •February 6: Herdsmen kill one in Nkanu East, Enugu.
    •February 7: Gunmen kill two, abducted 14 others in Kagarko, Kaduna.
    •February 7: Gunmen kill one in Awka, Anambra.
    •February 8: Communal clash leads to one death in Afikpo South, Ebonyi.
    •February 9: Herders kill six in Gwer West, Benue.
    •February 9: Gunmen kill four military officers in Ndokwa West, Delta.
    •February 9: Communal clash results in the death of monarch in Ndokwa East, Delta.
    •February 9: Troops kill four bandits in Birnin-Gwari, Kaduna.
    •February 10: Gunmen kill three police officers in Ihiala, Anambra.
    •February 10: Airstrikes kill “scores” (est. at 40) of Boko Haram militants in Bama, Borno.
  • February 10: Electoral violence results in death in Maigatari, Jigawa.
  • February 11: Bandits kill five police officers in Gurara, Niger State.
  • February 11: Communal violence leads to death in Omala, Kogi.
  • February 12: Bandits kill five in Fakai, Kebbi.
  • February 12: Cult clash results in eight deaths in Gboko, Benue.
  • February 13: Gunman killed during attack on police station in Idemili North, Anambra.
  • February 14: Kidnappers abduct 15 National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members in Ihiala, Anambra.
  • February 14: Cult clash results in nine deaths in Ahoada East, Rivers.
  • February 14: Gunmen kill two, abduct “others” (est. at five) in Kuje, Federal Capital Territory.
  • February 15: Security forces kill three protesters in Oredo, Edo.
  • February 15: Gang violence results in three deaths in Nembe, Bayelsa.
  • February 15: Electoral violence results in death in Edu, Kwara.
  • February 16: Troops kill seven bandits in Chikun, Kaduna.
  • February 17: Cultists kill three Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) workers in Aba, Abia.
  • February 17: Electoral violence results in three deaths in Ilesha, Osun.
  • February 17: Security forces kill three protesters in Obafemi-Owode, Ogun.
  • February 18: Electoral violence results in death in Ishielu, Ebonyi.
  • February 18: Gunmen kill three police officers in Idemili North, Anambra.
  • February 18: Kidnappers abduct three in Ihiala, Anambra.
  • February 19: One police officer, six suspected IPOB members killed during attack on police facility in Oyi, Anambra.
  • February 19: Bandits abduct two in Giwa, Kaduna.
  • February 19: Military kills “several” (est. at 10) Boko Haram/Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA) militants in Damboa, Borno.
  • February 20: Military kills “several” (est. at 10) Boko Haram/ISWA militants in Kukawa, four police officers and three IPOB/Eastern Security Network militants during clash in Idemili North, Anambra.
  • February 22: Electoral violence results in seven deaths in Enugu South, Enugu.
  • February 22: Troops kill five bandits in Birnin-Gwari, Kaduna.
  • February 22: Electoral violence results in death of police officer in Orlu, Imo.
  • February 23: Electoral violence results in four deaths in Kano.
  • February 24: Anti-smuggling unit kills two police officers in Gusau, Zamfara.
  • February 24: Gunmen kill one civilian, one police officer in Oshimili North, Delta.
  • February 25: Soldier kills one person for disrupting voting in Dekina, Kogi.
  • February 25: Electoral violence results in three deaths in Emuoha, Rivers.
  • February 25: Boko Haram attacks voters in Gwoza, Borno; no casualties.
  • February 25: Electoral violence results in two women being shot in Sagbama, Bayelsa.
  • February 25: Electoral violence results in two deaths in Etim-Ekpo, Akwa Ibom.
  • February 25: Electoral violence results in death in Gombe, Gombe.
  • February 25: Electoral violence results in death in Agege, Lagos.
  • February 25: Multiple incidences of electoral violence with no casualties in Safana, Katsina; Oshimili North, Delta; Gwagwala, Bwari, and Kuje, Federal Capital Territory (FCT); Owerri, Imo; Eti-Osa and Ejigbo, Lagos; and Ibadan, Oyo.
  • February 25: National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) kills hoodlum during clash in Jalingo, Taraba.
  • February 26: Herders kill 13 in Guma, Benue.
  • February 26: Electoral violence results in two deaths in Tundun Wada Local Government Area (LGA), one death in Takai LGA in Kano.
  • February 26: Election-related shootings but no casualties in Nnewi North, Anambra.
  • February 26: Security agent kills politician in Idanre, Ondo.
  • February 26: INEC official killed in Ukwuani, Delta.
  • February 27: Gunmen kill traditional ruler in Ezza North, Ebonyi.
  • February 27: Gunmen attack police station in Ohafia, Abia; no casualties.
  • February 28: Herders kill seven in Gwer West, Benue.
  • February 28: Bandits kill one in Munya, Niger State.
  • March 1: Bandits kill one, abduct 23 others in Kagarko, Kaduna.
  • March 1: Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA) kills 200 Boko Haram militants in Guzamala, Borno.
  • March 3: Kidnappers abduct three in Ibi, Taraba.
  • March 3: Troops kill bandit in Chikun, Kaduna.
  • March 3: Police kill two kidnappers in Ningi, Bauchi.
  • March 3: Herdsmen kill 36 in Kwande, Benue.
  • March 4: Gunmen kill police officer in Ogbaru, Anambra.
  • March 5: Bandits kill two police officers, one other in Maru, Zamfara.
  • March 5: Gunmen kill three in Riyom, Plateau.
  • March 5: Gunmen kill traditional leader in Rimin Gado, Kano.
  • March 5: Soldier kills three police officers, himself in Rabah, Sokoto.
  • March 5: Suspected herdsmen kill three in Owan West, Edo.
  • March 5: Nigerian Air Force (NAF) airstrikes kill three civilians in Giwa, Kaduna.
  • March 6: Police kill kidnapper in Isoko North, Delta.
  • March 7: Bandits kill six, abduct 50 others in Rafi, Niger State.
  • March 7: Unidentified airstrikes kill “several” (est. at 10) in Wushishi, Niger State.
  • March 7: Bandits kill six vigilantes in Birnin-Gwari, Kaduna.
  • March 7: Police kill three gunmen in Ivo, Ebonyi.
  • March 7: Herdsmen kill eight in Gwer West, Benue.
  • March 8: Bandits abduct three in Bosso, Niger.
  • March 8: Boko Haram kills 35 fishermen in Ngala Local Government Area (LGA), one police officer in Magumeri LGA in Borno.
  • March 8: Electoral violence leads to death in Alkaleri, Bauchi.
  • March 8: Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA) kills 100 Boko Haram militants in Dikwa, Borno.
  • March 8: Herdsmen kill “some” (est. at five) in Kwande, Benue.
  • March 8: Herdsmen kill seven in Guma, Benue.
  • March 9: Boko Haram abducts seven in Magumeri, Borno.
  • March 10: Bandits kill one, abduct four others in Lere, Kaduna.
  • March 10: Kidnappers abduct 15 in Bwari, Federal Capital Territory
  • March 11: Gunmen kill councilor in Ohaozara, Ebonyi.
  • March 11: Bandits kill 22 in Kankara, Katsina.
  • March 11: Bandits kill 17 in Zangon Kataf, Kaduna.
  • March 13: Herdsmen kill one in Yenegoa, Bayelsa.
  • March 13: Communal violence leads to three deaths in Obi, Benue.
  • March 13: Police kill bandit in Giwa, Kaduna.
  • March 14: Bandits kill one, abduct 40 in Paikoro Local Government Area (LGA), kill three, abduct 20 in Munya LGA in Niger State.
  • March 14: Bandits kill 10 in Zangon Kataf, Kaduna.
  • March 14: Herdsmen kill three in Patani, Delta.
  • March 15: Troops kill “several” (est. at 10) bandits in Shinkafi, Zamfara.
  • March 15: Bandits kill four soldiers, six others in Munya, Niger State.
  • March 15: Gunmen kill traditional chief in Ilesha, Osun.
  • March 15: Department of State Service (DSS) official kill civilian in Idemili North, Anambra.
  • March 15: Military airstrikes kill 70 Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA) militants in Marte, Borno.
  • March 16: Security operatives kill five Shi’ites in Igabi, Kaduna.
  • March 16: Electoral violence leads to three deaths in Ibadan South-East, Oyo.
  • March 16: Kidnappers abduct four in Biase, Cross River.
  • March 17: Military airstrikes kill 28 bandits in Munya, Niger State.
  • March 18: Kidnappers abduct 19 INEC officials in Ideato South, Imo.
  • March 18: Electoral violence leads to deaths in Awe, Nassarawa; Ezza North, Ebonyi; Bakassi Local Government Area (LGA); Ogoja LGA, Cross River; Ahoada West LGA; Emuoha LGA, Khana LGA, Rivers; Chanchaga, Niger State; Gboko, Niger State; Ila, Osun; Batsari, Katsina; Ethiope West, Delta; Gudu, Sokoto; and Oshodi/Isolo, Lagos.
  • March 18: Troops kill 60 Boko Haram/Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA) militants trying to disrupt election in Mafa, Borno.
  • March 18: Bandits kill 51 vigilante members in Maru, Zamfara.
  • March 19: Gunmen abduct six INEC officials in Lokoja, Kogi.
  • March 20: Soldiers kill two police officers in Jalingo, Taraba.
  • March 20: Gunmen abduct INEC official while post-election violence results in two deaths in Gusau, Zamfara.
  • March 20: Herders kill one in Yenegoa, Bayelsa.
  • March 20: Post-election violence results in death in Bauchi, Bauchi.
  • March 23: Herders kill four in Agatu LGA and one in Oturkpo LGA, Benue.
  • March 23: Herders abduct two in Ovia North-West, Edo.
  • March 23: Bandits kill one, abduct three others in Kajuru, Kaduna.
  • March 24: Soldier kills three civilians in Borgu, Niger State.
  • March 25: Five robbers killed in Onitsha, Anambra.
  • March 25: Kidnappers abduct 13 in Ajaokuta, Kogi.
  • March 25: Troops kill “some” (est. at 10) Boko Haram militants in Bama, Borno.
  • March 25: Herdsmen kill one in Guma, Benue.
  • March 26: Gunmen kill two police officers in Enugu.
  • March 26: Kidnappers kill one, abduct one other in Jos North, Plateau.
  • March 26: Cult clashes result in six deaths in Ahoada West, Rivers.
  • March 27: Bandits kill five abductees in Munya, Niger State.
  • March 27: Troops kill 10 Boko Haram militants in Biu, Borno.
  • March 27: Gunmen kill three Civil Defense Officers in Ngor-Okpala, Imo.
  • March 27: Herders kill three, abduct “others” (est. at five) in Owan West, Edo.
  • March 27: Troops kill “scores” (est. at 40) of bandits in Munya, Niger State.
  • March 28: Bandits kill three, abduct 16 others in Kagarko, Kaduna.
  • March 28: Police kill bandit in Danmusa, Katsina.
  • March 30: Troops kill five bandits in Chikun, Kaduna.
  • March 30: Communal violence leads to three deaths in Oturkpo, Benue.
  • March 31: Bandits kill 15 in Ardo-Kola, Taraba.
  • March 31: Police kill five suspected IPOB members in Aba, Abia.
  • March 31: Bandits kill five in Funtua, Katsina.
  • April 1: Troops kill 11 bandits in Birnin-Gwari, Kaduna.
  • April 2: Herders kill one, abduct four others in a church in Logo, Benue.
  • April 2: Bandits abduct two students in Bungudu, Zamfara.
  • April 2: Bandits kill two, kidnap two police officers, 32 others in Mashegu, Niger State.
  • April 2: Gunmen kill 10 in Dekina, Kogi.
  • April 3: Boko Haram kills three in Hong, Adamawa.
  • April 3: Herders kill three in Apa, Benue.
  • April 3: Bandits abduct 10 in Kachia, Kaduna.
  • April 3: Herders kill three in Oturkpo, Benue.
  • April 4: Gunmen kill four in Zangon Kataf, Kaduna.
  • April 4: Troops kill 18 Boko Haram militants in Bama, Borno.
  • April 5: Gunmen kill five in Alimosho, Lagos.
  • April 5: Herders kill police officer, 50 others in Oturkpo, Benue.
  • April 5: Kidnappers abduct traditional ruler in Pankshin, Plateau.
  • April 5: Herders kill one, abduct eight others in Ndokwa West, Delta.
  • April 6: Three police officers, one gunman killed during clash in Egor, Edo.
  • April 6: Communal violence leads to eight deaths in Ussa, Taraba.
  • April 7: Bandits abduct 100 in Tsafe, Zamfara.
  • April 7: Herders kill 43 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Guma, Benue.
  • April 7: Communal violence leads to “several” (est. at 10) deaths in Gwadabawa, Sokoto.
  • April 8: Gunmen kill one, abduct one other in Gwagwalada, Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
  • April 8: Kidnappers kill police inspector in Aboh-Mbaise, Imo.
  • April 8: Soldiers kill two bandits in Maru, Zamfara.
  • April 8: Soldiers kill bandit in Kankara, Katsina.
  • April 9: Police kill two bandits in Tsafe, Zamfara.
  • April 10: Kidnappers kill one, abduct one other in Rogo, Kano.
  • April 10: Kidnappers kill one, abduct two others in Kabba/Bunu, Kogi.
  • April 11: Troops kill two bandits in Kaduna, Kaduna.
  • April 11: Herders abduct one in Ila, Osun.
  • April 12: Cultists kill three, abduct two others in Ahoada West, Rivers.
  • April 12: Bandits kill eight in Zangon Kataf, Kaduna.
  • April 12: Bandits kill nine while airstrikes kill “several” (est. at 10) of the bandits in Birnin-Gwari, Kaduna.
  • April 12: Troops kill 15 bandits in Birnin-Magaji, Zamfara.
  • April 13: Boko Haram kills 11 in Gujba, Yobe.
  • April 13: Kidnappers abduct three in Akure, Ondo.
  • April 14: Police kill two bandits in Kurfi, Katsina.
  • April 14: Police kill three kidnappers in Lafia, Nassarawa.
  • April 14: Police kill protesting Shi’ite member in Abuja, FCT.
  • April 15: Bandits kill 13 in Zangon Kataf, Kaduna.
  • April 15: Kidnappers abduct eight in Ogbadibo, Benue.
  • April 15: Electoral violence leads to six deaths in Wudil, Kano.
  • April 15: Police kill ballot box snatcher in Fakai, Kebbi.
  • April 15: Communal violence leads to death in Bogoro, Bauchi.
  • April 16: Bandits kill “many” (est. at 20) in Mangu, Plateau.
  • April 16: Bandits kill one, abduct “several” (est. at 10) in Birnin-Gwari, Kaduna.
  • April 16: 50 bandits, 16 vigilantes and civilians killed during clash in Mashegu, Niger State.
  • April 16: Bandits kill 12 in Birnin-Magaji, Zamfara.
  • April 17: Bandits kill three in Birnin-Magaji, Zamfara.
  • April 17: Kidnappers kill one, abduct six others in Kuje, Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
  • April 17: Troops kill bandit in Anka, Zamfara.
  • April 17: Security operatives kill two civilians in Owerri, Imo.
  • April 17: Kidnappers abduct one, kill two others in Obio/Akpor, Rivers.
  • April 18: Clash results in two deaths in Port Harcourt, Rivers.
  • April 19: Kidnappers abduct 13 in Kuje, FCT.
  • April 19: Bandits kill three in Takum, Taraba.
  • April 19: Bandits abduct five in Okpokwu, Benue.
  • April 20: Herdsmen kill 12 in Kokona, Nassarawa.
  • April 21: Gunmen kill five police officers, two civilians in Ngor-Okapala, Imo.
  • April 21: Cult clash results in two deaths in Port Harcourt, Rivers.
  • April 29: Kidnappers abduct two Catholic priests in Ughelli North, Delta.
  • April 29: Bandits abduct “several” (est. at 10) in Paikoro, Niger State.
  • April 29: Bandits kill soldier, abduct another in Doma, Nassarawa.
  • April 29: Troops kill an “unspecified number” (est. at 20) of Boko Haram militants in Bama, Borno.
  • April 30: Herders kill two in Guma, Benue.
  • April 30: Troops kill three bandits in Anka, Zamfara.
  • April 30: Bandits kill 40 in Zuru, Kebbi.
  • April 30: Bandits kill three, abduct “others” (est. at five) in Shinkafi, Zamfara.
  • April 30: Kidnappers kill one, abduct eight others in Kotonkarfe, Kogi.
  • April 30: Two herders killed in Bassa, Plateau.
  • May 1: Bandits kill two, abduct four others in Zaria, Kaduna.
  • May 1: Kidnappers abduct three, kill one other in Akwanga, Nassarawa.
  • May 2: Kidnappers abduct 12 in Owan East, Edo.
  • May 2: Gunmen kill police officer in Aba, Abia.
  • May 2: Herders kill three in Boripe, Osun.
  • May 3: Gunmen kill youth leader in Ahoada East, Rivers.
  • May 4: Gunmen kill three police officers in Orumba South, Anambra.
  • May 4: Soldiers kill 23 bandits while one soldier killed during clash in Shiroro, Niger State.
  • May 6: Troops kill two Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA) Commanders, “several” other ISWA militants (est. at 12) in Konduga, Borno.
  • May 7: Gunmen kill police officer, kidnap Taraba Local Government Area Chairman in Takum, Taraba.
  • May 7: Bandits abduct 40 from church in Chikun, Kaduna.
  • May 7: Bandits abduct 13, kill one other in Kagarko, Kaduna.
  • May 7: Security operatives kill four kidnappers in Idemili North, Anambra.
  • May 7: Communal violence leads to death in Mokwa, Niger.
  • May 8: Herders kill three in Guma, Benue.
  • May 8: Cult clashes result in 16 deaths in Uyo, Akwa Ibom.
  • May 9: Cult clash results in three deaths in Owo, Ondo.
  • May 9: Herders kill six in Guma, Benue.
  • May 10: Security forces kill seven gunmen in Nnewi South, Anambra.
  • May 10: Gunmen kill two in Mangu, Plateau.
  • May 10: ISWA kills three Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Damboa, Borno.
  • May 11: Troops kill 11 ISWAP militants in Abadam, Borno.
  • May 11: Kidnappers abduct All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain in Ehime-Mbano, Imo.
  • May 12: Bandits abduct 50 in Rijau, Niger State.
  • May 12: Communal violence leads to 13 deaths in Karim-Lamido, Taraba.
  • May 12: Communal violence leads to four deaths in Ikot-Ekpene, Akwa Ibom.
  • May 13: Communal violence leads to six deaths in Gwer West Local Government Area (LGA), three deaths in Apa LGA in Benue.
  • May 14: ISWAP Improvised Explosive Device (IED) kills three soldiers in Abadam, Borno.
  • May 14: Bandits kill 18 in Maru, Zamfara.
  • May 14: Kidnappers abduct 15 in Kuje, Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
  • May 15: Kidnappers abduct “several” (est. at 10) in Ikere, Ekiti.
  • May 16: Bandits kill 87 in Mangu, Plateau.
  • May 16: Gunmen kill two police officers, five others while also kidnapping two during attack on U.S. convoy in Ogbaru, Anambra.
  • May 16: Kidnappers kill one, abduct three others in Isin, Kwara.
  • May 16: Kidnappers abduct “some” (est. at five) National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members in Emuoha, Rivers.
  • May 16: Gunmen kill four in Toto, Nassarawa.
  • May 17: Kidnappers kill two, abduct six others in Kwali, FCT.
  • May 17: Troops kill “several” (est. at 10) bandits in Shinkafi, Zamfara.
  • May 18: Gunmen kill five in Orumba North, Anambra.
  • May 18: Kidnappers abduct two in Ika South, Delta.
  • May 19: Police kill two kidnappers in Etche, Delta.
  • May 20: Kidnappers abduct priest in Okigwe, Imo.
  • May 20: Gunmen kill two police officers in Ughelli North, Delta.
  • May 20: Gunmen kill two police officers in Ngor-Okpala, Imo.
  • May 20: Herders kill one in Oguta, Imo.
  • May 20: Bandits kill nine, abduct three others in Birnin-Gwari, Kaduna.
  • May 20: Herders kill six in Apa, Benue.
  • May 20: Bandits kill two in Kachia, Kaduna.
  • May 21: Communal violence leads to six deaths in Takum, Taraba.
  • May 21: Herders kill one in Riyom, Plateau.
  • May 21: Herders kill 18 in Guma, Benue.
  • May 21: Communal violence leads to four deaths in Mangu, Plateau.
  • May 22: Gunmen kill police officer in Abakaliki, Ebonyi.
  • May 22: Bandits abduct two in Kachia, Kaduna.
  • May 24: Three police officers, two gunmen killed during attack on police station in Onicha, Ebonyi.
  • May 24: Communal violence leads to three deaths in Mangu, Plateau.
  • May 24: Kidnappers abduct two pastors in Yola, Adamawa.
  • May 25: Gunmen kill two traditional leaders in Oguta, Imo.
  • May 26: Kidnappers abduct priest in Mbaitoli, Imo.
  • May 26: Bandits kill 22 in Maradun, Zamfara.
  • May 26: Unknown attackers kill six in Kano, Kano.
  • May 27: Kidnappers abduct four children in Njaba, Imo.
  • May 27: ISWAP kills two soldiers while troops kill 39 militants in Abadam, Borno.
  • May 28: Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) kills three Boko Haram militants in Abadam, Borno.
  • May 29: Police kill two bandits in Bindawa, Katsina.
  • May 29: Gunmen kill three in Emuoha, Rivers.
  • May 29: Herders kill six in Apa, Benue.
  • May 30: Bandits kill 25 in Maru, Zamfara.
  • May 30: Kidnappers abduct an estimated 10 people in Birnin-Gwari, Kaduna.
  • May 30: Bandits kill one, abduct five others in Kagarko, Kaduna.
  • May 30: Cultists kill five in Ahoada West, Rivers.
  • May 30: Troops kill “scores” of bandits (est. at 20) in Anka and Shinkafi Local Government Areas (LGAs) in Zamfara.
  • May 31: Police kill two kidnappers in Udu, Delta.
  • May 31: Kidnappers kill three, abduct two others in Obafemi-Owode, Ogun.
  • June 1: Troops kill three bandits in Chikun, Kaduna.
  • June 2: Police kill four cultists in Emuoha, Rivers.
  • June 3: Bandits kill 40 in Katsina-Ala, Benue.
  • June 3: Bandits kill 18 in Gwadabawa Local Government Area (LGA), 37 in Tangazara LGA in Sokoto.
  • June 3: Bandits kill 31, abduct 30 others in Maradun, Zamfara.
  • June 3: Kidnappers abduct four in Bwari, Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
  • June 4: Police kill three cultists in Ahoada East, Rivers.
  • June 4: Troops kill 11 ISWAP militants in Chibok, Borno.
  • June 5: Kidnappers abduct three in Ajaokuta, Kogi.
  • June 5: Bandits kill two, abduct 30 others in Birnin-Gwari, Kaduna.

THREE ATTACKS TO REMEMBER
Some of the most notorious incidents from 2022 include the terror attack on the Abuja-Kaduna train in March that led to several deaths and the abduction of over 60 passengers; the massacre of congregants at St Francis Catholic Church in Ondo in June; and the raid of the medium-security custodial facility in Kuje, Abuja, in July that led to hundreds of inmates breaking out.

[Vanguard]

 

Muhuyi Magaji Rimingado, chairman of Kano State Public Complaint and Anti-Corruption Commission, has admitted selling the land on which a building has been marked for demolition.

Daily Trust reports that the government of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has marked some property for demolition.

Among them are plazas and filling stations located along popular BUK road, as well as property built around the ancient Kano City Wall (Badala).

Isma’ila Bello, one of the owners of structures along BUK, opened up that he got the land from the state’s anti-graft boss.

 

The businessman further accused the government of double standard in its recent demolition exercise, alleging that some of the properties marked for demolition were “legally” acquired from individuals with connection with the incumbent government.

 

But Rimingado, who was the businessman accused of selling him the land, told Daily Trust that he was allocated the land by the previous government and that he received it because he was convinced it was not an illegal entity.

 

 

 

He said the land was not situated in or around a school or worship centre and did not affect the ancient Kano city wall.

While addressing journalists on the issue of the properties marked for demolition by the government late hours of Friday, the businessman, who is also the Secretary of BUK Haudi properties forum, said they bought their lands where they’ve erected shops from the anti-graft agency chairman, Rimingado who is currently spearheading the demolition exercise.

Bello, a resident of Sabuwar Kofa, said, “We woke up yesterday and saw red paint marked on our properties. This thing that the government is doing is not the way out. A leader protects the lives and properties of his people. That place was given to big men in the state at that time.

“His (Rimingado) plot was number 25 opposite Gidauniya just by Hauren Shanu. And if you are talking about Badala, Gidan Murtala building was built on Badala and other buildings beside it are all on Badala.

“There is no reason (for the demolition) and it does not make sense because we got it from the previous government that it should be demolished,” Bello said.

He further alleged that there are properties that have not been marked along the site because they belong to people who are close to the government.

 

“There is a place I bought, it was a pond that has claimed so many lives. I bought it from Gwaggo the wife of the late Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero, the in-law of former Emir, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi and the deposed emir gave her the place.

“I went to her house in her sitting room and bought it. I came back and filled it with sand. We demolished Badala inside the pond and found out that some youth have created a room inside. We found guns and other dangerous weapons. The police at zone one are aware. They took the items. The residents there thanked me immensely for that,” he said.

When contacted, Rimingado, said he stands by the position he expressed on Trust TV on the buildings marked for demolition at Salanta and that it was mischievous for anyone to try to use the recent development to cast aspersions on him and the government.

He confirmed that he was allocated a plot around the area marked for demolition but that the plot, which he sold “when in need of money”, was not within or built on the Kano ancient wall (Badala).

“Marking for demolition is a different thing as it is not within a school, place of worship or hospital. As far as I am concern the governor can issue a plot of land for anyone but a governor cannot issue a public space for anyone. I stand by my position (on Trust TV).

 
 

“I don’t know why they marked that place for demolition. And the owner of the property can take it up with the government for clarification”, he added.

[DailyTrust]

 

 

Former governors, senators, and other bigwigs in the All Progressives Congress, APC, have intensified lobbying for ministerial appointments from President Bola Tinubu.

DAILY POST investigations indicated that some state chapters of the ruling party have already compiled names of persons nominated for ministerial slots, while others are still in the process.

According to reliable sources, the lists are set to be forwarded to the party’s secretariat in Abuja for onward transmission to President Tinubu, who will decide on the shortlist and unveil the names of ministers and their portfolios any time soon.

 

DAILY POST recalls that former President Muhammadu Buhari, on March 17, 2023, assented to a bill mandating the President and governors to submit the names of persons nominated as ministers or commissioners within 60 days of taking the oath of office.

Buhari signs amended bills that mandates Tinubu to name cabinet within 60 days – Daily Post Nigeria

The lists are subject to confirmation by the Senate and state House of Assembly, respectively. In line with this new order,

President Bola Tinubu, who took over power on May 29, has less than 33 days left to unveil the list of his ministers.

There are 27 ministries left vacant by the previous administration. These are:

Federal Capital Territory Administration

Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development

Ministry of Aviation

Ministry of Budget and National Planning

Ministry of Commerce and Industry

Ministry of Education

Ministry of Environment

Ministry of Finance

Ministry of Health

Ministry of Information and Culture

Ministry of Communications and Digital Economy

Ministry of Interior

Ministry of Justice

Ministry of Labour and Employment

Ministry of Petroleum Resources

Ministry of Water Resources

Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Development

Ministry of Mines and Steel Development

Ministry of Defence

Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs

Ministry of Power

Ministry of Transportation.

Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development

Ministry of Science, Technology, and Innovation

Ministry of Youth and Sport

Ministry of Works and Housing

Ministry of Foreign Affairs

While President Tinubu has been enjoying public acceptance following his recent appointments, there are worries that party loyalists rather than competent individuals may occupy the ministerial seats.

DAILY POST findings indicated that some of the party chieftains, including ex-governors and former lawmakers who lost out in the February 25 election, have been sighted frequently at the APC National Secretariat in the past few weeks. Their sudden appearances at the secretariat in the nation’s capital are being construed as an apparent jostling for ministerial positions.

Others did not show up in Abuja, but their names are strongly mentioned as likely candidates to appear on the ministerial list. This category includes former governors Ikedi Ohakim of Imo State, Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna State, and Abdullahi Ganduje of Kano.

Similarly, there are speculations that former Rivers State governor Nyesom Wike, currently a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) stalwart, is contemplating defecting to the ruling party for a subsequent appointment.

States chapters of APC are also contending for slots as compensation for their contribution to Tinubu’s presidential victory.

The immediate past Senate Majority Leader, Senator Ibrahim Gobir, is being considered for a ministerial slot in Sokoto State, while party members in Osun State are rooting for the immediate past governor of the state, Gboyega Oyetola, to be named a minister.

Beyond rumours, a party source who spoke to Daily Post on the condition of anonymity confirmed that some party members who did not win the last general election but toiled tirelessly to ensure Bola Tinubu’s victory on February 25 will be rewarded with ministerial jobs or other high-ranking positions.

He was quick to add, however, that such appointments would be determined on a quid pro quo basis.

He said: “You want to be appointed as a minister, but meanwhile you were not able to even deliver your own polling unit for Asiwaju. It is not possible; this is politics.

“There are people in the party who obviously worked against us. Such people are now lobbying for ministerial slots, how is that possible? The fact that you are well-known in the party is not enough reason to be appointed. You gain favour based on the favour you render.”

He further added: “There are some people who were not members of our party but fought a good fight to ensure that Asiwaju won that election; should Tinubu now abandon them and go for those who didn’t do anything just because they are party members? No, it doesn’t work like that.

“If you are not loyal, you cannot work with Bola Tinubu. He works with people he trusts, not someone who is just an APC member.”

Iorfa Thomas, a leader in the ruling party and a former senatorial candidate in Benue’s Zone C senatorial district, claimed that Tinubu will have a good cabinet that will provide Nigerians with the desired level of governance.

According to him, previous appointments made by the president are a good indicator of how his ministers will also be appointed.

He said: “President Tinubu will not disappoint Nigerians; even though he does not have enough time, Nigerians should expect capable people in his cabinet. It is not about spending the whole year looking for a capable person. I believe he already knows those he can work with.”

Continuing, he noted: “Former president, Buhari had almost half a year to pick his ministers, yet they didn’t meet the expectations of average Nigerians. Tinubu has limited time based on the recent law mandating him to pick his ministers within 60 days of his assumption of office, but he will have the best ministers in the history of the country.”

He said further: “If you look at his recent appointments, you will see that the president balanced them by going to different regions. He is going to make sure that nobody is left out.

“For example, in Benue, the Tiv already have George Akume as Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF); so a ministerial slot is likely to be given to Zone C, the Idoma nation.

“I am certain that at the end of the day, when the list is out, we will all have reasons to celebrate the President.”

Some state chairmen contacted by DAILY POST declined to speak on the matter.

[DailyPost]

Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Board says it turned down 114 Nigerians who applied for refugee protection between January and June, 2023.

So far, 12,035 Nigerians have been rejected under the scheme since January 2013, data from the Refugee Protection Division of the IRBC shows.

The IRB grants refugee protection in Canada if the RPD satisfactorily confirms that an applicant or claimant meets the United Nations definition of a convention refugee, “which has been incorporated into Canadian law, or that the applicant is a person in need of protection.”

The 1951 UN Convention on the Status of Refugees defines refugees as persons with a substantiated fear of persecution because of their race, nationality, religion, political ideology or membership in a particular social group. Such social groups can include sexual orientation, gender identity, being a woman and persons living with HIV/AIDS.

 

However, the document indicated that people asking for protection in Canada must show evidence showing the danger of torture, a risk to their life, or risk of cruel and unusual treatment or punishment should they return to their country of nationality.

It was learnt that the protection claims are made when immigrants notify the Border Services Agency at any port of entry upon arriving in Canada or report to an immigration officer.

“The officer decides whether the claim is eligible to be referred to the IRB. If the claim is eligible, it is sent (‘referred’) to the RPD to start the claim for refugee protection process,” an application guideline by the Refugee Board reads.

However, the RPD has rejected about 12,035 such applications from Nigerians for a decade and six months.

The breakdown showed that 127, 241, and 248 Nigerians were denied protection in 2013, 2014, and 2015 respectively, under the new system for determining refugee protection claims made in Canada – which took effect on December 15, 2012.

Also, 476, 917, and 1,777 claims were rejected in 2016, 2017, and 2018 respectively.

2019 saw the highest rejected claims so far, with 3,951 Nigerian applicants turned down, while 1,770, 1,686, and 728 persons were denied protection in 2020, 2021, and 2022.

Nevertheless, 9,783 Nigerians were granted refugee status within the period under review. There were 20 in 2012; 308 in 2013, 394 in 2014 and 389 in 2015. Also, 389 Nigerians were received in 2016, 764 in 2017, 755 in 2018, and 1,733 in 2019. While 2020, 2021, and 2022 saw 1,534, 2,302, and 1,315 persons granted protection, respectively. 289 Nigerians have been accepted for protection in the first six months of 2023.

As of June 2023, 2,198 applications were pending, as at least 432 persons had withdrawn their refugee claims.

In a previous interview with Sunday PUNCH, the Executive Director, Women Trafficking and Child Labour Eradication Foundation, Imaobong Ladipo-Sanusi, who judged the acceptance rate as “fair,” said irregular migration was often the main cause of rejections.

 

Ladipo-Sanusi said, “Most times, many Nigerians miss it when they don’t understand the laws governing refugee status as adopted in their chosen destination. Every country has its regulations for absorbing people into its system.

“For one, documentation is crucial because coming irregularly will get you rejected from their system. But ultimately, everybody’s rights must be protected. Migration must be safe, orderly and regular. Even if their status is irregular, those who really need protection should be protected.”

Also speaking, a former Nigerian Ambassador to Singapore, Ogbole Amedu-Ode, noted that although it was not practicable for all refugee and asylum seekers to be admitted, border control agencies had the duty to reject persons perceived to be a threat to their countries.

[Punch]

‘Still on remarkable lessons from Singapore’

As I was saying beyond the contextual reporting of the strategy for Singapore’s success through education quality, it should be noted that Singapore’s education system was not designed de novo by the iconic Lee Kuan Yew and his colleagues. Rather, it was built on the very solid foundations inherited from Singapore’s British colonial past. Just like Nigeria. In contrast to many of his contemporaries among post-colonial leaders, Mr. Yew was not afraid of embracing whatever elements from that past that would prove useful to the enterprise of nation-building.

 

Nowhere has this approach been more evident than in education. Many of the country’s premier educational institutions for example, the National University of Singapore (founded in 1905), Raffles Institution (founded in 1823), and the Anglo-Chinese School (founded in 1886), significantly predate independence. Moreover, the curriculum for secondary education is modelled after the British O-level and A-level qualifications (with some adaptation to account for the generally higher average attainment levels of students in Singapore).

And, though infrastructure is by no means neglected, the key focus of educational investment is students and teachers. Our leaders who recruit imbeciles as teachers they don’t pay regularly, should please note this about Singapore. If you don’t recruit and pay good teachers, you can’t expect miracles of education quality.

Accordingly, in Singapore, a national system of generous scholarships enables the best students to avail themselves of an education at some of the world’s premier universities, even as Singapore develops its own world-class institutions. With starting salaries above the national median, the teaching profession attracts, develops and retains some of the best graduates.

The OECD and Project Syndicate report that Singapore’s education system is specifically meritocratic (some might say elitist) in its focus on identifying and developing the very best talent and, equally important, directing it towards public service. Government scholarship recipients are obliged to serve in the public sector for a minimum of two years for every one year of study. The same meritocratic approach governs the development and promotion of teachers.

In this connection, top-performing teachers are given leadership responsibilities without excessive regard to tenure, and there is a revolving door between the education ministry, classrooms, and school administration. Educators are frequently seconded to carry out policy work. Many subsequently choose to return to the classroom because it is not demeaning.

Even the World Economic Forum reports that the elitist tendency in Singapore’s education system is tempered by the fact that quality education is available for all levels of academic aptitude. Singapore is rightly proud of its elite secondary and tertiary academic institutions, but one could argue that the hidden gems of the system are the hundreds of neighbourhood schools, the Institute of Technical Education, and polytechnics that provide high-quality education for all.

Singapore’s education system is relentlessly forward-looking. From adopting bilingualism with English in addition to the mother tongue of Mandarin, Malay or Tamil, to its focus on science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM), Singapore anticipated many of the key education strategies being adopted by today’s policymakers.

According to Stavros, the choice of English was driven by history and a multi-ethnic society’s need for a common language. But it was also a prescient recognition of English’s rapid emergence as the lingua franca of global commerce and science, and that once entrenched it was likely to remain so for decades, if not centuries, to come.

In this regard, too, Mr Yew distinguished himself from other post-colonial leaders of his generation. Rather than pandering to narrow nationalist sentiment and opting for the majority language and culture, he and his colleagues chose to adopt a global language for a global city (country).

 

This is worthy of note too: Singapore’s education system evolves with the times and in the light of new evidence. In the 1990s, Singapore’s policymakers, concerned that their approach to education might be somewhat regimented and overly focused on STEM, began to provide avenues for excellence in the humanities, arts and sport. That rebalancing is still ongoing, with a new emphasis on identifying ways to foster creativity and entrepreneurship. This is the light education should provide for citizens. For Singapore’s founding father, education went beyond formal schooling. As he put it in a speech in 1977: “My definition of an educated man is a man who never stops learning and wants to learn.” Indeed, Singapore’s world-class education system will continue to be one of Mr Lee’s most enduring legacies.

There is, therefore, so much brilliance to borrow from the legend, Lee Kuan Yew whose biography we brandish everywhere without studying the content. Let’s advise our new leaders at all levels to get cracking with radical, result-oriented education reform. It is a time to get the right technocrats to lead the pack to do the legwork. That is the first weapon we need to get us ready to lead the black race. And here is the thing, our restructuring priority should be anchored on how to rebuild Nigeria’s education to be world-class too. Let’s get all Africans to come to Nigeria for tertiary education quality.

Korean Education System. PIX:Korea.net

‘Korea: Education as a driving force of national development’
South Korea is a country that boasts of a 5,000-year-old history. A classical scholar’s attitude* and humanitarianism have been highly valued and are deeply embedded in Korean society and history. This has led to the creation of the Korean alphabet, the invention of the world first printing technology, and a rich cultural and spiritual heritage. Hence, Koreans have highly valued studying and cultivating one’s mind to develop one’s abilities and honor the family. Koreans have also considered contributing to national and social development as the ultimate goal of studying and cultivating one’s mind.

In 1866, a French naval officer, who experienced the French navy’s attack of Ganghwa-do to fight against the massacre of Catholics, depicted the education fever in Korean society then as follows. “We cannot help but admire this place and found something that really crushed our ego. Here, even the poorest have books in their homes. There is almost no one who is illiterate and the illiterate are looked down upon.” This is a story that shows well the education fever of Korea.

Korea is no longer a country of a calm morning of the East. It is now a powerful and responsible player in the international community. Let’s study, therefore, how education contributed to such dramatic national development.

South Korea is a country with almost no natural resources. And the Korean War in the early 1950s left the country in ruins. The leaders found some architecture in the debris. Korea overcame its despair and rapidly grew economically to create the Han River Miracle in the 1970s. The miracle was possible, thanks to the education fever that has been handed down for several hundred years. In the 1980s, Korea was called one of the four Asian dragons and has continued to grow rapidly. The country has played host to G-20 Summit Meeting and so has become a member of G-20—50 Club, a hallmark of a powerful country in the global economy.

In other words, Education was the energy that drove Korea to become an advanced country. Despite several national crises, it has amazingly grown since its independence in 1945. Behind Korea’s success was the people’s passion for and state investment in education.

After the establishment of the government of the Republic of Korea in 1948, Korea was one of the poorest countries in the world. But it grew into the world’s top 15th economic stronghold. From exports of USD 54 million in 1962, it surpassed USD 548 billion (as of 2012). In addition, Korea became a member of the 20-50 Club, a hallmark of an economic stronghold in 2012 (national income of USD 20,000 and population of 50 million).

Korea also overcame the oil crisis in the 1970s, the Asian financial crisis in 1998, and the global financial crisis in 2008. Korea is currently recognised as an IT, shipbuilding, and automobile manufacturing powerhouse. Samsung and LG are dominating the global smartphone and TV markets and Hyundai is a global leader in the shipbuilding and automobile industries. Korea is, however, not resting on its laurels, and dreaming of another leap forward through a creative economy, all thanks to knowledge development through quality research.

In sports and culture, Korea is also exerting much influence in the world. It successfully played host to the 1988 Summer Olympic Games and the 2002 World Cup (co-hosted with Japan). In addition, Horea was on hand for the Winter Olympic Games in Pyeongchang in 2018. Furthermore, it is spreading its pop culture through the Korean Wave, drawing the interest of people worldwide in Korean culture.

In 2010, Korea became a member of Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and switched from being an aid recipient to a donor. Besides, it hosted the 2010 G-20 Summit Meeting, the Busan High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness (HLF-4) in 2011, and the APEC Education Ministerial Meeting in 2012, playing the role of a bridge between developed and developing countries. And so behind such unprecedented rapid growth was the education fever and the excellent Korean educational system that has produced excellent manpower according to the demands of different eras.

‘Current state of Korean education’
Korean education guarantees the right to a quality education to all through steady investment and is educating excellent manpower. Excellence of the educational process has been really significant. The Korean government has since Korea’s independence continuously expanded the provision of free education to all students step-by-step. Starting with free primary education in 1959, it expanded free education to middle school (1985~2005) and expanded to high school in 2017.

‘Everyone is entitled to excellent teachers’
Teachers in Korea are one of the most coveted jobs excellent students choose. Excellent institutions educating teachers are enabling teachers to get high-quality education. In addition, support is stably provided for teachers to focus on teaching only and systemic re-education and training opportunities are provided for them to effectively teach. Of all teachers, 30.8 percent have degrees over a master’s degree (as of 2012).

Let those who are also praying fervently for Nigeria to fulfill destiny note that miracles don’t just happen. We need to encourage our leaders at all levels that they need to invest more in education beyond the revival of the still-hazy Student Loan policy. Meanwhile, let our new leaders note that education is too important to be left to mediocre education ministers and commissioners at time that digital technologies shape at the speed of thought.

MAY BE CONTINUED

Nigerians are on the march again. Looking for political appointments. Some of them like vultures lusting for carcasses. Since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office, thousands of Nigerians have, predictably, been positioning themselves for appointments. A friend complained weeks ago that hotels in Abuja were fully booked. This was worsened by the National Assembly inauguration. With Tinubu dissolving the boards of federal agencies, he has instantly created thousands of vacancies. The executive managements will also be replaced (sooner or later). To be sure, this is routine. Every president does it. Appointees often exit with their principals and new ones come in.

Although Nigerians always focus their energies on Abuja, the same scenario plays out in the states. Thousands upon thousands of vacancies have also opened up across the states of the federation. When you add the federal government and states together, vacancies for political appointments run into huge numbers, both full-time and part-time. There will be ministers, board members, ambassadors, commissioners and advisers. There will be chiefs of staff, chiefs of protocol, SA this, SA that, press secretaries, personal assistants, and so forth. It is a big seasonal market that peaks every four years. It is what many fast and pray for, what they live and kill for. It is their utmost heart desire.

Dear appointees-in-waiting, I hope this finds you well. It has been my wish to communicate these few lines to you before you are officially appointed. Please be assured that I have nothing against political appointments or your determination to be the beneficiaries. The vacancies are meant to be filled. And it is human beings, not goats, that will fill them. So, you have not done anything wrong by submitting your CVs and begging the godfathers, both imagined and real, to put in a word for you. You have not committed any crime by putting in relentless efforts and vigils to serve your country.

Did I just say “serve your country”? Well, let’s discuss that. Are you putting in these extra-ordinary lobbying efforts because you sincerely want to serve your country? Are you pushing to be minister of works and housing, for instance, so that you can work your head off to help fix our road infrastructure and help tackle the housing deficit from your own corner? Are you wishing to be minister of health so that you can work day and night — and night and day — to turn our federal hospitals into centres of excellence where every patient would like to be attended to, where every doctor would like to work and where you yourself would gladly go for treatment or even surgery?

Are you lobbying to be attorney-general of the federation (AGF) and minister of justice so that you can provide selfless and patriotic legal opinions to the federation and lead a reform process that will deliver justice to all Nigerians, no matter their standing? Or are you fantasising about being AGF because you want to collude with scammers and judges to secure decisions against your fatherland and share from the judgment debt payments? Are you desperate to be AGF so that you can be selling your legal opinions for a mess of pottage, thereby making your country vulnerable to legal proceedings all over the world and creating a huge slush market for your lawyer friends?

Are you angling to be commissioner for education because you are broken-hearted about the number of out-of-school children and you want to do everything within your power to address this issue? Are you so downcast about the quality of teaching and classroom infrastructure that you have been fasting and praying that God should let you get into government so that you can lead the sector to the promised land? Are you lobbying to be appointed as a board member of an agency so that you can deploy your experience and resources to help with giving policy direction and demanding accountability of the management team? Or are you interested mainly in the sharing of money?

Dear appointees-in-waiting, if the dominant thought in your minds is the peace and progress of Nigeria, congratulations! May your tribe continue to expand. May we unearth more of your ilk. We need more of you in critical and strategic public positions as the quest for a greater Nigeria continues. However, if your heart desire is to secure a licence to loot or to be called “government official” so that you can feather your nest, you may find this love note a bit uncomfortable but do not be offended. I mean no harm. My intention is to tell you as subtly as possible that appointments should not be about enjoying all the free comfort and impunity that public office can offer.

I am absolutely aware that not everyone who gets appointed into public office lobbied for it. I know that some are practically cajoled or persuaded to accept such appointments because of their expertise or profile. Some have to forgo their own comfort, even taking a pay cut, to serve their country. They are not in government because of the perks of office. I know as well that some appointees put in a decent shift despite the very difficult environment, full of wolves and buccaneers. This love note is not for this category. I am talking to those of you (yes, you know yourselves) who are obviously motivated by the wrong values as you lobby intensely for political appointments.

May I, this day, invite you to have a quiet conversation with your conscience. Are you really, really desperate to serve Nigeria for our good? Are you going to great lengths to lobby for appointments for the love of God and country? Are you a proven problem solver and you are wishing that you would get a chance to prove your mettle in public office, to prove that things can be better done? Have you taken time to analyse the problems and prospects of the position you are targeting? Do you want to create a legacy that will make us celebrate you forever as someone who came, saw and conquered? Are you irrevocably resolute to build a nation “where peace and justice shall reign”?

I am asking these questions not because I am in search of answers. That is why they are called rhetorical questions — the real intention is to make a point. My intention is to prick your consciences. I have seen the excitement with which some of you are jumping on planes to Abuja in preparation for appointments. Something keeps telling me the motives of many are not pure. Some just want to be at a vantage position to tamper with public funds. Some of you are searching for an opportunity to amass Prados and Pradas. Some of you are only dreaming of siren-led convoys. You crave to have police orderlies carrying your bags and lowly Nigerians eating from your palm.

In Nigeria, we often blame the principals for all our failings. We spend much time holding our presidents, and sometimes governors, wholly responsible for the state of the nation. Has the time come to start sharing the blame with their appointees as well? I agree 100 percent that the presidents and the governors are responsible for the appointments they make. They deserve every blame they get. But maybe it would also help if the appointees purpose in their hearts to give their utmost best in the quest for a greater Nigeria. If your principal appoints you for the wrong reasons and with the wrong expectations, what stops you from using the opportunity to be different?

Dear appointees-in-waiting, it is very easy to blame the principals for all the rot in the system. It is very convenient. But if you are appointed commissioner of finance or accountant general and your principal wants you to tamper with the books as he launches an assault on the treasury, you have a choice to say no. If you do not say no, it is most likely because you too hope to benefit from the raid. Let’s be honest with ourselves. Okay, you are an ordinary appointee and you will be fired if you disobey your principal. So what? If indeed your motive is service to fatherland, must you serve your country by force? In any case, you are not going to be commissioner or minister forever. Fact.

Let us imagine that the principal wants you to do something that is unpatriotic and criminal and he fires you because you refuse to carry out the instruction. Let us further imagine that the appointee that replaces you also refuses to carry out the instruction. He too is fired. And let us imagine the next appointee also refuses to do the dirty job and gets fired. I can assure you that Nigeria will become a better place. It will be clear to the principal that the loyalty of an appointee is first and foremost to the nation and its laws, not to an individual. But the moment appointees see their positions as a meal ticket, it is so easy to say “I was only carrying out instructions”. You can resign. It is allowed.

Dear appointees-in-waiting, before you accuse me of preaching Utopianism, I want to assure you that I have had one or two friends who served this country and didn’t soil their hands. I can defend them even with a loaded gun pointed to my nose. I can testify that they never took more than they were entitled to and even gave up some of their entitlements. I know they came out of government poorer than they went in and some people laughed them to scorn, but they have their integrity intact and are forever proud of their service. I am proud of them too. And I know there are thousands of Nigerians who would serve their fatherland with equal passion and patriotism.

By the way, I am not asking that saints should be appointed into government. There are no saints in this business. I am asking you a simple question: why are you lobbying for that appointment? To help us eradicate poverty and disease? To help us banish infant and maternal mortality? To help reduce accidents and deaths on our roads? To contribute to making Nigeria a land of delight? Or are you just salivating for the perks of office, to raid the treasury like vultures? It is not too late to have a rethink. You don’t have to be a saint in government, but you can decide to do things differently and leave a legacy of patriotism and commitment to the greater good. You can choose to love your country. 

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

HARD TIMES

While Nigerians are still trying to adjust to the new petrol pricing regime, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) floated the naira and the currency depreciated rapidly. While we are at it, electricity tariffs are set to go up again. In truth, Nigerians had been protected from these hardships for years despite changing economic realities across the world. We protected ourselves by piling up ruinous debts. Something had to give. Unfortunately, it is ordinary Nigerians that will bear the harshest part of the brunt. The fat cats in government will only get fatter. Asking Nigerians to endure the hardship is a message that will be best preached if public officers would also share from the pains. Sacrifice.  

OGALLA AND IGALA

One complex thing about Nigeria is the ethnic game. President Bola Tinubu has just appointed Rear Admiral Emmanuel Ogalla as the chief of naval staff but, according to what I read on Twitter, he is an Igala, not Igbo, from Enugu state. I never knew Enugu had Igalas until now. I don’t know if Ogalla is Igbo or not (his other name is Ikechukwu), but those making the Igala point may be trying to prepare a case of marginalisation. This would be an irony. Are Enugu Igalas fully integrated or are they being marginalised? It is sad that we are not discussing the Ogalla who had A1 in all but one of his subjects in the military school and the Ogalla that is celebrated as a thoroughbred professional. Politics.

DEMOLITION MAN

Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, the governor of Kano state, has spent the early days of his tenure demolishing structures built by his predecessor, Dr Abdullahi Ganduje. It got so ridiculous he said one of the structures was pulled down because there was a cross design on it. Since he hates the cross — the symbol of Christianity — so much, why not just paint over it? Why bomb a car because of one cockroach under the seat? It is estimated that property destroyed so far is worth close to N200 billion. What these guys don’t know is that it is the society that suffers the losses. Although he appears intoxicated with power, he will be governor for maximum eight years, not eternity. Vicious.

TIGER BY THE TAIL

I usually don’t like it when your first duty is to clarify your pronouncement. Mr Kayode Egbetokun, the acting inspector-general of police (IGP), just did exactly that. After he was decorated with his new rank by Vice-President Kashim Shettima on Tuesday, Egbetokun said he felt like a tiger ready to “devour Nigeria’s internal enemies”. He went to “shalaye” the following day, saying he was only conveying a message to the public about his knowledge of insecurity in Nigeria. The task before him is massive. It would be better if he rolls up his sleeves and talks less so that he does not end up as a paper tiger. He will be judged by his actions and not his metaphors. I wish him success. Tough.

The attention of All Progressives Congress (APC) in Rivers State has been drawn to calls by imposters and sponsored amorphous groupings acting as fronts for the immediate past Governor of Rivers State, Mr Nyesom Wike, that APC in Rivers State is calling on him (Mr Wike) to join the same party he had characterised as suffering from Cancer.  

Nothing can be more preposterous than this kite being flown by minions of Wike working hard to justify their pay cheque.

We wish to unequivocally dismiss any such rumour or sponsored story planted in any medium that Rivers State APC had at any forum invited Mr Wike to join our party none the least calling on Wike to take over leadership of a party he never campaigned for. We dare anyone to provide video evidence of any campaigns where Mr Wike openly campaigned for the APC. The terror unleashed on our party members in the cause of his eight years maximum rulership alone is enough evidence to confirm that Wike has no business with Rivers State APC. Asking him to come and take over is asking an enemy to come and finish off his victims. 

We are aware of his schemes to escape justice over the looting of the collective patrimony of Rivers people which is the major reason for his romancing top APC members.

For those who may be suffering from amnesia, a none APC member cannot be cheerleader for the entry of Wike into APC. Nobody can decree his membership of a political party through radio or newspaper publications. All vexatious attempts at distracting our party in Rivers State will keep failing. 

For the avoidance of doubts, the APC in Rivers State has a legally recognized state office where all official businesses are conducted. We do also have standard procedure for convening our meetings according to our party's constitution. Therefore, it is expedient for the public to be aware that village meetings or gatherings cannot equate with a stakeholder's meeting of APC in Rivers State, especially a gathering that took place at a hotel belonging to such a non-APC member.

We therefore disassociate the leadership of our party from any so-called stakeholders meeting suggesting that our party be handed over to Mr Wike. We reiterate our party's resolve to lend 100% support to the policies and programmes of the Federal Government under the indefatigable leadership of our President, His Excellency Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR.

We warn blackmailers and conflipreneurs to desist from the shameless tradition of using the name of our party to curry favour from desperate politicians seeking relevance at the centre. 

 

Signed:

Darlington Nwauju

Rivers State APC Spokesperson

24/6/2023

Nkechinyere UMEH has emerged as the leading scorer in the 2023 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examinations, having achieved an impressive cumulative mark of 360.

During the ongoing 2023 policy meeting in Abuja, the Registrar of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Examinations, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, made a presentation revealing that...

Umeh, hailing from Anambra State, has reportedly scored an impressive 360 points, as stated by Oloyede.

In a recent development, the JAMB boss has revealed the names of the top 10 candidates who excelled in the examination. Notably, Aguele Stephen and Ositade Oluwafemi secured the top spot with a score of 358, followed closely by Gbolahan Ayinde with a score of 357. Other high-performing candidates include John Fulfilment and Chimdubem Ugonna, who scored 356 and 355, respectively.