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It`s so amazing how some Islamic clerics in Northern Nigeria are supporting Tinubu to send soldiers to Niger Republic to fight a proxy war between us (Northern Nigerians) and our brothers and sisters in Niger Republic on behalf of France. On behalf of the colonial agenda of France. So that France can continue to exploit, loot, and siphon the resources of the Francophone countries.

Have we ever wondered why the Francophone African countries remain the poorest African countries? I will not even go into the CFA currency here. That will just be an overkill.

 

Hamani Diori, the first President of Niger Republic attempted to negotiate the Uranium contract between Niger Republic and France in 1974 when he attended the burial ceremony of late French President Georges Jean Raymond Pompidou. Oh Hamani Diori was toppled just a few weeks after returning to Niger from France. His beautiful wife Aissa Diori was murdered. Diori’s France backed coup leader, Seyni Kountché, became the longest serving ruler of Niger Republic, giving France all the Uranium and Gold it needed for virtually free.

I am not sure when France started supporting democracy in Africa.

Niger Republic, the worlds 7th largest Uranium producer, provides France with 33% of its energy-needed uranium and 25% of Europes needed uranium. Yet, Niger remains one of the poorest and darkest countries in the world.

Let me put this more clearly. Niger’s uranium is fully under the exploitative control of a French company called Areva.

 

Areva generates revenue of over $4billion annually. Google it yourself.

Niger Republic’s GDP is about $15billion. Google this yourself too.

That means Areva, a single French company generates almost 30% of Niger Republics economy.

Secondly, a quick internet search of Areva’s headquarters will show you the tallest building in Courbevoie, which is the number one business district of France. Yet, Nigeriens remain in darkness and poverty.

 

How can a single company be generating up to 30% of the GDP of the country that it is exploiting? Does that even make sense in any way to any right thinking human being?

Anyway, back to the matter. We all need to be aware that Niger accounts for some of the largest gold deposits in the world. I believe Richard Nixon was wondering where Charles De Gaulle got all that Gold from.

And now we have Tinubu wanting to send our army to fight our brothers across the border just so that he can win the approval of the West.

The big question is why?

 

We the Northerners must understand that 7 Northern states share a cumulative 1,100km long border with Niger Republic. These states are Kebbi, Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina, Jigawa, Yobe, and Borno. Stretching along the entire northern border, North East to North West.

Are we in the North ready for a proxy war on behalf of France against our brothers and sisters in Niger? Are we ready for the death, carnage, destruction, and chaos that is to follow? Are we ready to destroy the thousands of years of relationship that exist between us and our brothers and sisters in Niger on behalf of Tinubu and his newly found Western backers?

The same West that criticized the election that brought Tinubu to power is today showering praises on Tinubu as the champion of democracy. If you don’t believe me please read it yourself (https://www.ft.com/content/24f50cd6-6b78-477d-a7a7-68bb1ec1d972) Amazing how fast the West switches.

So what really changed? When did Tinubu become a champion of democracy for the West? Just about 18 months ago there was a coup in Chad. The West supported it and said nothing of democracy. ECOWAS did nothing. So what has changed?

 

Hypocrisy 101?

Oh no, what is the true nature of the actual relationship between Tinubu and France? Dont mind the countless trips Tinubu has been making to France for lord knows how long now.

Oh to understand that relationship, you first need to understand the relationship between Tinubu and the Chagoury’s. Oh they are the Lebanese billionaires behind Eco Atlantic (just google Eco Atlantic) by the way. To those that care to know. To understand how this is similar to the war in Ukraine, one needs to just google “Burisma and the Biden Family”. Ukraine is an idea of the suffering that will follow if we allow ourselves to be used as the proxies for Western war agenda or for Chagoury business interest.

Are we about to go to war with our closest ally (Niger Republic) on behalf of the business interest of Tinubu and the Chagoury’s? We want to shoot and bomb the same Nigerien soldiers that paid the ultimate price to fight bandits and terrorist with us, for us, and by us?

Back to the matter, again…

A few days ago, I watched an interview on Arise TV with a former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Akinwande Bolaji Akinyemi. I was baffled to hear him invalidate the humanitarian, security social, and economic consequence of a military operation in Niger Republic by saying that it is a price worth paying if Nigeria is to become the giant of Africa. I am not sure what he means by “giant of Africa” here. Please watch (https://youtu.be/EEr1vdGs-Xc) for yourself to get a sense of what is actually going on.

This got me wondering if there is an ethnic and regional conspiracy against the North. If the coup happened in Benin Republic, will Tinubu be willing to send the military? Will Akinwande Bolaji Akinyemi continue to support a military operation with the excuse that the disastrous consequences of death and carnage for such an action is worth paying for in order for Nigeria to be the giant of Africa?

Must Hausa/Fulani blood be spilled across Nigeria/Niger border for Nigeria to become the Giant of Africa? So have I been lied to all my young life that Nigeria is already the giant of Africa?

Will the same Akinwande be willing to spill Yoruba blood in a war against Benin Republic so that Nigeria will attain the status of “giant of Africa”, whatever that even means?

Moreover, a friend of mine asked me what will happen if Nigeria invades Niger Republic? Will Tinubu declare a martial law with the backing of his newly found Western besties so that he can stay in power forever to avoid the outcome or decision of the Presidential Election Tribunal? Is this a back up plan for Tinubu to hold on to being President by all means? Or is this just a strategic attack against Northern Nigeria. Just the quality and caliber of ministerial nominees from Northern Nigeria raises more questions than answers regarding a grand plan or agenda against the North.

Islamic clerics in Northern Nigeria must stop pushing every narrative pushed to them by the current administration for their selfish interests. Arewa will burn if a war against Niger Republic is to start.

I must remind you that Tinubu’s new found besties have a record of bombing Islamic countries. Never mind Iraq, Libya, Syria, Somalia etc. If Tinubu was President when Muamar Ghadafi was killed by the West, would he have supported the coup in Libya knowing fully well that by supporting such madness Sub-Saraharan Africa (Northern Nigeria in particular) will be flooded with arms and terrorist? Oh has Arewa not see enough of that aftermath in Borno, Yobe, Zamfara, Katsina, and also in the hands of Bello Turji? Don’t we have enough orphans and widows?

I want to remind the North that France supported Biafra during the Civil War. France supported those that INHUMANELY MURDERED Ahmadu Bello (Sardauna) and Tafawabalewa.

So when did France begin to like us and to like our dear democracy? Oh when Tinubu became the President of Nigeria I guess.

Are we really ready to face the armed forces of Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, and Niger Republic backed and trained by Russia’s Wagner? Lol. Dey play.

Are we really ok?

No, we Northerners, ARE WE OK?

We can’t plan, we can’t reason, we can’t speak?

Zamu gaya wa aya zakin ta. Very soon.

I have found myself at the centre of a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s political landscape. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in a move that brought me immense honour, chose me as a ministerial nominee. Coming from the traditional, conservative regions of northern Nigeria, this represented a significant stride towards a more inclusive national representation.

The sheer joy and pride I felt at my nomination were beyond words. It was a validation of my capabilities, a nod to my vision, and a sign that our great nation was ready to embrace a future where young women like me, even from the most traditional parts of Nigeria, can hold positions of influence and power.

Yet, life, with its characteristic unpredictability, led to the withdrawal of my nomination. To some, this could seem like a setback, but my faith as a devout Muslim guided my understanding. I saw it as the divine will of Allah, who I believe grants power as He wishes, when He wishes. His plans are always superior to ours.

May be an image of 4 people

Even with this unexpected twist, my gratitude to President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu for considering me for such an esteemed position remains undiminished. The journey doesn’t end here; I believe this is a mere stepping stone, the best is yet to come. My resolve to serve my beloved country, Nigeria, in any capacity I can, is stronger than ever.

I would like to assure my incredible supporters that this is not an end, it is the dawn of a new era I urge all of us to continue praying for our nation and to stand behind our president as he strives to better Nigeria. Together, let’s press ahead united under our #WEBELIEVE campaign.

It would be unfair of me here if I fail to acknowledge and appreciate the overwhelming support from international organizations and community, a lot have reached out and I am completely dazed by it all.

My nomination may have been withdrawn, but my hope is unwavering. As I have often stated, “Hope is not lost; maybe I will come back again.” This phase of my life has instilled in me a deeper sense of resilience, faith, and the value of service beyond titles and positions. It has reaffirmed my belief in the potential for change and in the inherent greatness of Nigeria. The dream is still alive, and my commitment to our nation remains steadfast.

As we move forward, I pray for the good health and strength to our President Baba Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his Vice President, Sen. Kashim Shettima.

May Allah continue to bless our great nation, The Federal Republic of Nigeria! #webelieve!??

NB: I would like my supporters to know that this is my only verified source of interaction on social media and should be wary of cloned accounts bearing my name. Thank you and God Bless.

Dr Maryam Shetty

 

“Of all our studies, history is best qualified to reward our research” Malcolm X

The foreign IMF team flew into Abuja on November 18, 2022 for the 2022 Article IV consultation meeting with Nigerian government officials. At the end of the meeting, the IMF’s recommendations for the incoming 2023 Nigerian President on fiscal policies stated; “Policy priorities include permanent removal of fuel subsidies by mid-2023 as planned, stoppage of oil theft, improved tax compliance through automation, taxpayer segmentation, customs modernization and rationalization of tax incentives, and adoption of excise and VAT rates similar to those prevailing in peer countries in West Africa.” President Tinubu is implementing all the IMF recommendations. First, he increased petrol prices, school fees, food prices, electric tariffs, water prices, transport costs, house rent, hospital fees and burial fees. Then, he is planning to introduce high taxes on unwaged workers and market women in the informal sector.

The Tinubu government plans to tax market women and others in the informal sector through FIRS by working with the Market Traders Association of Nigeria (MATAN) in a program called the VAT Direct Initiative. MATAN members will each receive an ID card upon enumeration, which would contain their Tax Identification Number (TIN) and other personal details. Imposing taxes on market women and workers in the informal sector will reduce household income, further increase food and commodity prices and increase poverty without improving any government service. Tinubu’s strategy is to impose the Lagos model of increased taxation and revenue generation under an Iyaloja and market place touts on Nigeria. However, this strategy will fail because Lagos is not Nigeria and Nigerian market women do not have a national or state Iyaloja. History teaches us that Nigerian women will organize and resist government attempts to reduce their household income by increased taxation. We will examine the historical struggles of Nigerian women against taxation by focusing on the Aba women revolt of 1929.

The revolt of women against direct taxation in the Eastern provinces occurred between November 1929 and January 1930. In October 1929, the Acting District Officer of Bende issued an order to all warrant chiefs to count all men, women, children, and livestock during the next census for taxation purposes. The census began in Oloko. The warrant chief ordered a counter to proceed with the census when the Acting District Officer gave him a week deadline. The counter started counting at Umuobasi village in Oloko. In the first compound, he got into a fight with the farmer's wife. The woman ran to the market where a women meeting, discussing the issue of direct taxation, was in progress. The presence of a bleeding member, claiming that the warrant chief had sent a census counter to her home to assess her property for the purpose of taxation, electrified the meeting. The meeting immediately sent messengers with palm leaves to women in all villages in Bende and beyond. The women were told to mobilize against the coming direct taxation of women.

On the next day, thousands of women from neighbouring villages gathered at Oloko. First, they went to the Niger Delta Pastorate Mission where the census counter worked. There, they sang, ate food, and demonstrated until they numbered thousands. Whereupon they moved to the home of the warrant chief. The women sacked his home, seized his properties, and attacked all his family members. Three days later, the women sent representatives to the Acting District Officer. The women representatives filed a complaint of assault against the warrant chief and the census counter. They visited the Acting District Officer again, the following day, and informed him that women from Bende, Aba and Owerri divisions have gathered at Oloko for his personal assurance that women would not pay taxes. When the Acting District Officer arrived at Oloko, he gave the women a written guarantee that they would not pay taxes. However, the women demanded the arrest of the warrant chief. The Acting District Officer arrested the chief and transported him to Bende where the native court found him guilty of "spreading news likely to create alarm and of assault” and gave him a two-year sentence. The Acting District Officer wrote, “The women numbering over 10,000 were shouting and yelling round the office in a frenzy. They demanded his cap of office, which I threw to them, and it met the same fate as a fox's carcass thrown to a pack of hounds.”

One week later, the women revolted. They burnt down the native court buildings at Nguru, Okpuala and Ngor in Bende district. In Owerri province, they also burnt the native court building at Azumiri. The next day, the women burnt down 2 more native court buildings in Owerri province. In Aba division, they burnt down 3 native court buildings. The revolt was in full swing. The women spread the revolt along trade routes with such speed that it caught the colonial government off guard. The response of the government, upon recovery, was military pacification. The colonial government sent armed troops to Aba and Port Harcourt. Aba women reacted to the troops presence by destroying many foreign stores. The women attacked and looted a French company at the Imo River. The colonial troops rushed from village to village as burning and looting of foreign shops became widespread.

In December, thousands of women invaded Owerri township and barricaded the Owerri-Aba Road. At Aba, the situation was tense. The colonial government sent troops from Owerri to Aba as reinforcements before more barricades could render the Owerri-Aba Road impassable. The mobilization of the colonial troops caused the women to change strategy. First, instead of going from village to village, they concentrated their numbers in the important towns of Aba, Calabar, Port Harcourt and Owerri. In these towns, they ransacked foreign shops and appropriated imported commodities without the mediation of money. This forced the colonial State to concentrate its troops on these few urban areas. Next, the women unleashed attacks on native court buildings in smaller towns and villages. They attacked native courts in Calabar province, Iko Ekpene, Abak, Itu and Opobo. They destroyed the properties of native court chiefs and clerks in Ngor, Okpuala and Mbawsi. The colonial government sent its troops into the hinterland with instruction to pacify the village women. At Utu-Etim-Ekpo, the colonial troops opened fire on the women, killing eighteen women and wounding nineteen others. At Abak, the troops also opened fire on the women, killing two.

The next day, the women in Calabar province opened another front in the revolt. Native court buildings were set on fire. So also, were the properties of the native administration employees and of the colonial foreign companies. At Opobo, the colonial troops opened fire on the women, killing twenty nine women and one man. Twenty-one women were wounded, and eight women drowned when the rifle fire of the troops drove the women crowd into a nearby river. The death of the women at Abak, Utu-Ekim-Ekpo and Opobo led to more ferocious attacks, especially in Calabar province. The women organized their attacks such that reinforcements from neighbouring villages gathered in one village by travelling through footpaths at night. The following day, the women would attack all institutions of colonial rule in the village and disperse before nightfall. They travelled back home, through these same footpaths which they were familiar with as palm produce retailers. Thus, many villages were attacked simultaneously  despite the presence of the colonial troops. The troops could not determine which village would fall under attack. They usually arrived by road after the women attack was over. They shot the protesting women whenever they arrived at a village during an attack.

The colonial government changed tactics following the shootings at Opobo. The government sent troops to pressure the village elders and leaders, to beg the women to put an end to the revolt. The pleas from the village elders achieved the desired results. The revolt came to an end. The colonial government imposed collective fines in accordance with the Peace Preservation Ordinance on the villages where women participated in the revolt. In all, the government fined thirty-seven villages. In these villages, the government fined each adult 25% of the tax rate. In this way, the State collected approximately £5,000 following the termination of the revolt. The government burnt down villages that refused to pay collective fines and destroyed their crops and livestock. After this, the colonial government set up a commission of enquiry to investigate the causes of the women revolt.

There were many struggles against taxation before the Aba women  revolt in 1929.  We have told the story of the nation mass resistance against taxation in 1927 and 1928. More women struggle against taxation occurred in Nigeria after 1929. Wole Soyinka captured the struggle of the Egba women against taxation in 1947-1948 in his memoir, “Ake: The Years of Childhood”. History teaches that the Tinubu government IMF sponsored policy of reducing the household income of women and other unwaged workers in the informal sector by increased taxation will meet with strong resistance. The Tinubu increased taxation policy will fail like all the past colonial attempts to impose direct taxes on Nigerian women.

In a series of recent events, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's administration has displayed a propensity for quick decision-making. However, these swift actions have raised questions and concerns about the administration's approach and its long-term implications.

First, the abrupt announcement of the removal of the fuel subsidy, which was subsequently revealed to have been omitted from the inaugural speech — underscores a lack of strategic foresight. While the previous government had already paved the way for this move, President Tinubu's administration missed an opportunity to proactively communicate the subsidy's removal and soften its impact on citizens. By taking its time to announce the dates and processes for both the removal and accompanying policies, the government could have projected a more deliberate, forward-thinking image.

A similar pattern unfolded just last week as ECOWAS, led by President Tinubu, issued a firm ultimatum to the military junta in Niger following the coup. While Nigeria's commitment to democratic values is laudable, this somewhat impulsive ultimatum overlooked potentially less costly diplomatic options.

Before the ultimatum was issued, due consideration should have been given to the African Union and the UN Security Council's stance on the matter. Both entities refrained from endorsing military intervention in Niger, instead emphasising the importance of non-violent solutions. These observations hold considerable significance and should have been addressed before the ECOWAS leaders decided on the ultimatum.

While taking a regional lead in restoring democracy is commendable, spearheading an effort that might involve an international illegality to counter another raises concerns about the quality of advice. This is because everyone with a basic understanding of international relations knows that declarations of military action must follow certain international protocols. Hence, all foreign policy decisions must be approached with meticulous analysis and measured steps.

The Niger ultimatum also exposes the administration's eagerness to appear proactive — potentially overshadowing the careful considerations required for such critical decisions. In this case, the threat of military action within seven days may have underestimated the simmering tensions after the coup, which further lends credence to the fact that we should have opted for diplomacy as a primary course of action, with the threat of military confrontation as our secondary option.

Nevertheless, the administration's swift moves remind us of the delicate balance between appearing decisive and enacting sound policies. The ‘recentness’ of these events also underscores the importance of patience and thorough analysis, particularly when regional stability and international relations hang in the balance.

It is undeniable that the Tinubu government faces immense pressure and seeks to project a proactive stance. However, there are moments when optics must yield to pragmatism. With millions of lives at stake, every government action demands a thorough consideration of its potential repercussions.

As Nigeria grapples with these decisions, one thing remains clear: the learning curve for President Tinubu's administration is ongoing, and it must quickly adapt to navigate the complexities of governance with a greater appreciation for the gravity of each choice.

I rest my case.

On July 26, Niger witnessed the fifth successful coup out of nine attempted coups in West Africa since 2020, joining other West African countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea which are currently under the military Junta.
 
Delivering a speech in Accra in July 2009, ex-USA President Barrack Obama said, "Africa no longer needs strongmen—it needs strong institutions." But it continues to send worries down the spine, how Africa still witnesses military takeovers while other continents continue to develop democratically.
 
Since 2010, the black continent has witnessed over 40 coups and attempted coups, with around half of those occurring in West Africa and the Sahel. Worthy to add is the fact that most of these coups occurred in former French colonies, as did six of the seven coups since 2019.
 
Many African coups and attempted coups have been caused by internal and external factors. The former are challenges of bad governance, corruption, hunger, underdevelopment, and undue longevity on presidential seats, while the latter are basically global dynamics and foreign interference.
 
While the internal factors seemed to have triggered frustration among Africans and the militia men, the external factors seemed to have received less attention. Russia, for instance, had a fingerprint in the 2021 and 2020 coups in Mali, and likewise in the coup in Burkina Faso. Mahamat Derby of Chad was also reported to have received an endorsement from Paris. While Assimi Goita, who spearheaded the two coups in Mali, has been said to have received military training and aid from the US. A French company, Orano, currently controls uranium-producing companies in Niger, and 50% of the total uranium produced in the country ends up in France, hence providing one third of the source of France's nuclear reactors. France's colonial and post-colonial influence in some of the African countries where coups have been successful was said to have been weakened with the support of the Wagner Group in Russia. Thus, indirectly, the foreign superpowers fight proxy wars on African lands.
 
Interestingly, the African Union (AU) and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) imposed economic, social, and regional sanctions against Niger, but these sanctions have only appeared to be futile threats, especially when other African countries under military rule have pledged support for Niger. Presumably, the ECOWAS Chairman, President Bola Tinubu, has threatened military action against Niger if the coup lasts beyond seven days. And this is what triggered this essayist to pick up a pen and write, especially considering what the aftermath of this action could be.
 
Over the years, President Tinubu has been known as a strategic leader who pays attention to details, and this time, he's also expected to pay attention to the reaction of Nigeriens who have stormed the streets of Niger, jubilating the military takeover. Even two days ago, Burkinabes were seen in mammoth numbers, giving a rosy welcome to their military ruler, Ibrahim Traore, after his welcome from Russia, where he had a diplomatic meeting with Vladimir Putin. Nigeriens are glaringly happy with the military takeover; hence, President Tinubu and ECOWAS should maintain laxity and not take paracetamol for Nigeriens' headache. President Tinubu should not cry more than the bereaved and leave Nigeriens to fight against their military takeover the same way Nigerians did during our military eras by making a reverberating voice against it and forming civil society groups.
 
ECOWAS and President Tinubu should bear in mind that there are always two sides to every coin, and while the military era does not necessarily mean bad government, democratic government does not necessarily mean development and stability either. Libya had its most developed era under Muammar Gaddafi, and if they were to choose between having Gadaffi again or corrupt democratic leaders, they wouldn't think twice about having the former. Obviously, Nigeriens are so happy with the latest coup that yesterday, they even held rallies against Tinubu, desecrating his poster and warning him not to interfere in their country's affairs. Who knows if they're in for a better ride under their new military ruler?
 
Moving forward, while Nigeria is currently the head of ECOWAS and offsets 60% of the ECOWAS budget, it's quite against logic that we waste scarce funds on military wars when many pressing issues in the country are in dire need of financial attention. As of March 31st, 2023, the country is currently steeped in foreign debts of ₦49.85 trillion ($108.30 billion) according to the Debt Management Office; 133 million Nigerians, which account for 60% of the total population, are in multidimensional poverty; and the country is currently plagued with an all-time-high inflation rate of 22.8% according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). These heartbreaking facts are poignant to the fact that now is not the time to waste Nigerian resources on needless fights.
 
President Tinubu should also realize that although Nigeria's military force has more strength than Niger's, Nigeria would not only be fighting Niger but also Chad, Guinea, Mali, and Burkina Faso, who have all pledged allegiance and support to Niger; likewise, foreign military units like the Wagner Group of Russia are also strongly behind Niger. A fight with Niger and all these countries will, without doubt, plunge Nigeria into serious infrastructural, economic, and humanitarian crises.
 
To add is the fact that although the Niger coup poses regional threats against Nigeria, Nigerians who live in bordering Katsina, Sokoto, and Zamfara will easily get hit should President Tinubu continue with the military interventions. Niger and Nigeria have shared mutual bilateral relations over the years, Niger also currently hosts thousands of Nigeria's refugees and some of our diasporans, a sour relationship between us should hence be tactically avoided.
 
To surmise, instead of AU, ECOWAS, and President Tinubu fighting Niger or any other (West) African countries headed by coup plotters, they should rather attack the causes of these coups. Institutional coups have been going on for decades in Africa, and the two regional blocs have been silent on them. Many African Leaders have dubiously extended their stay in office, yet they've not been summoned or attacked by ECOWAS or the AU. Cameroonian President Paul Biya was "fraudulently re-elected" in 2018 for a seventh term and has been in office for over 38 years. Congo President, Denis Sassou Nguesso, was also re-elected recently and has spent over 35 years in office. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has reportedly "rigged" many elections and has held power since 1986. Thus, like Liberia President George Weah said, "We cannot condemn military coups when we do not condemn those who carry out institutional coups.". ECOWAS and AU should rather fix their double standards and not keep quiet against institutional coups because many of the decades-serving presidents are among them.
 
Enclosing this, ECOWAS and the AU should not only threaten coup plotters when other member nations are ruled by democratic presidents who do not respect court orders and the rule of law. Many of these countries, like Nigeria, have even stormed court sessions with police and DSS and disrupted court's sessions. Many of these countries have repeatedly infringed on human rights. And more saddening, many of these member nations are led are very corrupt leaders who have retrogressed their countries and caused their citizens great harm. Until AU and ECOWAS addressed these boiling concerns, their threats against coup plotters would continue to be futile - and God forbid - many coups would follow the current ones.
 
 

Plus ҫa change. Does anything ever change? Is there a fundamental immutability in the Nigerian liaison with Nigeria? Is the relationship between a Nigerian and Nigeria fated to be unamenable to change and congruence? Well, I think many Nigerians are by a very decent measure patriotic and consummately committed to fatherland.

But while most statespersons are inclined to stay within the observatories and watch phenomena, a few in the obverse end, with bullhorns, attempt to overwhelm the cosmos of opinions with disturbing anti-nationalist tropes.

It is concerning, as it should be for every Nigerian, the endorsement of the felony against humanity in Niger Republic and the championship of the same for Nigeria, albeit tacitly or implied, by some individuals. This is a time citizens must affirm the inviolability and supremacy of democracy as well as assert the unity of Nigeria and the integrity of its institutions – and not pollute the public sphere with reckless fulminations.

It is disturbing that a section of Nigerians is banding in folly with alien agents who are running a propaganda against Nigeria over our stance on the putsch in Niger Republic. It is deeply disturbing. To some, the interest is not about Nigeria or good governance; rather it is about politics and native leanings. Whatever position taken by the leadership on any issue is subject to protestations, regardless of the reasons compelling the decision.  

This is an unpatriotic and jaundiced disposition to domestic and transnational concerns. It is obvious that to these ones what matters is not whether the leadership is competent and sufficiently prepared to fix the country, or whether the leadership is taking bold decisions for the greater good or playing a critical role in the league of nations, the dominating concern is that the leadership does not conform with their bias and some insular expectations.

But being patriotic does not mean anyone must like the government, it dictates citizens must commit to the peace and progress of the country, defend its integrity, democracy, and institutions as well as its sovereignty, regardless of the complexion of the leadership. Nigeria is too important for groundless tropes to be the definers of critical discourses.

Democracy is about having the right dialogues – varying and disparate, nevertheless. As active citizens, we should be more involved in discourses that foster nation-building and transformative leadership, and that can launch the country forward. We have a responsibility to give recommendations; proffer solutions; push innovations or back inventions, policies, programmes, and plans that will get us to where we want to be as a nation. Conversations casting the nation in a dark raiment of confusion and hopelessness are simply unyielding.

Years ago, I wrote “A nation in dire need of patriots’’. It was at a vicissitudinous moment in the life of the nation. I am inclined to reprise some of my erstwhile thoughts here.

A better Nigeria begins with me. It begins with you. It begins with us. We cannot outsource the development of our country. We must put our hands on the wheel to move it forward. We only make the country we deserve. The Chinese did not entrust their development to the Americans or anyone. Singaporeans as well did not consign their progress to any external agency. They built their country through tempest and hailstorm. They did not do so projecting the worst of the country, they acknowledged the challenges, but worked cohesively to address them.

Nevertheless, the place of leadership in the progress of these countries is unimpeachable. For China, the leadership tapestry of Mao Zedong saw the country evolve from an agrarian economy to an industrial nucleus. In the case of Singapore, the reformist deportment of Lee Kuan Yew launched the country from a divided and chaotic third state to first. Yes, we cannot excuse the place of leadership in transforming society. But we now have that leadership with transformative qualities.

A better Nigeria begins with me. Nigeria is salvageable. The traditional crotchets of inveterate pessimists and disbelievers in the Nigeria project are that only a rupturing of the entity can save its peoples. But this is an escapist’s way of avoiding responsibility to do the actual task of building the country.

Nigeria is our collective responsibility. We all have an equal share in the task of nation-building. We must begin and not stop crocheting the national fabric. Nigeria is not an option. Nigeria is the option. Nation-building cannot succeed in vacancy of the citizens. Nation-building is largely citizens building.

So, it all comes back to us. A better Nigeria begins with me. Theodore Roosevelt, 26th US president, famously said: “The first requisite of a good citizen in this republic of ours is that he shall be able and willing to pull his own weight.” Ralph Nader, American activist, and author, expressed my sentiments when he said: “There can be no daily democracy without daily citizenship.” By the same token, Paul Collier, award-winning author, when he said: “You are a citizen, and citizenship carries responsibilities.”

We can only create a better country if we work at it. Citizenship is a right that comes with the burden of responsibility.

Project Nigeria; defend Nigeria, its people, institutions, and democracy.

Governor Peter Mba’s effort to end the ongoing sit-at-home in Enugu is a right step in the right direction. Mbah had earlier in June declared an end to sit-at-home in the state, effective from June 5, 2023, saying such orders were restricting creativity, entrepreneurship, and productivity in Enugu State. The governor said, “there is no time to waste. The clock has started ticking on the mandate you gave me and deliverables I promised. A time comes in the lives of a people when they must decide whether they genuinely want to move forward or remain stuck with the conditions of their underdevelopment." The government's decision to end the order a month after assumption of office was received with mixed feelings by residents. With this development, those resident in Enugu are thorn between the devil and the turbulent deep blue sea. Ideally, government does not have to share citizens’ allegiance to it with any persons or group. However, the situation is slightly different and very precarious too. 
 
The sit-st-home order according to IPOB was their own unique way of impressing it on the federal government to release their leader Mazi Nnamdi Kanu who was extradited by the Nigerian authorities from Kenya in 2021 and is still held in the custody of the Directorate of State Services (DSS) even when a court of competent jurisdiction has granted him bail. Mba who upon assumption of office made the end of sit-at-home a top priority of his administration has declared that Enugu loses over 10 billion naira to the sit-at-home every mondays. 
 
He had, therefore, directed all civil servants to resume duties on mondays and encouraged citizens to go about their normal businesses as well. Mba further directed that civil servants who violate his order will be summarily dismissed while business men who close their shops will be dealt with accordingly. Letters were sent to private schools, banks and other private owned business to comply failure which their businesses cease to exist in the state. Ndi-Enugu clearly understood the position of the governor as a leader whose authority is undermined by a man in detention and somebody resident in far away Finland. Enugu people are very enterprising but only the living goes to work and the market. The people are concerned about the aftermath of complying with government directive vis-à-vis the weak response of security agencies to the publicly known brutal actions taken by those enforcing the sit-at-home order against people going about their normal businesses. 
 
We all know how unprepared and ineffective the security agencies are in curbing crimes, criminality and efforts to restore law and order. Many people have lost their lives while relying on previous government’s order to go about their businesses - unfortunately they never lived to tell the stories. People chose to stay back at home not because they do not suffer the pains and agony associated with the sit-at-home but for the fact that they have lost confidence in the ability of government to protect them. Some have decided to take a rest on mondays while many others do so in solidarity with IPOB. 
 
The bottom line remains that government has not built such confidence and trust that could possibly trigger the desired belief in its ability to protect the lives and properties of citizens. Therefore, government and security agencies should drop every show of force and continue to engage with the citizens for compliance. Even the governor who goes about to monitor compliance do so with the security paraphernalia of his office for protection from harm and injury. Could the same or a semblance of such security cover be availed an ordinary woman selling vegetables at the New Market? Here lies the crux of the matter.
 
No state governor would be happy and idly watch while citizens take orders from non-state actors either in Enugu, south east, somewhere in Nigeria or in Finland. Allowing such to happen means outsourcing the legitimate authority of the state government to such groups. One could clearly understand the seriousness Peter Mba attaches to this effort and desire to end sit-at-home in Enugu. Adhering to the order diminishes his office and what representative democratic governance stands for.
 
Therefore, the governor has to assert himself as the one in charge of the state. The governor’s effort at putting an end to the order has its own merits. However, the way and manner government goes about it in an attempt to assert the authority which it already has is one demerit trailing it. The economy of the state no doubt is in troubled state as a result. The internally generated revenue meant for development is rapidly dwindling. People are deprived of their constitutional right to freely associate. However, officials of government are unfortunately not good students of history. Why being punitive on citizens for not complying with government order? Two cannot work together unless they agree. Nobody is glad that Enugu and south east has practically become a ghost town on mondays. 
 
Peter Mba, Ohaneze Ndi-Igbo, governors and political leaders of south east should as a matter of urgency address the causative factor leading to sit-at-home. It was reported that many Igbo leaders are making genuine concerted efforts individually and as a group to ensure that Mazi Nnamdi Kanu is released. On the other hand some are accused of creating an atmosphere of unrest and prolonging the incarceration of Nnamdi for political reasons. Whatever it is, Igbo leaders should show enough sincerity in delivering this project as quick as possible. And it is certain Tinubu would like to score a political goal with the release of Nnamdi just like Shagari did with the pardon of Ojukwu. The people should not be in the dark regarding genuine efforts put by individuals and groups to resolve the impasse. 
 
Many people are of the singular view that the release of Nnamdi Kanu will automatically end sit-at-home. The governor is therefore advised to exert the kind of energy on trying to end the sit-at-home with mounting more pressure on federal government and DSS to obey court orders and release Nnamdi.
The attempt to procure Civil Society Groups and party supporters to renounce and demonstrate against the sit-at-home is simply giving legitimacy to it. Towing that regular government path of attempts to break up group ranks, arm twisting the people and situations is uncalled for. It is a complete charade and will be counter-productive.
 
During some of the stakeholder consultations leading to the decision of the governor to announce an end to sit-at-home, it was keenly observed from the list of government invitees that none of the groups or representatives of those who ordered the sit-at-home was invited.  Is it possible to shave someone’s head in his absence? A popular Igbo adage said that, “it is better to greet the deaf and let it be established that he did not hear let alone responding.”  It is heart warming to hear that Ohaneze Ndi-Igbo is reaching out to Simon Ekpa. 
 
On Tuesday July, 25 an unavoidable riot broke out in Enugu after the government sealed traders’ shops at Ogbete main market for failure to adhere to government’s directives on sit-at-home. One person unfortunately was reported killed as security operatives who attempted to restore law and order clashed with protesters. Does attempt by government to restore order enough to cause loss of life? Again, does the governor have the power to seal the shop of an individual who chose not to open for business on a certain day? Threatening civil servants with dismissal and sealing of traders’ shops simply to force them to comply with government directive when the same government cannot provide commensurate security measures to forestall attacks on people is ill-advised. Government should be more proactive and less reactive.
 

No fewer than 19,148 pupils have sat for a screening exercise into 42 Public Flagship Secondary Schools for 2023/2024 Academic Session in Ogun State.

The Special Adviser to the State Governor on Education, Science and Technology, Prof. Abayomi Arigbabu, who monitored the exercise in Ijebu-Ode, Ijebu-Mushin, Ijebu-Ife and Sagamu axis of the State, expressed delight with the timely and adequate supplies of the examination materials.

Arigbabu, according the Press Officers, MOES&T, Ayoola Obadimu and Samuel Ogungbesan, stated that the flagship schools were frontline schools selected across the four regions of the State, to serve as model in terms of infrastructure and standards.

He commended the Prince Dapo Abiodun-led administration for the initiative of the flagship schools, noting that the revitalisation, transformation and reformation in the education sector of the State was a roadmap to achieving more academic excellence.

The Special Adviser affirmed that ''since the introduction of the 42 Flagship Secondary Schools, there have been massive improvement in the educational standards, such that learners from those schools are making the State proud by winning laurels in National and International Competitions''.

He applauded the Old Students' Associations, the School Principals and other well-meanings Nigerians for supporting and collaborating with the present government to promote efficient educational standards the State is known for.

Prof. Arigbabu assured that results of the exercise would be available within 48 hours, saying "we're the first State in the federation to introduce technology into our educational system and management, especially in the conduct of the examinations, upgrading to world standards and making it free from manipulations". 

In their remarks, the Principal of one of the flagship schools, Mayflower Secondary School (Junior), Mr. Olugbemi Osinami and some parents, Messer. Yisau Tijani, Oluwagbemiga Oduyebo and Mrs. Falilat Adeyemo said flagship schools across the State were preferred choice due to the sustained legacies of the founding fathers for standard education, conducive learning environments and good infrastructure, appreciating Governor Dapo Abiodun for the massive investment in education.

Schools visited include, Ijebu-Ode Grammar School, Ijebu-Ode; Adeola Odutola College, Ijebu-Ode; Ijebu Muslim College, Ijebu-Ode; Remo Secondary School, Sagamu; Mayflower Secondary School, Ikenne; Odogbolu Grammar School, Odogbolu; St. Anthony's Grammar School, Esure, Ijebu-Mushin and Ijebu-Ife Community Grammar School, Ijebu-Ife.

 
 
 

In a shocking twist of events, a prestigious luxury hotel recently welcomed a new VIP guest that has undoubtedly set the hospitality industry abuzz. Say hello to the hotel's uninvited but determined guest - the rat! While most hotels strive to attract high-profile celebrities and dignitaries, this fine establishment seems to have taken a rather unconventional approach to hospitality.

Gone are the days of red-carpet welcomes for Nollywood stars and royal, and political families; now, the hotel staff must be on their toes to ensure they offer the same level of luxury to their furry intruder. Will the rat demand a personalized welcome letter, a gourmet cheese platter, or perhaps a mini-bar stocked with only the finest morsels?

The rat's check-in experience was nothing short of spectacular, as it effortlessly outsmarted the hotel's security measures and navigated its way to the most exclusive suites. Evidently, this rat is a true connoisseur of luxury, seeking only the finest accommodations for its impromptu stay.

Guests are encouraged to remain vigilant during their visit, as the hotel's newest VIP guest has already managed to make itself comfortable in various corners of the property. Some guests have reported spotting the rat nonchalantly lounging by the poolside, seemingly basking in the sun as if it were the newest member of the hotel's "Rat-telier."

While the hotel management may have initially been taken aback by the rat's surprise appearance, they have quickly embraced the situation with humor and creativity. The hotel's marketing team, in a stroke of brilliance, has even developed a new slogan: "Experience luxury like never before, with our exclusive rat-telier guest!" 

In a surprising twist of fate, the rat seems to have become a symbol of the hotel's avant-garde approach to hospitality. Guests now eagerly share their rat sightings on social media, turning it into an unintentional marketing campaign that no PR team could have ever dreamed of.

For the culinary team, it's been an unprecedented challenge. The rat's preference for exquisite delicacies has elevated the hotel's gourmet offerings, as chefs compete to craft the perfect dish for their newfound connoisseur.

Yet, amidst the hilarity and unconventional charm of the rat in the hotel, there remains a glaring need to address the underlying issue. The management assures guests that pest control is diligently working to ensure that the rat is safely relocated to a more appropriate habitat. However, some guests seem reluctant to part with their newfound furry friend, claiming it has added an element of excitement and adventure to their stay.

As we bid adieu to the rat's brief but unforgettable stint at the luxury hotel, we are left with a poignant reminder that the hospitality industry is indeed unpredictable. Whether it's rolling out the red carpet for celebrities or welcoming unexpected VIP guests like our fine, furry friend, one thing remains certain - hotels continue to offer an extraordinary and unforgettable experience. After all, where else can you say you shared your stay with a rat-telier guest?

The story above is about us, all of us Nigerians. And this is it, in the last three weeks I have been everywhere, from Nairobi to Burkina Faso and then Abuja. On getting home, and needing to stop in Abuja for a function, I was put in a four-star hotel in Abuja, first let me absolve the organisers of the program.

This was the first time in almost three decades of hotel life that I saw a rat in a top hotel, I saw it in the lobby of the rooms. Another colleague experienced the rat's brief but unforgettable stint in his room. The rooms were damp, they served complimentary room tea at 4PM, the towels were neither white nor brown.

This experience got me thinking, most of our problems are simply a case of a nation that its citizens have refused to take responsibility, a handful of us rather than change hotels, where okay, giving several reasons. An overwhelming number of Nigerians are more interested in going to heaven than making their country a better place. Indeed, many would burn Nigeria down to the ground just because they believe it will facilitate them going to heaven.

If this hotel was run by either of the two major faiths, they would have known a thing or two about cleanliness being next to godliness. We are too passionate about their religious faiths, but do not follow it one bit.

For Nigeria to grow, institutions must work, whether private or public, we must start to ask our local council or ward councillors what they are doing, we must get governance at the local government level or forget it. On the other hand, erroneously, Nigerians believe that the federal, state and local governments have the capacity to solve all of society’s socio-economic woes. I am sure we would blame the rats’ presence on the government.

While some of us complained about how bad the entire episode in the hotel had become, including giving participants food made with bad vegetables such that half of those in the hotel had issues with their tummy. Many still found time to get a bottle or two, Nigerians love parties, ceremonies that should be contributed to cooperative societies to create jobs

This hotel was big, it was massive, making me reflect on our misguided orientation has led us to believe that how much material wealth you have is a measure of your worth. I am sure the sheer size of the facility and all the paparazzi gave the impression that all was well. Indeed, the giant of Abuja, or is it the giant of Nigeria, with rats everywhere. Probably most destructive of all is the fact that we love high-end products, yet produce none of these goods ourselves.  As a people, we are shamelessly happy to import all our consumer goods. Like rats that we are!

Everything is wrong with us; we think that public transport is for the poor. Gustavo Petro once said: “A developed country is not a place where the poor have cars. It's where the rich use public transportation. I looked at the below par Keffi, Akwanga roads, the Chinese road is already being depressed by use. We have not managed to get one thing right…

The reason why is that we are stealing the irons on the railroad on the Kaduna axis, and doing the same at the new Niger Bridge. Rats everywhere!

The hotel like Nigerians do not want to take responsibility for their action or inaction. They blame everyone else but themselves. They do not believe that they should take the lead in making the country a better place. We believe in begging. We beg and beg and beg other people to take responsibility that is purely theirs.

May Nigeria Win

 

 

 
Those days when African military generals prepared to embark on war expeditions, they began to manifest queer, supra-human and impenetrable behavior. They recoiled from the world and its realities, wore frightening, fearsome visages and immersed themselves in huge pots of metaphysical liquid preparations Yoruba called agbo ogun. Natives then sang songs to scintillate their bloodthirsty bellicosity. One of such was a song meant to nourish the warmongering inclination in them, rendered as, O npa’le ogun mo, Edumare ma je o t’enu mi jade…
 
Today marks the expiry of President Bola Tinubu’s ultimatum to the coup plotters of Niger Republic. Against the run of play, when Tinubu, last Friday, wrote the Nigerian Senate seeking its support for military intervention against the junta in Niger Republic, his sabre-rattling bore similar features with those of 17th, 18th and 19th century warlords. Like the Ekitiparapo war which was fought from 1877 to 1893, most wars are triggered by, most times, mundane issues which are however a burst of deep-seated resentments and animosities. This war was regarded as one of the greatest of all wars among the Yoruba, in fact its bloodiest and the most unforgettable in history. It was a war renowned for its varied nomenclatures.
 
In its rendering as Kiriji War, that appellation was got from the onomatopoeic vibrations of Kirijiji! Kirijiji!! Kirijiji!!! which accompanied the booms of cannons and modern artillery munitions of the said war. When it is rendered as the Ekitiparapo War, it is in reference to the alliance of Ekiti-speaking Yoruba who gathered their ljesa, Igbomina, Egba, ljebu, Ilorin and allied enemies of Ibadan to fight them. Ibadan had by then become so pompous and belligerently oppressive to other parts of Yoruba. As War to End all Wars, it was in reference to the war being the last major war in the 19th century in Yorubaland; and finally, when rendered as The Sixteen Years War, that war’s notoriety for having been prosecuted for 16 consecutive years non-stop is the reference.
 
While Tinubu’s lure for this war is, on the surface, to protect the ravishing beauty called democracy that may be raped to death in Nigeria’s neighbouring Niger Republic, the bait of the Ekiti Parapo War was Falola, the pretty and delectable wife of warlord, Prince Fabunmi Abe Adesoye of Igbo-Odo, a town later to be known as Oke-Mesi. Falola was a victim of the libidinous rascality of an Ajele (Resident) imposed on the town by Ibadan conquistadors. Tinubu, as Chairman of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and his allies are bent on rescuing democracy, the damsel that General Abdourahmane Tiani, leader of the putschists in Niger coveted. Niger’s democratically elected president, Mohamed Bazoum, had been toppled due to what was referred to as an obscure personnel dispute within Niger’s presidential guard. On a market day in 1876, Oyepetun, the Ibadan Ajele stationed at Imesi-Igbodo, infamous for his avarice, wickedness and general impression that he was one of the most irreverent and badly behaved Residents (Ajele) sent by the Ibadan to Ekiti land, had seized Falola right there in the marketplace, in fact at the front of the Oba’s palace.
 
General Tiani had exhibited same audacious belligerency. Persuaded that this was an affront of the highest order and a final denouement to the continued desecration of Ekitiland by the Ibadan, Prince Fabunmi stormed the home of the Ajele and beheaded him, alongside all his band of invaders. Another account of what led to the war claimed that rather than Oyepetun sexually abusing Falola, Fabunmi’s wife, Oyepetun’s men forcefully took food and palm wine from a woman who was friend to Fabunmi’s wife, leading to a fight. In retaliation, Aare Latosa, without giving his proposed expedition a second thought, angrily sent one of his military commanders, Ajayi Ogboriefon, to Igbo-Odo with a single expedition – decapitate Fabunmi and bring his head to Ibadan in a white calabash.
 
Like Latosa who did not subject the likely scenario in Ekiti to rigorous examination and the probable negative effects of his pugnacious decree, Tinubu too, riled by the temerity of General Tijani, is seeking the Nigerien soldier’s head on a platter. Eventually however, not only did Latosa’s post-hate sabre-rattling become a huge calamity to befall Yorubaland, the Ekitiparapo war, which was one of the most belligerently prosecuted wars in Yorubaland, with variety of munitions, became a massive albatross to the people, hampering integrationist efforts among the people and becoming one of the ancient fault lines of divisiveness among the people. Its capital intensiveness hampered the people’s economy due to the then sophisticated armaments deployed for the prosecution of the war. For the first time, warriors witnessed the usage of costly breech-loading rifles and sophisticated weapons like Winchester, Martini Henri, Sniders, Mauser.
 
Apart from negatively impacting the socio-economic and political history of Yoruba race of the 19th century, the war also inflicted huge human losses, leading to the death of hundreds of thousands of people. It also opened Yorubaland to the covert invasion of British colonial penetration. In the same vein, it inflicted significant and far-reaching consequences that led to the opening of the routes to the eventual loss of Ilorin to Alimi’s Fulani. Following from this is its encouragement of the eventual loss of other Yoruba kingdoms to aliens. Historians locate the unending atrocious relationship between the Ife and Modakeke to this peremptory order for the head of Fabunmi by Aare Latosa.
 
That fractious relationship was later responsible for the hundreds of deaths in the 2000s war between Ife and Modakeke. Modakeke, in the prosecution of the Ekitiparapo war, found themselves allies of Ibadan, deployed to fight the war while their Ife neighbours, fought alongside the Generals of Ekitiparapo. The war also led to Ibadan losing its erstwhile panjandrum role in Yorubaland as a result of this hasty decision by Latosa. Eventually, all Ibadan erstwhile dependencies were severed and granted autonomy by the colonial government who sneaked in on the pretext of seeking armistice. Eventually the Ibadan/Oyo forces that dared the Ekiti had to withdraw. Ogboriefon himself died in the thick of the war.
 
Last Friday, Tinubu sought the backing of the Nigerian parliament to fight war in Niger. It is alleged that some of the actions on which Tinubu sought senate approval had already been effectuated. For instance, the highly authoritative Wall Street Journal said that even before going to the parliament, he had ordered for Niger to be hit by total darkness. This was done by disconnecting the main transmission lines that provides 75% of Niger’s electricity from Nigeria, thus plunging the Nigerien presidential palace, towns and villages into blackouts. Even the deposed President Bazoum’s cell phone, said the journal, though still remained charged as at the time of the report, stood the risk of running out, leading to him being incommunicado. It is however gladsome that the senate refused this request to invade Niger by the Nigerian president.
 
The Ekitiparapo War was one of the wars that signified the ambivalent nature of wars. It perhaps was what led to the famous statement that it is only the beginning of a war that is known; no one knows its end. Like the American war against Afghanistan primed to last a few months but which eventually elasticized from 2001 to 2021, ending with the Taliban offensive overthrowing the Islamic Republic and establishing an Islamic Emirate, the Ekitiparapo war also frustrated all strategic permutations, just as the Afghan war did. That war became the longest in US’ military history, even lasting longer than the 20-year-old Vietnam War.
 
But why, like Aare Latosa, would Tinubu precipitate a war that he has no scientific binoculars to foresee where and when it was heading for? When General Ibrahim Babangida, on August 24, 1990, began similar deployment of 3,000 West African troops into the Liberian capital, Monrovia, as part of the ECOWAS Peace Monitoring Group, (ECOMOG) he too never had an idea of the number of persons he would propitiate to the god of leadership ego that suddenly seized him, nor the billions of dollars of Nigeria’s patrimony that would be sunk into the expedition. Envisaging that ECOMOG operation in Liberia would last for just six months, it later lasted for seven years, even expanding its frontiers into neighbouring Sierra Leone.
 
Till today, the justification given for ECOWAS’ intervention in the Liberian war has been variously faulted and became largely controversial. Some claim that Babangida merely got Nigeria and other African countries to help fight a war to keep his friend, Samuel Doe of Liberia, in office. While the ECOWAS community hung on to Article 16, of the 1981 Defence Protocol, which said that “the Head of State of the member under attack may request action or assistance from the Community,” it was said that Doe never requested the intervention of ECOWAS but merely demanded Babangida’s help. There was also no consensus to intervene, especially from Francophone African states. Indeed, countries like Cote d`Ivoire and Guinea, which were sympathetic towards and even actively supporting the NPFL, were miffed at the ECOMOG intervention. Cote D’Ivoire had always been Nigeria’s regional rival. Thus, while Doe was Babangida, Nigeria`s President’s bosom friend, Nigeria was to pay heavily through Charles Taylor`s killing of about 1,000 of her nationals in Monrovia in 1990, a list that included journalists Kris Imodibe and Tayo Awotunsin. So, while Nigeria was sympathetic to Doe, Taylor received support from Cote d`Ivoire and Burkino Faso as well as from France and Libya.
 
As the Babangida friendship war in Liberia dragged on, the operation became progressively dangerous, costly and protracted. By the time ECOMOG pulled out of Liberia in October,1999 Western powers didn’t seem to be aware and stood away from this former American colony. At a reception held in Abuja on the arrival of the last Nigerian ECOMOG soldiers in 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo said that Nigeria had lost at least 500 of its soldiers, several hundreds were wounded and a staggering sum of US $8 billion was wasted to the peacekeeping operation in Liberia. Obasanjo had concluded, “We will never know the number of Nigerian civilians who lost their lives in the crisis in Liberia.”
 
From his friends and foes, questions are being asked on why Tinubu suddenly acquired this sudden bellicosity and the reason he is prepared to commit Nigeria to another needless prosecution of war. Could the decision be an outcome of a sudden pounce on him, like the self-revelatory spirit that triggered the removal of subsidy on the day of his inauguration? Explaining his off-the-cuff, unscheduled and unprepared-for severance of the subsidy, the president had said, “I got to the podium, I was possessed with courage, and I said, ‘subsidy is gone’”. Was it the same possessing spirit that is responsible for this ominous throwing of Nigeria into another round of war?
 
Already, it is said that the military government in Niger had signed or is in the bid to sign an agreement with Russia’s Wagner PMC for the supply of Specialized defense services to repel Tinubu’s threat of military intervention. Wagner is said to have units in Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic and these military units will proceed to Niger, a republic with a population of 27,294,785, immediately with its 12 to13,000 Wagner fighters. As diplomatic relationship stands now, Niger has reportedly severed ties with Nigeria and Togo. Rumours have it that Algeria and Egypt, reputed to possess the strongest military strength in Africa, as well as Guinea, Burkina Faso, Libya, Chad, and Mali, are ready to stand with Niger, making this war a perfect replica of the Ekitiparapo War and bonding of allies.
 
So, why is Tinubu angling for a war? There is this claim that Tinubu, in the bid to seek the west to legitimize his rule, especially with the judgment of the Presidential Election Court (PEPC) that may “bring anarchy” to Nigeria, is ready to be the lickspittle of the west, anyhow. Indications are rife that the US and the European Union needed an African front to carry their can and Tinubu is a ready tool for this. A military action from ECOWAS may stop Niger’s gravitation towards Russia. Uranium-rich Niger, in 2022, was responsible for 25.38% of EU’s supply, after Kazakstan, which owns world’s largest ounce of uranium. With the Russian uranium export suffering due to sanctions, France and the EU, with huge dependence on nuclear energy, need the sustenance of Niger Republic’s uranium to keep afloat.
 
The danger for America, which has spent about $500 million to arm and equip Niger’s military, said the Wall Street Journal, is that it may unwittingly be allowing Russia to pick up some of its most treasured drone bases, which are used to fly missions across the Sahara between Libya and Nigeria. Niger had been the centerpiece of America and Europe’s fight against the contagious spread in Africa’s Sahel of Islamic State and al Qaeda, through a spool spin. This spin is “across 3,000-mile semiarid territory on the southern shore of the Sahara that also includes Burkina Faso, Mali and Chad.”  If Tinubu fights their war, sacrificing thousands of Nigerian soldiers in the process, EU and America would in turn rub his back by sustaining his life-long ambition to be Nigeria’s president. Don’t forget that the Tinubu government exhibited palpable fright when the EU cavalierly removed the legitimacy rug off his feet through the damning report it brought out on the election that ensured his presidency.
 
Unfortunately for Tinubu and his ECOWAS, the coup plotters of Niger have tremendous home support. Tinubu doesn’t have same at home on this war-baiting plan of his. Already, a group of northern senators in a release issued on Friday and signed by Sen. Suleiman Kawu Sumaila dissociated itself from Tinubu’s bellicose pursuit. While condemning the Niger coup, the group said it took exception to use of military force because “the consequences will be casualties among the innocent citizens who go about their daily business… (in) the seven northern states who share border with Niger Republic, namely Sokoto, Kebbi, Katsina, Zamfara, Jigawa, Yobe and Borno.” The group thus covertly urged its colleagues in parliament, “to observe due diligence in invoking section 5 sub section (4) (a) and (b) of 1999 Nigerian Constitution as amended,” ostensibly by not giving go-ahead to Tinubu to prosecute the war.
 
As the senators said, geographically, seven Northern states share borders of 1,608 kilometers with Niger Republic. Senator Shehu Sanni also recently reminded Tinubu that about 3000 escapees from Boko Haram onslaughts are taking refuge in Nigerien refugee camps. If they could issue their own release too, the Nigerian Army, expected to prosecute the Tinubu war, would openly rebel against it. This is because a huge number of Nigerian military personnel, from headship to the recruits, are believed to share consanguinity with Niger, with their family members and relations based in Niger Republic. Indeed, many of our senators and House of Reps members are suspected to be citizens of Niger Republic. Ex-President Muhammadu Buhari never hid his consanguinity with Niger. Due to the porous borders and filial bonding between the two countries, a Nigerien boy who walks into, say Kano, schools therein and enters the civil service or the military, duds his actual citizenship and easily meshes into Nigeria.
 
For French-speaking Africa, the fight against France is a war of liberation. A respondent told the Wall Street Journal that “What happened in Niger is nothing other than the struggle of the people of Niger with their colonizers.” Like Nigeria, Niger and other French-speaking African countries had been tied to the apron strings of their colonial masters. Unlike Nigeria, they have made up their minds to exit the servitude. Back here in Nigeria, the ground Tinubu is standing to declare this war is suffering a seismic shake.
 
The Tinubu declaration of war against Niger could be indicative of two, or even three, things about his presidency. One is that it could be yet another symptom of a peremptory, off-the-cuff, kick-and-follow governance that gives less consideration to the rigour of critical interrogation of issues. The Niger war declaration bears same hollow texture with the fuel subsidy removal. Second, the war may be Tinubu’s Sigidi signaling catastrophe for his government and for our dear country. Unless Tinubu beats a retreat and sticks to shuttle diplomacy with the Niger Republic junta, the war, which he has lost ab initio, even without firing a single bullet, will negatively define his administration. It is a calamity in the making. On a second thought, knowing the stuff that these Lagos politicians are made of, could the flaunt of bravado over Niger Republic, the request to the senate, the rejection and the protests in Niger Republic be a stage-managed choreography, part of the machinations of the Lagos boy to show the west that he tried his best, but his people rebelled against it? Curiouser and curiouser!