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•Plot to stop Tinubu’s re-election thickens
•North begins search for a one-term southern president
•Political leaders begin alignment moves
•Opposition parties eye coalition against APC
•Niger-Delta ex-agitators seek southern solidarity, back Tinubu

 

THE February 20, 2027 presidential election is exactly 910 days away, going by the timetable of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, but the political firmament is astir as if the poll will be held next year.

This is in spite of the fact that President Bola Tinubu, a southerner, who succeeded former President Muhammadu Buhari, a northerner, is barely 15 months into his 48-month first term.

Currently, political leaders, especially from the North are locked in a series of consultations on the issue. Underground alignment and re-alignments are also ongoing.

Already, leaders of opposition parties have declared their readiness to form a strong coalition to stop the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC.

Those seeking to stop Tinubu hinge their stand on the president’s alleged poor performance since he took over on May 29, 2023, which they said had inflicted avoidable crushing hardship on Nigerians.
Early in the week, a joint ticket of Imo State Governor, Senator Hope Uzodimma and APC National Chairman, Alhaji Umaru Ganduje, was reported.

In a quick counter, Ganduje disowned the move, which he said was being orchestrated by those plotting to put a wedge between him and President Tinubu.
Northern power brokers angling to stop Tinubu are said to be looking for a southerner, who will do a term and relinquish power to the North in line with the North-South power rotation principle. After Tinubu’s four years in 2027, the South will need another four to balance the North’s eight years occupied by Buhari.

This is one of the reasons some are rooting for former President Jonathan with one of the northern groups pairing Jonathan and Governor Umaru Fintiri of Adamawa State as a sellable 2027 Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, ticket.

Jonathan, Fintiri ticket best option for Nigerians —Northern group

Northern political group, Let Nigeria Breathe Again, mid-week endorsed a potential presidential ticket of Dr. Jonathan and Fintiri for the 2027 election.

The group’s leader, Mustapha Aliyu Lere, believes this pairing offers the best chance for unity, peace, and progress in Nigeria.

Lere praised Jonathan’s leadership and integrity, noting that he has committed no sins against anyone since leaving office in 2015.

He also commended Fintiri’s transformation of Adamawa State during his five-year tenure as governor.

He appealed to the PDP to unite and support Jonathan’s potential candidacy, citing the need for experienced leadership to address Nigeria’s challenges.

2018 law rules out Jonathan

However, Jonathan, who ran for second term in 2015 and lost to Buhari is not qualified to run courtesy of a 2018 Bill of the National Assembly signed into law by President Buhari.

The bill, which limits tenures of vice presidents, and deputy governors who succeed principals, was signed into law on June 8, 2018.

Specifically, the Constitution amendment Act Number 16, provides that a vice President or a deputy governor who succeeds and completes the tenure of a president or governor can only run for the office one more time.

By the provisions of the law, no one can take the oath of office as president or governor more than twice.

Before this amendment, vice presidents or deputy governors, after completion of their predecessors’ term could run for office for another two terms.

This was the case with former President Jonathan, who succeeded President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua in 2010, contested and won the presidential election in 2011 and still contested same office in 2015.
The new law prohibits this, hence Jonathan is not eligible to run as president in 2027.

Unfolding realignment for 2027

The Presidential Candidate of the Labour Party, LP, in the 2023 poll, Mr Peter Obi, recently met with his New Nigerian Peoples Party, NNPP, counterpart, Rabiu Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in what was considered as part of political realignment ahead of the 2027 polls.

Obi also met with Atiku in Abuja, as well as also former Jigawa State Governor, Sule Lamido and former Senate President, Bukola Saraki.

Already inter-parties defection of lawmakers is ongoing.

Atiku Abubakar, first mooted the idea of a merger by opposition political paries while hostinf the Inter Party Advisory Council, IPAC, last November. He said the country was sliding into a one-party state, and added that it is crucial for the opposition parties to come together to wrest power from the APC.

He told the IPAC team: “You have come here today to say that we should cooperate in order to promote democracy. But, the truth of the matter is that our democracy is fast becoming a one-party system; and of course, you know that when we have a one party system, we should just forget about democracy.

“We have all seen how the APC is increasingly turning Nigeria into a dictatorship of one party. If we don’t come together to challenge what the ruling party is trying to create, our democracy will suffer for it, and the consequences of it will affect the generations yet unborn. “

Recently, the National Chairman of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, Chief Ralph Okey Nwosu, said leaders of opposition party politics are in talks to build a more formidable party to oust the ruling party.

“Twenty-two of the thoughtful and proactive leaders of political parties in blazing the trail have joined hands with our party, ADC, and like us, are committed to building a larger party that will give accommodation to all well-meaning patriots.

“We have resolved to work with all political leaders across that appreciate the need for coming together for a new Nigeria. We discriminate against none; our commitment is a new Nigeria that will lead our dear continent out of its present abyss. We have therefore set up committees to consult far and wide to ensure the dawn of a new era,” Nwosu stated.

Why North doesn’t want Tinubu re-elected

Although he played critical roles in the emergence of President Buhari in 2015, northerners opposed to Tinubu said he has betrayed the North that helped him into power. They also accused him of mal-treating northern politicians on whose support Tinubu rode to power.

Several northern political figures and groups have expressed dissatisfaction with Tinubu’s administration, citing a range of issues from perceived neglect of northern interests to concerns about governance and security. They also pick holes in his appointments, which they described as sectional.

According to them, since independence, no ethnic group had held, at once, major slots like the President, Petroleum Minister, Finance Minister, Chief Justice of Nigeria, Central Bank of Nigeria Governor, Inspector General of Police, Chief of Army Staff, Interior Minister, Power Minister, Solid Minerals Minister, Transport and Marine/Blue Economy Minister, Attorney General of the Federation and Justice Minister, Controllers of Customs, and Immigration, and Chairman of Federal Internal Revenue Service, FIRS, among others. Today, they said under Tinubu, the Yoruba, one of Nigeria’s three major ethnic groups, is holding the above positions.

One of those leading the move against Tinubu’s re-election is a prominent northern socio-cultural and political group, the Northern Elders’ Forum.

A member of the group, Prof. Usman Yusuf, reportedly said the North regretted supporting Tinubu during the 2023 general poll. He described the past one year of Tinubu’s administration as “deception, destitution, and hopelessness.”

He lamented: “People have lost hope. It pains me to see our people lining up to collect cups of palliatives. Renewed Hope has turned into hopelessness. People have lost hope.”

The NEF Spokesman, Abdulaziz Sulaiman, also reportedly said the North made a mistake by supporting Tinubu in 2023, adding that they would not repeat the mistake in 2027 but would strive to select a candidate who would unite the country and govern in the best interests of all Nigerians.

In like manner, the North-East Governors’ Forum accused the Tinubu-led Federal Government of neglecting the region in the provision of capital projects.

The forum’s Chairman and Borno State Governor, Babagana Zulum, complained of blackout in the zone and alleged that road and rail connections between the South-East and North-East had been abandoned.

Considered the electoral power bank of Nigeria, it is difficult to beat a United North in political contests in the country. The leaders are aware of this hence the ongoing realignments.

The perceived northern gang-up against Tinubu came to the fore after the meeting of immediate past Governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasir el-Rufai and the candidate of the New Nigeria People’s Party in last year’s presidential election, Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso; and the visit of the former governor of Sokoto state and a serving senator, Aminu Tambuwal, led by a former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, to former President Buhari in his Daura country home in Katsina State.

Although, Atiku said he visited Buhari to pay him Sallah homage, analysts insist that the visits were connected with posturing for 2027.

Although, el-Rufai, who could not make it through the Senate as TInubu’s ministerial nominee, has not openly declared war against Tinubu’s government, his son, Bashir, in a message to Tinubu, said: “Nobody is too big to be voted out of office by the people. It will happen and wallahi, nothing will happen. So, forget all this intimidation flying up and down. Let us be patient.”

Niger-Delta agitators urge Southerner solidarity

Meanwhile, the Niger Delta Ex-Agitators Forum, has kicked against the northern gang-up against Tinubu and called for solidarity among southern political leaders to demand for justice, equity and end the marginalisation of southern politicians in governance affairs.

Addressing a press conference in Port Harcourt, the Chairman of the group, Ambassador Alban Paulinus, also known as General Skillar, said that Niger Deltans must come together to deal with the issues threatening political stability and unity of Nigeria.

Going down memory lane, the ex-agitators noted that the tenure of former President Jonathan was also characterized by injustice, which led to his being denied a second term.

”A similar pattern is emerging with President Tinubu, as some Northern groups are already calling for his removal barely a year into his administration,” the group said.

It observed: “This starkly contrasts with the attitude of northern leaders during the administration of former President Buhari, who served two full terms despite significant security challenges.

The forum decried this disparity as a destabilizing force and called for an immediate end to this trend of undermining Southern leadership, warning that continued provocations might leave them with no choice but to take decisive actions to protect their region and identity.

The Niger Delta Ex-Agitators expressed support for President Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope Agenda,” which they described as a robust blueprint for national development.

[Vanguard]

Since the advent of Nigeria’s 25-year democracy, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the National Assembly have reformed election laws and regulationsbefore and after every general election. These amendments are designed to address the flaws experienced in previous elections. As more reforms are introduced in the electoral process, efforts by political actors to circumvent the reform also intensify. The 2023 election produced the most politically diverse National Assembly, and several electoral upsets were recorded across states. Notwithstandingthe election failed to meet public expectations due to several reasons ranging from operational inefficiencies, technological challenges, voter suppression, and non-compliance with electoral laws, amongst others.

The period cycle was marked by forum shopping and wanton disregard for the agelong doctrine of stare decisis (judicial precedent), leading to conflicting judgments on cases with similar material facts. Additionally, substantial justice was sacrificed on the altar of legal technicalities, which rolled back key reforms to the electoral legal framework and eroded public trust in the judiciaryThis prompted the Body of Benchers to constitute a committee headed by the former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Onnoghen, to address this menace of conflicting court judgments.

The enactment of the Electoral Act 2022 was predicated on the belief that a new electoral legal framework would address the intractable problems of election manipulation, electoral impunity, operational inefficiencies and weak democratic institutions plaguing Nigeria’s electoral process. The Act, widely adjudged as the most progressive electoral legislation in Nigeria’s recent history, produced positive outcomes in the last elections. However, several loopholes were exposed during its first application in the 2023 general election. These ambiguities were the grounds for extensive legal contestations after the elections. Some of these ambiguities include the uncertainty regarding the stage for comparing physical copies of results and electronically transmitted resultsAlso, the definition of “transmitted directly” or “electronically transmitted” is vague. It is unclear if the term “transmitted directly” used in Sections 60 and 64 of the Electoral Act regarding collation of results refers to electronic transmission. Although INEC was vested with the power to review declarations/returns made involuntarily or contrary to law, Regulations and Guidelines, the modalities and procedures for exercising this power were not prescribed in the Act or INEC guidelines, leaving a vacuum for controversies and uncertainty. A cumulative reading of the proviso to Section 65(1) of the Electoral Act 2022 and Regulation 90 of INEC regulations does not indicate who can file a report, and the procedure for filing a report indicating declaration/return made under duress or contrary to law, Regulations and Guidelines.

The current electoral jurisprudence based on recent judicial decisions on election cases

1. New evidential threshold for proving overvotingOvervoting is a dominant feature of Nigeria’s electoral process, often employed to manipulate elections and produce skewed electoral outcomes. Under the Electoral Act 2022, overvoting occurs when the total votes cast exceed the number of accredited voters. The current jurisprudence on overvoting places a huge burden on the litigants to tender the Voter Register, BVAS machines and Polling Unit level results sheet Form EC8A to successfully prove overvoting. The failure to meet these conditions is fatal to any election petition, especially where overvoting is alleged. This stringent condition imposes an undue burden on litigants. The fate of litigants might hang in the balance where INEC, as the custodian of all election materials, displays reluctance to tender the voter register and BVAS machines. This evidential burden is compounded by the sui generis nature of election petitions which prescribes a limited timeframe “like the rock of Gibraltar or Mount Zion which cannot be moved; … extended or expanded or elongated or in any way enlarged
 
2. Procedural and technological innovations introduced by INEC must be backed by statutory enactmentsIn Nigeria’s electoral jurisprudence, the apex court has declared that INEC is not legally required to electronically transmit election results in any election. The newly introduced IReV is not a collation system, and it’s not part of the collation system. The IReV is for viewing purposesonly. The Supreme Court jettisoned the electronic transmission of results and INEC Election Results Viewing (IReV) Portal on the basis that electronic transmission of results from the polling units to the IReV is not provided anywhere in the Electoral Act 2022 and that it was only introduced by the Commission in its Regulations and Guidelines.

One of the most prominent debates in Nigeria’s electoral jurisprudence is the legality of innovations introduced by INEC through Regulations, Guidelines and Manuals issued pursuant to the powers vested on the Commission by the Constitution and the Electoral Act. Since 2015, the Courts have maintained that innovations like Smart Card Reader, BVAS and IReV require statutory enactment to enjoy the force of law. This posture of the Supreme Court creates contradictions in the electoral system. When a principal legislation confers powers on an institution to issue guidelines for its operations, such guidelines should have a binding effect because they derive from the principal Act, especially where the institution exercised the power within its scope. It is illogical for the Court to maintain that electronic transmission into the IReV portal is not a legal requirement simply because it was introduced in the guidelines rather than in the Electoral Act.

The intention of the framers of the Constitution in S.160 and S.148 of the Electoral Act 2022 was to donate discretionary powers to INEC to determine the procedure for results transmissionThese provisions ultimately protect INEC’s independence as a regulatory institution and provide INEC with the flexibility required to facilitate operational innovations in the electoral process given the dynamic nature of the electoral process. It’s an established rule that principal legislations like the Constitution and Electoral Act provide a broad legislative framework. Therefore, outlining detailed procedures in the principal legislation would amount to over-legislation. The current case law negates these legal provisions and undermines the legislative intent to empower INEC.

3. INEC’s non-compliance with its regulations is not a ground for challenging an electionAnother issue that undermineelection integrity is the implicit protection accorded INEC officials in Section 134(2) of the Electoral Act 2022, which allows them to violate regulations and guidelines without repercussions. The Courts, in several cases such as Jegede v. INEC and Wike v. Peterside, have established that INEC Regulations and Guidelines have no binding effect. This judicial position permits INEC to violate its own Regulations and Guidelines, even when those regulations are not contrary to the Constitution and the provisions of the Electoral Act 2022.
 
4. Nomination of candidates is strictly an internal affair of a political partyThe apex court in several cases upheld its decision that nomination/selection of candidate is strictly an internal affair of a political party and a Court does not have the jurisdiction to entertain complaints on candidate nomination except the complaint is made by an aspirant in the same political party in line with the Electoral ActIn a context of flawed primaries, obscenely monetised candidate nomination process and illegal substitution of candidates, the position of the Court will encourage parties to perpetrate all forms of illegality during candidate nomination. The controversial cases of the Yobe North and Akwa-Ibom Senatorial district primaries are instructive.

5. The absence of a presiding officer’s signature, stamp and date on a ballot paper will not render a marked ballot paper invalid. The Supreme Court has established that as long as a Returning officer is satisfied that a ballot paper was from a book of ballot papers which was furnished to the presiding officer for use at his or her polling unit, the condition that the ballot paper must be signed is not compulsory. The Court’s decision is consistent with Section 63(2).

 

Addressing unresolved electoral reform issues

First, attitudinal change among politicians is the most critical electoral reform Nigeria requires. A fundamental shift in the behaviour of politicians to toward electoral politics would radically deepen the integrity of elections. Politicians should demonstrate commitment to democratic values and respect the will of the people as an act of patriotism and dedication to nation-building.

Second, the legal status of INEC’s Regulations, Guidelines and Manual should be stated explicitly in the Electoral Act to strengthen its enforcement, safeguard INEC’s independence of INEC and facilitate the introduction of innovations to enhance the integrity of the electoral process.

Third, the Electoral Act should be amended to resolve all the ambiguities in the results collation and transmission process, including stating the role of technology in results management.The Act should make electronic transmission of results mandatory, including the upload of polling unit-level results and results sheets used at different levels of results collation.

 

Fourth, appeals on pre-election matters related to National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly elections should terminate at the Court of Appeal.  

Fifth, the requirement for voter identification should be expanded: With the successful introduction of the BVAS, which stores biometric information of voters, the Electoral Act 2022 should be amended to permit the use of other legally acceptable means of identification for voter verification in addition to the already produced Permanent Voters’ Card (PVCs). These means of identification include a driver’s license, international passport, national identity card, electronically downloadable voters’ card from the INEC website and any other means of identification as may be determined by INEC.

In conclusion, the 2023 elections reinforced five undisputed factors central to rebuilding public trust and enhancing the integrity of Nigerian elections. First, attitudinal change among politicians is a condition for rebuilding public confidence in the electoral process. Second, the electoral governance architecture, especially INEC, requires fundamental reforms. Third, the 2022 Electoral Act contains ambiguities and inadequacies that make the electoral process susceptible to capture and manipulation. Fourth, the right to vote requires additional legal and administrative protection as voter disenfranchisement and suppression intensify in each electoral cycle. Lastly, accountability institutions must function effectively and impartially to abate electoral impunity.

Excerpts from a Paper presented at the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) 2024 Annual General Conference, Lagos, 27th August 2024

Vice-President Kashim Shettima has appealed to his fellow compatriots and associates and numerous well-wishers across the country not to place congratulatory ads on his 58th birthday.

He made the appeal in a statement issued by Mr Stanley Nkwocha, the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and
Communications (Office of The Vice President), on Thursday in Abuja.

The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that the vice-president will turn 58 years old on Monday, Sept. 2.

 
 

Shettima, therefore, implored friends and associates who may wish to place goodwill messages as advertisements to
kindly donate the funds to charity organisations and vulnerable citizens instead.

The vice-president insisted that he would not want an elaborate pomp marking the day.

“As this auspicious moment draws closer, V-P Shettima fervently implores family members, friends, and associates who may wish to place goodwill messages as advertisements to kindly donate the funds to charity organisations and vulnerable citizens instead.

“This aligns with the commitment of the Renewed Hope Administration of President Bola Tinubu to address issues of development and economic growth, as well as improving the living conditions of Nigerians.

“The vice president remains ever grateful for the goodwill he enjoys from Nigerians and the best wishes a great number of his well-wishers have demonstrated towards him over the years.”

[Nigeria Tribune]

Abdullahi Ganduje, national chair of All Progressives Congress (APC), says the party will win the forthcoming governorship elections in Edo and Ondo states.

Ganduje said a “political machinery” has been put in place to pave the way for a landslide victory of the party’s candidate in Edo.

Speaking during a visit by the leadership of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Kano correspondents’ chapel, Ganduje said the APC is ready to recover the state from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

“I believe our campaign is in high spirit, we are getting ready for that election and we believe we will be able to recover our state,” he said.

 

“If we win Edo, we will be getting an additional state for the party. It will be 21 states out of 36.

“This is because it was an APC state but because of internal bubbles, we lost it to PDP but we are sure we will recover that state.

”For Ondo state, it’s already an APC state and when the former governor died, he left a number of problems,but we were able to resolve those issues.

 

”We conducted primaries, we succeeded in getting the person that they wanted.”

Ganduje said that the party is also getting ready for the governorship election in Anambra.

He said the APC has been putting measures in place to take control of the states in the south-east geopolitical zone.

“Next year, there will be Anambra, which has been a state governed by APGA for many years, but we have introduced a new scheme,” he said.

 

”The north, south-east political zones are all claiming that they have been marginalised. The south-east geopolitical zone is saying the same thing. But what we are telling them is that the marginalisation has been created by them.

“How can you have five states ruled by four political parties? What will be your political bargain?

“We want to start with Anambra. Already, we have Ebonyi and Imo. Now we are encroaching into that zone to ensure that we capture most of the states. And if we get what we want, we capture all the states.”

[TheCable]

The alarm in Nigeria's oil and gas industry, now blaring loudly, was first sounded by Mr. Tony Elumelu. In 2021, Elumelu invested over $1.1 billion to acquire a 45% stake in the OML 17 oil drilling asset, a venture in which Shell, Total, and Eni relinquished their shares, leaving the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Ltd (NNPCL) with the remaining 55% on behalf of Nigerians. 

To his dismay, in 2022, Elumelu discovered that only a small portion of the crude oil produced from his wells and fed into the Escravos pipeline actually reached its intended destination. The majority of the crude was being stolen by oil thieves who had mastered the technique of illegally tapping into the Escravos pipeline. 

It is widely known that the criminal siphoning of our crude oil into vessels, which are then transported to unknown locations by thieves, is robbing Nigeria of desperately needed foreign exchange from oil sales. This theft has severe consequences for the country's economy.

In a recent interview with the Financial Times of London, Tony Elumelu expressed his frustration that oil theft continues to account for about 18% of production. He emphasized the seriousness of the issue, saying, "This is oil theft, not something small like stealing a bottle of Coke. The government should know who is behind this and should inform us. In the U.S., when Donald Trump was shot at, the authorities quickly identified the assailant. Our security agencies should be able to tell us who is stealing our oil. How can vessels enter our territorial waters without our knowledge?"

In what seems like response to Elumelu's challenge to Nigeria's security agencies, a special task force was established by the Chief of Defense Staff, General Chris Musa, to combat the oil theft syndicate. The task force has achieved some success, allowing the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Ltd (NNPCL) to project an increase in oil production from the current estimate of 1.3 million barrels to 2 million barrels next year.

Alhaji Aliko Dangote, another prominent investor in Nigeria's oil industry, also voiced concerns about issues in the downstream sector. Dangote, who recently launched a $19.5 billion refinery with a capacity of 650,000 barrels per day, has faced difficulties due to a lack of crude oil supply. Mr. Davakumar Edwin, Vice President of Dangote Refinery, accused International Oil Companies (IOCs) of starving the refinery of crude oil feedstock, which has delayed the supply of petrol to the Nigerian market. Edwin stated, "Aside from Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd), to date, we have only purchased crude directly from one other local producer (Sapetro). All other producers refer us to their international trading arms."

He further explained, "For instance, in April, we paid $96.23 per barrel for a cargo of Bonga crude grade, excluding transport. The price included $90.15 for dated Brent, $5.08 for NNPC's premium (NSP), and a $1 trader premium. Meanwhile, we bought WTI at a price of $90.15 for dated Brent plus a $0.93 trader premium, including transport. When NNPC later lowered its premium based on market feedback, some traders began asking us for a premium of up to $4 million over and above the NSP for a cargo of Bonny Light. Data from platforms like Platts and Argus shows that the prices offered to us are significantly higher than market rates. We had to escalate this issue to the NUPRC."

Alhaji Aliko Dangote, President and Founder of Dangote Group, echoed Edwin's concerns but clarified that the NNPC is doing its best. He noted, "Some of the IOCs are struggling to provide us with crude. Everyone is accustomed to exporting, and nobody wants to stop exporting."

Also, as if in response, President Bola Tinubu has formed a committee led by Finance Minister Wale Edun. This committee has been tasked with developing a framework that will allow crude oil to be sold in naira to local refineries, starting with the Dangote Refinery. Following discussions with stakeholders, the committee has reportedly set a target for next month to begin producing petrol locally, which would help alleviate the pressure on the national treasury caused by the need to provide foreign exchange for petrol imports.

The expected output from the Dangote Refinery could also relieve Nigerians from the dual burden of not only paying high prices for petrol but also wasting valuable time queuing for fuel—an issue that many hope President Tinubu’s intervention will resolve permanently.

It is noteworthy that while Tony Elumelu is shocked by the brazen crude oil theft in the downstream sector, which is causing significant revenue loss to both his company and the country, Aliko Dangote is facing challenges from International Oil Companies (IOCs) that are withholding crude oil feedstock from his refinery. This ultra-modern facility is crucial for ending Nigeria’s reliance on petrol imports, which have long been a major component of the country’s import expenses, especially as the government has been subsidizing petrol prices for years.

These two significant challenges, which have caused sleepless nights for these two indigenous multi-billionaire investors in the oil and gas industry, are critical. If resolved, they have the potential to transform Nigeria’s socioeconomic development from a negative to a positive trajectory.

Fortunately, the outspoken criticism of industry irregularities by these two relatively new entrants into the oil sector is prompting much-needed reforms. The industry is currently undergoing what could be called a facelift through the strengthening of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which was passed into law in 2021 but has yet to be fully enforced.

These issues underscore why understanding the toxic international petroleum politics in Nigeria, discussed in detail in this piece, should concern all Nigerians. Moreover, it is crucial to recognize that the oil and gas sector is the backbone of Nigeria’s economy, and we must protect it fiercely. The high cost of living crisis triggered by President Bola Tinubu’s removal of the petrol subsidy on May 29 last year highlights the central role that crude oil and its derivatives play in our economy and daily lives.

A question likely on the minds of some readers is whether the current upheavals in the oil and gas industry are new issues. The reality is that these challenges have existed since crude oil was first discovered in 1957 and its exploration began in Oloibiri, now part of Bayelsa State. However, the reason these issues—such as crude oil theft and the allocation of oil for local refining—are now receiving more attention is because private investors, who place a high value on accountability, are now involved in the industry.

In the past, when the oil and gas business was solely a matter between the government and International Oil Companies (IOCs), efficiency was not a priority for those on the government’s side. But now, with private investors like Tony Elumelu and Aliko Dangote—who have invested $1.1 billion in oil exploration and $19.5 billion in refining, respectively—these entrepreneurs are determined to protect their investments and ensure a return on their bold ventures.

Faced with the harsh realities and absurdities of the industry, both Elumelu and Dangote became increasingly frustrated when their investment plans were threatened by unexpected saboteurs. Their concern for their investments contrasts sharply with the often indifferent attitude of public servants, who traditionally did not prioritize Nigeria’s 55% equity in joint ventures with IOCs, which Elumelu has now acquired the 45% hitherto held by the transnational oil corporation.This same lack of concern for protecting Nigeria's interests in crude oil production sharing agreements is why there has been no proper metering system to accurately measure the volume of crude oil pumped into pipelines or shipped abroad until private investors like Dangote entered the scene with his refinery, capable of refining at least half of Nigeria’s present crude oil output.

So, rather than viewing the disruptions caused by the agitations by Elumelu and Dangote as problematic, I see them as opportunities. Their involvement signals a positive shift in the industry as they justifiably questioned what could have happenned to their substantial financial commitments in oil exploration and refining, if the sector was not properly sorted by government. In my view ,Elumelu and Dangote can be seen as catalysts for change in an industry long plagued by complexities and absurdities. Indeed their efforts are beginning to help clean up or sanitize the industry, reinforcing the idea that private sector involvement introduces greater efficiency compared to government-driven operations burdened by bureaucracy.

Most Nigerians would likely be shocked to learn that the lack of ownership mentality among officials responsible for national assets—an attitude reflecting a deep-seated lack of patriotism—is partly to blame for the fact that four federal government-owned refineries have been non-functional for nearly two decades. Equally alarming is the finding by a National Assembly committee that, despite the federal government investing up to $25 billion in public funds over the past decade for the turnaround maintenance of these four refineries, not a single liter of petroleum product has been produced. This situation is appalling, scandalous, and regrettable.

The same lack of accountability and ownership is also why crude oil theft continues to flourish, despite the NNPCL's claim in its 2023 financial report to have spent around ₦1.8 trillion on securing its extensive oil and gas assets. Yet, millions of barrels of crude oil are still being stolen in massive ocean-going vessels without detection, contributing to Nigeria's recent inability to meet its OPEC production quota.

It may surprise some readers to learn that the dysfunction of these four government-owned refineries is also due in part to sabotage, carried out by international organizations in collusion with Nigerian public servants embedded in the crude oil exploration and export value chain, particularly within the NNPC Ltd., which is responsible for importing petrol into Nigeria.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s revelation adds another layer of complexity. He shared that during his presidency, he urged International Oil Companies (IOCs) to establish refineries in Nigeria, but they refused, citing rampant corruption in the sector. Obasanjo recounted that Shell, for example, declined his offer to take equity participation and manage Nigeria’s refineries, arguing that the refineries had not been properly maintained. Shell’s reasoning was clear: “There’s too much corruption with the way our refinery is run and maintained. And they didn’t want to get involved in such a mess.”

While Obasanjo viewed the IOCs’ rejection as an indictment of Nigerian corruption—a narrative often pushed by the Western world to make Africans blame themselves for the continent’s underdevelopment—I would argue that this refusal was actually a strategic move by the IOCs. As agents of imperialist interests, their primary goal has always been to extract crude oil and other raw materials from Africa, particularly Nigeria, for the industrialization of their home countries, rather than genuinely supporting African industrialization—a promise they frequently make but seldom fulfill, often deceiving those who are unaware of their true intentions.

Most Nigerians would likely be shocked to learn that the lack of ownership mentality among officials responsible for national assets—an attitude reflecting a deep-seated lack of patriotism—is partly to blame for the fact that four federal government-owned refineries have been non-functional for nearly two decades. Equally alarming is the finding by a National Assembly committee that, despite the federal government investing up to $25 billion in public funds over the past decade for the turnaround maintenance of these four refineries, not a single liter of petroleum product has been produced. This situation is appalling, scandalous, and regrettable.

The same lack of accountability and ownership is also why crude oil theft continues to flourish, despite the NNPCL's claim in its 2023 financial report to have spent around ₦1.8 trillion on securing its extensive oil and gas assets. Yet, millions of barrels of crude oil are still being stolen in massive ocean-going vessels without detection, contributing to Nigeria's recent inability to meet its OPEC production quota.

It may surprise some readers to learn that the dysfunction of these four government-owned refineries is also due in part to sabotage, carried out by international organizations in collusion with Nigerian public servants embedded in the crude oil exploration and export value chain, particularly within the NNPC Ltd., which is responsible for importing petrol into Nigeria.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s revelation adds another layer of complexity. He shared that during his presidency, he urged International Oil Companies (IOCs) to establish refineries in Nigeria, but they refused, citing rampant corruption in the sector. Obasanjo recounted that Shell, for example, declined his offer to take equity participation and manage Nigeria’s refineries, arguing that the refineries had not been properly maintained. Shell’s reasoning was clear: “There’s too much corruption with the way our refinery is run and maintained. And they didn’t want to get involved in such a mess.”

While Obasanjo viewed the IOCs’ rejection as an indictment of Nigerian corruption—a narrative often pushed by the Western world to make Africans blame themselves for the continent’s underdevelopment—I would argue that this refusal was actually a strategic move by the IOCs. As agents of imperialist interests, their primary goal has always been to extract crude oil and other raw materials from Africa, particularly Nigeria, for the industrialization of their home countries, rather than genuinely supporting African industrialization—a promise they frequently make but seldom fulfill, often deceiving those who are unaware of their true intentions.

Before delving deeper, it’s important to recall that oil and gas were discovered in commercial quantities in Oloibiri, modern-day Bayelsa State, in 1957. For years, Nigeria exported crude oil exclusively until the first refinery was established in Port Harcourt in 1965. Back then, all refineries were government-owned, and it was within the government's prerogative to allocate 445,000 barrels per day (bpd) for local refining at the NNPC-operated facilities.

At the time, everything was managed within the government framework, which only required setting aside the 445,000 bpd needed by the four refineries located in the Niger Delta and Kaduna. Two of these refineries are in Port Harcourt with a combined refining capacity of 210,000 bpd, one in Warri with a 125,000 bpd capacity, and the fourth in Kaduna with a 110,000 bpd capacity.

Initially, the allocated crude oil came from the volume produced by International Oil Companies (IOCs), whose parent companies are based in Europe and Asia. However, today, there are multiple indigenous crude oil producers with significant capacity, as well as a growing number of local private refineries with substantial capacity, making the 445,000 barrels set aside for local refining insufficient.

Isn't it remarkable that, aside from the persistent issue of crude oil theft, another challenge has been the shortage of crude oil for local refining? Yet, if all goes well, these two long-standing and seemingly insurmountable challenges in the oil and gas industry may soon be relegated to history.

In truth, the primary mission of the IOCs has always been to extract natural resources from Africa to fuel the industrial revolution in Europe, which began with the invention of the loom machine by Jeane-Marie Jacquard in 1804 and the steam engine by James Watt in 1765. Extracting crude oil for refining abroad is part of the agenda set during the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, where Africa was partitioned into territories for European powers under the guidance of Otto Von Bismarck, the German Prime Minister.

As these newly created territories were exploited for raw materials in the past, the current practice of exporting crude oil and other resources to Europe is an old habit that IOCs are reluctant to abandon. This resistance is evident in their opposition to President Bola Tinubu’s directive to sell oil to local refineries in naira. The IOCs seem intent on sabotaging efforts to achieve energy independence, citing commitments to overseas buyers as an excuse.

Given that the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) took nearly two decades (13 years) to materialize and the Dangote Refinery took about seven years to build, why did the IOCs not anticipate that exporting all of Nigeria's crude oil would no longer be viable? It’s telling that the multinational corporations were aware of the PIA’s implications, as evidenced by their divestment from onshore assets in favor of offshore operations. Yet, they continued to forward-sell Nigeria's crude oil to foreign buyers, fully aware that the country had committed, through the PIA, to becoming more energy independent.

The primary reason for this situation is that it’s more profitable for the International Oil Companies (IOCs) to export crude oil to their home countries, where it is refined into products like PMS, DPK, AGO, and NAFTA. These products are then sold back to Africa at significantly higher prices. This practice has been the Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) of the colonial powers for a long time. As a result, they find it difficult to change their approach and sell crude oil to Nigerian refineries instead.

This continued extraction and export of raw materials from Africa aligns with the imperialist agenda of European countries. However, this long-standing practice (regarding crude oil refining) has been disrupted by the establishment and commissioning of the Dangote Refinery in Lagos last year, much to the dismay of these colonial exploiters.

To better understand the challenges Nigeria is facing, consider the following scenario: IOCs extract crude oil from Nigeria and export it to their home countries at relatively low prices (ranging from $37 per barrel in the 1980s to the current $80-$100 per barrel). There, the crude is refined and then sold back to Nigeria at several times the original cost per barrel. This process not only creates jobs and boosts the economies of the IOCs' home countries, but it also leaves Nigeria with high unemployment among its youth and environmental degradation due to oil and gas exploration. This dynamic is why Nigeria often experiences a trade deficit, benefiting the home countries of the IOCs.

To further illustrate this point, let’s do a bit of math to compare the price of exported crude oil with the cost of imported petroleum products in Nigeria. A barrel of crude oil, which is equivalent to 42 U.S. gallons or 159 liters, is priced between $80 and $100. In contrast, the current landing cost of a liter of refined petrol imported into Nigeria is at least N1,117 per liter. Although comparing these figures can be challenging due to the different units of measurement—crude oil in barrels and refined products in liters—it highlights the significant markup and the opaque nature of the pricing, making the disparity between crude oil prices and refined product costs difficult to fully grasp.

For those willing to dig deeper, let's compare the selling price of a barrel of crude oil—currently just $80, the price at which we export it overseas—with the N1,117 per liter landing cost at which we import the 159 liters contained in that same barrel. A quick comparison reveals that, as a net exporter of crude oil, Nigeria is at a significant disadvantage.

This comparison helps explain why our economy is struggling and why it can no longer sustain the burdensome petrol subsidy. It's clear that the scenario outlined above is a major factor behind Nigeria's financial deficit, which exceeds N120 trillion.

Given this reality, it's crucial for us to support and encourage Aliko Dangote not to sell his refinery to the NNPCL, despite his threat to do so. This came after Alhaji Farouk Ahmed, CEO of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDRA), a subsidiary of NNPCL, wrongly accused Dangote Refinery of attempting to replace the national oil giant as a monopoly.

Moreover, we should encourage other business leaders, such as Chief Mike Adenuga of Conoil, Mr. Femi Otedola of Geregu, (who has been involved in and out of the oil industry), Sahara Energy's Kola Adeshina, Aiteo's Benedict Peters, Nestoil's Ernest Azudialu, and other well resourced Nigerians, to invest more significantly in the sector. This would ensure that Nigerians are fully involved in the entire value chain—from exploration to refining, shipping, and even gas processing, where Julius Rone is making strides with his UTM Offshore.

Remarkably, Alhaji Samad Rabiu, owner of BUA cement, is also reportedly constructing a refinery of considerable scale. This could lead to a situation where Nigeria has the capacity to process crude oil into petrol in excess, much like how the country has become a net exporter of cement, with Dangote Cement and BUA Cement, dominating the African market and keeping foreign competitors like Lafarge and Flour Mills Cement on their toes.

Already , it is a tribute to the entrepreneurship of Nigerians that about five (5) Nigerian banks have spread their footprints into the African landscape with thriving subsidiaries in full bloom.

At this point, I believe that continuing to present additional facts and figures to justify the need for Nigeria, nay Africa’s independence from being an appendage to other economies and regions would be unnecessary. Rather readers should reflect on the situation and realize that, despite the challenges, our country is on the brink of a significant transformation in the oil and gas sector. So, it should be clear that halting the export of our crude oil and increasing local refining capacity is crucial for job creation, boosting foreign exchange earnings, and enhancing our GDP.

Currently, there are five fully operational modular refineries: Aradel in Port Harcourt, WalterSmith in Imo

State , Edo Refinery and Duport Midstream in Edo State, and OPAC in Delta State, with a combined processing capacity of less than 20,000 barrels per day. These smaller refineries are expected to benefit from President Bola Tinubu's new directive to sell the 445,000 barrels per day of crude oil reserved for local refining in naira. It is the crude oil reserrve referenced above that was providing the supply for the four NNPCL refineries, which have been non-functional for over a decade despite consuming over $25 billion in turnaround maintenance, without producing even a single liter of petrol.

Hopefully , the present administration would see the wisdom in my advocacy for the sale of the ailing government refineries to private sector players who would operate them more efficiently as canvassed in my numerous media interventions over the past decade.

After providing a historical background to connect the past with the current state of the oil and gas industry in Nigeria, including the international factors exacerbating the local refining capacity crisis, it’s time to address the way forward.

As already underscored, International Oil Companies (IOCs) seem to struggle with changing their longstanding business model of extracting raw materials from Africa and processing them into finished products in Europe or Asia. This situation reinforces the theme of my upcoming book, *"Africa Exporting Wealth, Importing Poverty,"* with the subtitle: *"Are Africans Thinking or Sinking?"* The book details how the West has systematically underdeveloped Africa by exploiting its natural and human resources, from the era of the slave trade to colonialism, neo-colonialism, and the ongoing practice of imperialism encapsulated in unfair trade practices with Africa as the underdog and victim.

The current conflict between Aliko Dangote, NNPCL officials, and IOCs has exposed how Africa continues to be stripped of its resources. This confrontation represents one of the final struggles of African entrepreneurs with the awareness and determination to resist the ongoing exploitation by Western powers.

The environmental devastation caused by irresponsible resource exploitation in Africa, such as the irreversible damage in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) due to mining, is well-documented. Belgium, the colonial ruler, left the DRC in a blighted state, a situation that persists today. It's within this broader intellectual framework that I analyze the dispute between NNPCL executives, IOCs, and Dangote Refineries over Nigeria's control of its petroleum resources.

Through this lens, I hope Nigerians will gain a deeper understanding of the conflict surrounding local petrol refining, which has been oversimplified by some analysts as a lack of planning by Dangote Refinery. In reality, it also stems from a rivalry between two Kano State natives—Aliko Dangote and Samad Rabiu—that has spilled over into the oil industry and society. Though a simplified view, it remains a valid observation.

Rather than engaging in buttonh heads, the two illustrious kano indigenes Aliko Dangote and Samad Rabiu need to start collaborating and stop sabotaging each other.

 

 

Magnus Onyibe,an entrepreneur,public policy analyst ,author,democracy advocate,development strategist,alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy,Tufts University, Massachusetts,USA and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.

The race for the Emirate of Ningi has officially begun following the recent death of the late Emir, Alhaji Yunusa Mohammed Danyaya, who passed away last Sunday at the age of 88.

The emir, who had ruled for 46 years since ascending the throne in 1978, is being succeeded according to tradition, which requires that a new emir must come from one of the three ruling houses of the emirate.

The kingmakers have sent letters to the three eligible ruling houses-Gidan Mallam Hamza, Gidan Abubakar Danmaje, and Gidan Usman Danyaya-inviting applications from interested members of the royal family.

The announcement was made during a meeting chaired by Wazirin Ningi, Alhaji Ahmed Shuaibu, who leads the six-member council including the Chief Imam of Ningi and the district heads.

The Bauchi State Government has instructed the emirate council and the kingmakers to commence the selection process. Applications are being accepted from now until Thursday, August 29, 2024, at 6pm.

The kingmakers will screen the applicants and submit the names of three nominees to Governor Bala Mohammed, who will appoint the new emir from this shortlist.

While five princes are currently being considered as strong contenders, including Alhaji Yusuf Yunusa Danyaya (Danburam Ningi), Haruna Yunusa Danyaya (Chiroman Ningi), Alhaji Abdullahi Ibrahim Gurama (Danlawal Ningi), Alhaji Auwalu Isah (Danmajen Ningi) and Alhaji Zakarai Isa (Santurakin Ningi), no official details have been released regarding their applications or the process.

Governor Bala Mohammed has pledged to appoint a credible successor in accordance with the late emir’s wishes.

 

Meanwhile, tributes have continued pouring in since the late emir’s passing. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar visited the palace, where he described the late emir as a steadfast leader who maintained peace and development throughout his reign.

Atiku emphasised the monarch’s significant role in Nigeria’s political and social landscape.

The Sarkin Yakin Bauchi and District Head of Lame, Alhaji Aliyu Yakubu Lame, lauded the late emir as a leader and peacekeeper who served with dedication and commitment.

He prayed for the governor to make a swift appointment and for the late emir to be granted paradise.

Professor Fatima Tahir, Vice-Chancellor of Sa’adu Zungur University of Gadau, extended her condolences to the late emir’s family and the Bauchi State community, praising his contributions to education and development.

Gombe State Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya also expressed his condolences, describing the late emir as an iconic figure known for his humility and dedication to peace and unity.

He urged the royal family to uphold the legacy of the respected monarch.

[DailyTrust]

Hundreds of Nigerian nurses are stranded following the Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria, NMCN, continuous closure of its portal for verification of nurses’ certificates.

It was gathered that while many nurses are currently stranded in different countries abroad, others are on the verge of being deported.

Nursing boards in the US, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, and the UK are said to have stopped accepting nursing certificates from Nigerian nurses because they can’t verify their authenticity.

DAILY POST reports that the National Assembly had twice urged the NMCN to open its site and commence verification of Nurses and Midwives based on its former guidelines pending the conclusion of an investigation by the House Committee on Health Institutions.

However, the council has yet to heed the resolution of the House.

The latest directive sighted by DAILY POST is a letter dated 13th August 2024, titled “Negative Portrayal of the House’s Resolution” and signed by the Clerk of the National Assembly, Mr. Sani Magaji Tambuwal, to the Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria.

The letter came after Hon. Patrick Umoh had raised a motion of urgent national importance on the need to safeguard institutional integrity and address any misinterpretation of the previous House’s Resolution by the Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria.

DAILY POST recalls that the House also had previously urged the NMCN through a resolution on Tuesday, 26th, February 2024, not to implement the revised Guidelines for Verification dated February 7, 2023, pending investigation by the House.

This came after some stakeholders in the health sector had raised their concerns over the new circular by the NMCN, revising the guidelines for requesting verification of certificates for nurses and midwives to foreign nursing boards or councils.

Many also called for a review of the circular’s contents to avoid a situation where nurses’ progress and development are subject to other professionals’ determination.

How it all started

In February 2024, the NMCN expressed worry that over 42,000 nurses left the country in the last three years to seek greener pastures in foreign countries.

According to the council, over 15,000 nurses left Nigeria in 2023 alone.

DAILY POST reports that the development is coming on the heels of poor healthcare infrastructure, inadequate funding, poor welfare, and working conditions in the health sector.

Seemingly worried by the imminent threat of brain drain in the nation’s health sector, the Council introduced revised guidelines for verifying nursing certificates to address the crisis.

DAILY POST reported that the NMCN, in the memo dated February 7, 2024, outlined the revised guidelines and requirements to be met by all applicants seeking the verification of certificate(s) to foreign nursing boards/councils.

It stated that applicants seeking verification of certificates to foreign nursing boards and councils must have two years of qualification experience and pay a non-refundable application fee.

The memo signed by the Registrar/Secretary General of NMCN, Dr. Faruk Umar Abubakar, was sent to the Commissioners/Secretary of Health Services; Chief Medical Directors/ Medical Directors; National President; Directors of Nursing Services; Heads of Department; Provosts & Principals; Coordinators; Zonal Officers; All States Ministry of Health & Federal Capital Territory, Abuja; University Teaching Hospitals/Specialist & Federal Medical Centre and National Association of Nigerian Nurses and Midwives, National Headquarters, Abuja.

The circular was also sent to the Ministries of Health, Hospitals Management Boards, All States & Federal Capital Territory; All Universities Offering Nursing Programmes; Colleges of Nursing Sciences, Schools of Nursing & Midwifery, All Post-Basic Nursing Programmes; All Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria Zonal Offices.

It provided that, “Eligible applicants must have a minimum of two (2) years post qualification experience from the date of issuance of the permanent practising licence. Any application with a provisional licence shall be rejected outrightly.

“The Council shall request a letter of Good Standing from the Chief Executive Officer of the applicant’s place(s) of work and the last nursing training institution attended, and responses on these shall be addressed directly to the Registrar/CEO, Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria. Please note that the Council shall not accept such letter(s) through the applicant.

“Applicants must have an active practising licence with a minimum of six months to the expiration date. Applicants must upload Certificate(s) of Registration only. Notification of Registration is not acceptable.

“The applicant shall receive prompt notice via his/her email and dashboard on the status of the verification application.

“Please note: Processing of verification application takes a minimum of six (6) months. All applicants shall ensure that complete requirements are met before initiating verification application as incomplete documentation shall not be processed.”

Nurses kick against policy

However, nurses and other health workers kicked against the policy, insisting the guidelines and requirements were typical of a denial of human rights.

The health workers stressed that there had never been any occasion where regulatory bodies asked for work experience or mandated years of service as a condition for verification.

They are particularly uncomfortable with the provision in the guidelines which stated that a nurse seeking NMCN certification must have a minimum of two years post-qualification experience.

They are also opposed to the requirement that a nurse applying for NMCN’s certification must obtain a letter of good standing from the Chief Executive Officer of their place of work and the last training institution attended while the processing of application shall take a minimum of six months.

As a protest against the policy, the nurses, under the aegis of the National Association of Nigeria Nurses and Midwives, NANNM, Abuja, and Lagos chapters, took to the streets to express their disapproval of the new circular.

The nurses converged on the NMCN’s offices in Abuja and Lagos to express their dissatisfaction.

They also threatened a nationwide strike, describing the new guidelines as an effort to hamper their freedom.

Meanwhile, some others took to social networks to protest against the policy.

A group of nurses also took legal action against the Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria and the Minister of Health, among others, challenging the recent revisions to certificate verification guidelines.

However, DAILY POST learnt that the litigation has since been withdrawn.

Reactions

A nurse in one of the nation’s foremost university teaching hospitals, who spoke anonymously to DAILY POST, for fear of victimisation, expressed worry that the controversy is taking so long to end despite the resolution of the House of Representatives on the matter.

“The portal is not yet open despite the order from the National Assembly that it should be opened.

“The excuse that the secretary of the NMCN is giving to us is that they are working with the IT people so that they can reset the portal to its previous setting.

“You know there’s a previous setting where you just did your verification with a few requirements until they brought this new policy that caused all those problems.

“We are also worried why it’s taking so long. The information I have just given you is what I saw on our platform. The secretary admitted he has received the letter from the clerk of the National Assembly, and that they are working with the IT people to reset the portal, that’s what he said.

“You know NMCN claimed that it was the National Assembly that told them to shut the portal, which was the controversy, but the lawmakers wrote back to the council saying that wasn’t their resolution.

“The lawmakers wrote clarifying that they asked NMCN to revert to the old verification guidelines, pending when all the parties involved will sit to look at the issue.

“Now it is just for them ( NMCN) to go back to the old verification guidelines but the secretary is claiming that they are working with the IT people,” she stated.

She said it was sad that health workers are leaving the country in droves, which according to her, was being caused by poor working conditions in Nigeria’s health sector.

The health worker urged the government to make a deliberate effort to fix the country’s health care system.

“We are not happy that people are leaving the country but the working conditions in Nigeria are crazy. I work in an institution where we are not sure of a 10-hour energy supply.

“In a teaching hospital, there’s no light, there’s no water, nothing to work with.

“Emergency comes and people just die like that. Not that you haven’t done your part but there’s nothing to work with. We are just stranded. Patients go out to buy everything that we use to work for them. And the hospital pharmacy doesn’t have everything that they need. So most of the time, the patients’ relatives go outside to buy what they need.

“I work in the maternity section. A mother may come to the hospital by 2am and she’s bleeding profusely. The laboratory people will be telling you there’s no light; of course there’s no light; they cannot work without light. They can’t do grouping and cross matching, they can’t give you blood.

“You go to the pharmacy, they will tell you they can’t work because there’s no light to power their system. You see patients’ relatives going outside the hospital at 2am, you just lose patients. It’s painful.

“It’s not that we are enjoying all these. Nigerian nurses are still overworking themselves outside the country but it’s still better.

“The working condition and the pay too is far higher than what we are receiving in Nigeria. In Nigeria, they only pay attention to one particular profession. Until they do something, people will keep traveling.

“Just like I have explained, the government should make a deliberate effort to fix our health care system. If you go to the rural areas you will see what people are passing through.

“The experience I have just shared with you is where I work. Nigeria is tough for everybody. If I tell you my salary, you will just smile. I can’t buy a bag of rice. Let them see how they can reduce inflation. Even if they increase our salary, things are so expensive, we can no longer meet up with our basic needs,” she lamented.

She also lamented the inability of the National Association of Nigerian Nurses and Midwives, NANNM, to fight for the interest of its members.

“Personally, I am so disappointed with the National Association of Nigerian Nurses and Midwives because they didn’t handle this matter the way they ought to.

“If this kind of thing happens in our sister organization, they won’t take it likely. NMCN infringed on our fundamental human rights and we were so pissed.

“That’s even what led to the young nurses taking the matter to the court. NANNM didn’t come up as an organization to fight for us. And by the time we went to court, just like the ‘Nigerian system’, they kept adjourning the case.

“Another group also went to the NANNM to find out why they weren’t doing anything about the matter, and they said they will meet the registrar and all that. At the end of the day, they said they can only intervene if we withdraw the case from the court. That’s what led to the withdrawal of the case from the court.

“You know a lot of Nigerian nurses are stuck because you can’t travel without verification, you can’t do anything. A lot of people were already on their way out before the portal was shut down,” the concerned nurse further stated.

Graduate Nurses Association of Nigeria – GNAN

Also speaking to DAILY POST about the matter, the President of Graduate Nurses Association of Nigeria, GNAN, Mr Ojo Opeyemi said his association has been working underground to ensure the issue is resolved amicably.

Opeyemi said the stalemate in verification of nurses’ certificates is having a serious effect on their members as some people are stranded abroad.

According to him, GNAN formed a coalition with other groups under the Director of nursing services in Abuja following the total shutdown of the portal to negotiate with the registrar of the nursing council.

He said he’s extremely positive they will have good feedback because the coalition had honoured its own part of the agreement earlier reached with the registrar.

Opeyemi said the deal saw the withdrawal of their case against NMCN and the registrar from the court.

He said: “When it was initially suspended, our association went to court to sue the NMCN, including the registrar. Then after the total shutdown of the portal, a coalition was formed when it was really having negative effects on our people.

“We decided to form a coalition under the Director of nursing services in Abuja. We formed a coalition that negotiated with the registrar.

“Well, last month, we had a meeting in his office in Abuja. And part of the agreement we reached from the meeting is to withdraw the case from the court. Then we will come back for another meeting, where those issues causing controversy will be sorted out in-house.

“We have played our own part. Fortunately during the time of withdrawing the case from the court, another group went to the National Assembly. The National Assembly deliberated upon it and said the NMCN should revert to the old guidelines for verification of nurses and open the portal.

“The letter has been sent to the nursing council as I read online and some people have also informed me that the letter has been delivered to the NMCN.

“Those at the nursing group administration, we are working together. We believe that we have honoured our own part in all honesty. As I speak to you, one of our representatives in Abuja is going to meet the registrar today to chart the way forward on our agreement.

“Actually the agreement wasn’t signed but we believe that they are the government and we are an association, so based on mutual understanding, we will resolve the issue in-house. We believe that the registrar will also honour his own part of the deal.

“So by the close of the day, (Tuesday) we are actually anxious to get feedback if we are going to go for a meeting or there will be automatic reopening of the portals, since the National Assembly has passed a resolution for them to reopen the portal.

“That’s why we ensured the complete withdrawal of the case from the court so that the House resolution would not be stepped down. We have done our own part.

“At the end of today, when our representative meets the registrar, we are going to know if our initial understanding and agreement is honoured or otherwise.

“I am extremely positive we will have good feedback being that we have been the one championing the coalition under the director of nursing services at the federal Ministry of health because she is the one mediating between the group, the registrar and the nursing council.

“I don’t want to say anything negative or be pessimistic. We are believing that today we shall have feedback. And I also believe that the registrar is making contact with necessary people at the Ministry of health for the portal to be reopened.

“Many of the people don’t know about these negotiations because they are extremely anxious. We are working underground to make sure that this thing gets resolved amicably so everybody could move forward. That is the position of things at the present.

“We are extremely worried. In fact, we had wanted to pursue the case to a logical conclusion, because of the excruciating pains on our people and the effects the total lockdown of the portal was having on our people.

“Let me correct one wrong impression, verification does not mean that everyone wants to ‘japa’ or seek greener pastures. We have people who want their certificates verified because they want to further their education.

“We also have people who are outside who want to move to other countries, they will still ask them to get verification from where they studied, where they originally practised or got their license to practice as a nurse. So they will also refer them back again to Nigeria.

“There are many that are stranded and I also have a report that next month, some people will be deported massively from Saudi Arabia, UK, Canada, etc.

“So because of this, it is having a serious effect on our members and we have decided after our SWOT analysis of the whole scenario to remove the case from the court and have a negotiation to solve the issue in-house.

“As I speak to you some people are already stranded in the US, UK and others.”

Efforts to hear from the NMCN, as well the President of the NANNM didn’t yield any result as they didn’t respond to calls put to them.

However, DAILY POST did contact the Rivers State chairman of the National Association of Nigerian Nurses and Midwives, Mr Madonna Wichendu.

Wichendu on getting to know the subject of the interview said he was in a meeting and not disposed to comment on the matter.

[DailyPost]

The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has directed the leaders of its 54 affiliate unions to accompany its President, Joe Ajaero, to the office of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) today over alleged terrorism financing and other infractions.

The umbrella labour union asked Central Working Committee (CWC) members in Abuja to assemble at the Labour House by 8 a.m today to accompany its president for the police questioning.

The NLC gave the directive in a circular by its General Secretary, Emmanuel Ugboaja, and copied to all affiliate unions, state chapters, and national officers.

The police, last week, invited Ajaero to its office over allegations of terrorism financing, cybercrime, subversion, criminal conspiracy, and treasonable felony.

The circular reads: “In Abuja: All CWC members resident in Abuja and other members are expected to assemble at the national headquarters of the Nigeria Labour Congress by 8 a.m. on Thursday, August 29, to accompany the President to the police for the scheduled interaction.

 

“In state capitals: Members should gather at their respective state secretariats of congress. From there, they will embark on a peaceful procession to their state police command headquarters where they will hold a prayer session until the President’s interaction with the police is concluded.

“This peaceful march is a united stand against the unjust actions aimed at intimidating our leadership and stifling the voice of Nigerian workers. We urge all members to remain peaceful and orderly throughout the procession and prayer session.

“If for any reason, the President is detained, all workers nationwide shall proceed on an indefinite strike. Your unwavering support and solidarity at this critical time are crucial to defending civic rights and the integrity and rights of the labour movement.

“Together, we shall overcome these challenges and continue to uphold justice, fairness, and democracy in our dear nation.”   

[TheNation]

On Sunday, the police and the Shiite religious group had another violent encounter in Wuse district, the Federal Capital Territory. As is all too common to these their frequent confrontations, people died. The police confirmed the death of two of their officers, and three others were also reportedly hospitalised due to critical injuries they sustained. Three police patrol vehicles were also said to have been set ablaze. The police issued a press release stating the attack on them was “unprovoked,” while the Shiites, on their own part, maintained that they were going about their own business of peaceful procession when the police appeared and began shooting indiscriminately.

Definitely, one party—or both—is not telling the whole truth and nothing but the truth. I find it hard to accept that the Shiites attacked the police without any provocation whatsoever, and I doubt the police would be so crazy that they would instigate the attack that left their men dead for no reason. Something had to have happened, and whatever it was, certainly preceded their Sunday encounter. Since neither side will admit any fault, the truth remains locked up somewhere in the middle of both accounts, frustratingly unreachable. It would be a waste of time and effort trying to decide right and wrong between the two sides.

The story of both is always about the police suspecting the Shiites of being up to mischief and the Shiites pushing back. In April, the police claimed they received an “intelligence” warning that the “armed wing” of the Shiites movement was planning to attack police operatives at locations such as hotels, beer parlours, black spots, residences, and checkpoints, among other locations. The Shiites, of course, denied the intelligence of that “intelligence” report. Just a week before the intelligence was received, the Shiites had also alleged the police killed five of them and injured 25 others during their pro-Palestinian demonstration in Kaduna.

Also, in July, the police announced a ban on a planned procession by the Shiites to mark the 2024 Islamic Ashura day ceremony saying they would use the occasion to foment trouble. April last year too, another clash between them reportedly left 20 injured. A month before then, the Shiites had also accused the state government of killing five of their members. I could keep going on and on about the tension between the Shiites and the police, but you already understand.

 

But it is not only the police that have problems with the Shiites. In 2014, another deadly showdown with the military claimed the lives of 34 members of the group, including three of the sons of Sheikh Ibrahim El-Zakzaky, the leader of the movement. Goodluck Jonathan was the president at the time, and he reportedly called to apologise to El-Zakzaky. In a country where people do not treat their laws as mere suggestions, murders are not resolved through futile apologies but through the justice system. But, this is Nigeria.

Compared to his successor, Muhammadu Buhari, Jonathan’s “sorry” at least demonstrated his humaneness. “Buhari” and “humane,” used in the same sentence, is oxymoronic. In 2015, months after his inauguration, the Shiites were attacked in their communities by soldiers after a confrontation where some of them blocked the then Chief of Army Staff, Tukur Buratai, from using a highway that runs through their Zaria headquarters. It was not enough that the soldiers dispersed them with gunshots at the scene, but they also returned to commit a massacre that left 347 people— please note these are official figures—dead.

El-Zakzaky was arrested following the invasion and incarcerated for a long time. The Army deployed heavily armed soldiers, bulldozers, and excavators to demolish the headquarters in an operation that lasted two days. Despite the result of the judicial panel that gave us the tally of 347 deaths, there was neither justice nor closure. One can only imagine the trauma that those who went through that incident still experience, and how it clouds their relationship with the police.

 

When Buhari was asked on national television about the incident, he did not think the killings warranted as much as compassion let alone justice. A subhuman mongrel, he not only dismissed the massacre, but also later made Buratai an ambassador. Meanwhile, following the massacre, Buratai embarked on various image-refurbishing projects to project himself as what he was not, to cleanse himself of the blood of the Shiites splattered across his face.

In dealing with the Shiites, Buhari allowed his religious prejudices to get in the way of his responsibility to them as the leader of a diverse and complex country. It is the same prejudice, still held by top-ranking officers in the various bureaucratic units of national administration, that percolates into the agencies that constantly clash with the Shiites.

In the wake of the Sunday incident, the Shiites are accusing the police of going to the hospitals to arrest and detain their members. That is a serious accusation, one that the police will likely never respond to, either out of professional haughtiness or simply because the structures of accountability that can compel a response are virtually non-existent. Either way, the Sunday incident and its aftermath are already setting out the basis of another round of violent encounters when next they meet. That is the unfortunate way people and institutions get caught in an unending loop of destructive behaviours to which they become so habituated that they cannot imagine any other possibility of being. There is a need for a rethink in their relationship and approach to each other.

It might sound radical—and even naïve—to suggest they come to a truce, but there are no better alternatives. Also, I do not think the endless cycles of killings and destruction exhaust the possibilities of the relationship between the police and the Shiites. Issues between them are seemingly intractable, but the deaths and destructions are unacceptable. From Kaduna to the FCT, there is hardly ever a time that they are not at loggerheads; their histories are complicated. Nonetheless, it is not so hopeless that this is all there can ever be. There must be a way Shiites can have their numerous processions in peace, and police lives and scarce resources are not needlessly expended. All it takes is moral imagination and the summoning of the right political will.

If there is anything to learn by now, it is that no amount of violence can stop the Shiites from doing their thing. Despite everything they have gone through, they are still not giving up on existing. They are extremely resolute people; nothing the Nigeria police or the military do will stop these people. Their resolve seems unbreakable, and the antagonism strengthens it. In that case, there must be another way beyond the constant clashes: a truce. Rather than the constant clashes that claim lives and property, they should be allowed to believe what they believe, express it as they want to express it, and do so without infringing on the rights of others to live and exist freely. There should be a way for both parties to get to that point—perhaps by seeking mediation. Like I said, given their complex history, it will take a lot of imagination and will to achieve a less tense situation, but it is not impossible.

Finally, this is not to say that the Shiites are guileless, or that they are always the innocent party in every encounter. Nothing is ever that uncomplicated, especially for a group who have had numerous brushes with enforcement agents—many of them which left the trademark “sorrow tears and blood” in its wake. There will be mutual suspicions, and their issues will not magically blow over, but at least there will be fewer deaths and destructions.

A 36-year-old Nigerian, Olukayode Ojo, is facing a five-year jail term in Texas, United States, after being found guilty of making false statements to obtain a certificate from the Federal Aviation Administration.

 

US Attorney Robert Troester, announced Ojo’s conviction on Monday through a statement on the FAA’s official website, revealing that Ojo had been attempting to obtain a medical certificate necessary for piloting a commercial passenger aircraft, which led to his conviction on August 16, 2024.

Troester noted that the case was part of an investigation by the Transportation Security Administration—Investigations and was prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys Jackson Eldridge and Matt Dillon.

 
 

He said, “On June 4, 2024, a federal jury returned a two-count superseding indictment against Ojo, charging him with two counts of making a false statement. On August 16, 2024, a federal jury found Ojo guilty on both counts.

“Evidence presented at trial indicated that Ojo, an FAA-certified commercial airline pilot, pleaded guilty to two misdemeanour theft charges on February 8, 2023, in Kentucky state court in connection with a theft of passenger luggage from the baggage carousels at the Cincinnati/Northern Kentucky International Airport.

“Ojo then made false statements to the FAA in March 2023 and March 2024 while applying for an FAA First Class Medical Certificate to conceal his history of prior criminal convictions. A First Class Medical Certificate permits an airman to pilot commercial passenger aircraft.”

The convict faces a potential sentence of up to five years in federal prison, along with fines of up to $250,000 for each count.

[Punch]